Earticle

이 글은 일제강점기에 존재한 李王職이 奉謨堂에 봉안되었던 英祖御製帖을 어떠한 방식으로 분류․관리하였는지 살펴본 것이다. 正祖 재위 초기 봉안된 영조어제첩은 대한제국기까지 지속적인 관리를 받으며 큰 변화 없이 전래되었다. 관리주체가 이왕직이 되었을 때, 이왕직에서는 서명, 내용, 장황, 간행 여부 등의 방식을 고려한 분류체계를 마련하였고, 해당 분류체계는 영조어제첩 실물의 표지 첨지와 표지 이면의 띠지를 통해 적용되었다. 이왕직에서 파악한 영조어제첩은 대다수 장서각에 전래되고 있음이 확인된다. 이왕직의 분류체계는 이후 구황실재산사무총국, 문화재관리국의 도서 관리에 기준이 되었으며, 1972년 장서각의 새 분류체계가 적용되기 전까지 존재하였다.

This article examines how the Yiwangjik, which existed during the Japanese colonial period, classified and managed the Royal Writings of King Yeongjo (Yeongjo Eojecheop) that were enshrined in Bongmodang. Originally enshrined during the early reign of King Jeongjo, the Yeongjo Eojecheop continued to be systematically maintained through the Korean Empire period without significant change. When the management was taken over by the Yiwangjik, a classification system was established based on factors such as signature, content, format, and publication status. This system was implemented through tags affixed to the covers and inner cover bands of the actual Yeongjo Eojecheop volumes. Most of the Yeongjo Eojecheop identified by the Yiwangjik have been passed down and are now housed in the Jangseogak Archives. The classification system created by the Yiwangjik later served as the standard for the management of royal documents by the Bureau of the Former Imperial Household Property and the Cultural Heritage Administration, and remained in use until a new classification system was introduced at the Jangseogak Archives in 1972.

본 연구는 ｢어정주서백선｣의 기록과 현존본 및 관련 연구들을 조사하여 편찬과정을 살펴보고, 주희의 ｢주자대전｣과 이황의 ｢주자서절요｣의 체재와 자세히 비교하여 ｢어정주서백선｣ 100편의 체재 및 내용에 나타나는 특징을 종합하였다. 정조는 왕세손이던 영조 43년(1767) 한용화와 이술원에게 명하여 ｢주자대전｣에 주․청의 색으로 비점을 표기하게 하고, 청색 비점을 찍은 부분은 두주에 상세한 주석을 달도록 하였다. 또한 영조 50년(1774)에 ｢주자서절요｣를 영조 43년(1767) 이미 정한 본을 가지고 조명정과 이의준에게 교감을 하도록 하였다. 정조는 18년(1794) 7월 5일에 자신이 주요 내용을 초록한 초집본을 한만유에게 보여주면서 검토하도록 하였고, 이황의 ｢주자서절요｣에서 100편을 정선하여 편목을 정하도록 하였다. 이만수, 한만유, 최광태, 이시원 등에게 인명․지명․훈고․출처 등을 교감하게 하고 나서 본문 위에 적어놓도록 하였다. 이러한 과정을 거쳐 ｢어정주서백선｣ 6권의 편찬이 이루어졌다. ｢어정주서백선｣ 6권 100편의 체재는 주희의 ｢주자대전｣과 이황의 ｢주자서절요｣를 참고하여 이루어졌다. 선집 편수는 권1 12편, 권2 17편, 권3 15편, 권4 18편, 권5 19편, 권6 19편이다. ｢어정주서백선｣ 6권의 서간은 실제 분류되어 있지 않지만, ｢주자서절요｣의 주제와 비교하여 보면, 전체 선집 주제는 시사출처 23편, 왕장문답 14편, 여유문답 7편, 육진변답 7편, 문답논사 7편, 문답 6편, 지구문인문답 34편, 속집 1편, 별집 1편의 총 100편이다. 제목 기술은 권차 다음에 제목과 주석으로 기술하거나, 동일 인물에게 답한 편지가 여러 개일 때는 첫 번째만 제목, 주석으로 기술하고 다음 편지부터는 제목만 기술하였다. 두주 형태의 교감내용이 수록되어 있는데 본문의 내용 중 난해한 것을 교감한 것으로 311표목 328조목이다. 권별 체재에 있어서 같은 인물의 편지는 함께 모이도록 하였다. ｢어정주서백선｣ 6권의 핵심 내용을 살펴보면, 권1의 첫머리에 이통의 편지를 넣어서 주희의 사승관계를 분명히 밝혔다. 권2에서 주희는 장식의 영향을 받아 중화신설에 근거하여 이발․미발의 의미를 새롭게 정립하였다. 권3에서 주희는 진량이 왕통의 사상에 의거 공리주의 관점에서 삼대와 한․당은 다르지 않다는 주장을 비판하였다. 권4에서 주희는 여조겸이 소씨의 학술 경향을 인정하는 것을 비판하였고, 유청지에게 당시의 학술 풍토의 문제점을 지적하였으며, 육구연과 무극․태극에 관한 논쟁을 하였다. 권5에서 주희는 호식과 격물치지, 양시와 호굉의 성리설 및 성리학의 중요개념에 대해 논의하였다. 권6에서 주희는 여조검에게 정이천이 말한 미발과 이발의 문제에 대해 후대에 기록하는 이들이 착오한 것을 밝히고, ｢맹자｣의 ‘호연지기’에서 기에 대한 해석을 분명히 하였다. 진식에게 옥산에서 강의한 성선론의 학립과 성선의 근거인 사단론에 대해 설명하였고, ‘여호남제공론중화’에서 ｢중용｣의 미발이발설의 사유체계를 바꾸었다. 권말에 제자이자 사위인 황간의 편지를 넣어서 학문의 전수를 분명히 하였다.

This study investigated the compilation process by investigating the records, existing books, and related studies of the Eojeongjuseobaekseon, and compared the format of Zhu, Xi’s Jujadaejeon and Yi, Hwang’s Jujaseojeolyo in detail to synthesize the characteristics that appear in the format, and contents of the 100 chapters of the Eojeongjuseobaekseon. In the 43rd year of King Yeongjo’s reign (1767), when he was the crown prince, King Jeongjo ordered Han, Yong-hwa and Yi, Sul-won to mark dots in red and blue in the Jujadaejeon, and to add detailed annotations to the upper part of the book’s contents for the parts annotated in blue. In addition, in the 50th year of King Yeongjo’s reign (1774), he had Jo, Myeong-jeong and Lee, Ui-jun review the already decided version of Jujaseojeolyo in the 43rd year of King Yeongjo’s reign (1767). On July 5, 1794, King Jeongjo showed Han, Man-yu a draft of the main contents he had summarized and had him review it, and ordered him to select 100 pyeon from Yi, Hwang’s Jujaseojeolyo and organize them. He had Yi, Man-su, Han, Man-yu, Choi, Gwang-tae, Yi, Si-won, and others proofread the names of people, places, commentaries, sources, etc. and then wrote them down above the main text. Through this process, the six vol. of Eojeongjuseobaekseon were compiled. The format of the 6 vol. and 100 chapters of Eojeongjuseobaekseon was created by referring to Zhu, Xi’s Jujadaejeon and Yi Hwang’s Jujaseojeolyo. The number of chapters in the 6 vol. is 12 pyeon in Vol. 1, 17 pyeon in Vol. 2, 15 pyeon in Vol. 3, 18 pyeon in Vol. 4, 19 pyeon in Vol. 5, and 19 pyeon in Vol. 6. The letters in volume 6 of Eojeongjuseobaekseon are not actually classified, but when compared with the subject of Jujaseojeolyo, the entire anthology contains 100 themes: 23 Sisachulcheo, 14 Wangjangmundab, 7 Yeoyumundab, 7 Yugjinbyeondab, 7 Mundabnonsa, 6 Mundab, 34 Jigumuninmundab, 1 Sogjib, and 1 byeoljib. Title description is written as a title and footnote following the volume number, or when there are multiple letters in reply to the same person, only the first letter is written as a title and footnote, and from the next letters onwards, only the title is written. Above the main text are the proofreading contents that corrected the difficult parts of the main text, which are in Table 311, Article 328. In the system of volumes, letters from the same person were grouped together. The core contents of Vol. 6 of the Eojeongjuseobaekseon are as follows: The letter from Yi, Tong was included at the beginning of Vol. 1 to clearly state the relationship between Zhu, Xi and his teacher. In Vol. 2, Zhu, Xi, influenced by Jang, Sik, redefined the meaning of Ibal?Mibal based on new theories of Jung?Hwa. In Vol. 3, Zhu, Xi criticized Jin, Ryang’s claim that the Three Dynasties and the Han and Tang Dynasties were no different from each other from a utilitarian perspective based on the ideas of Wang, Tong. In Vol. 4, Zhu, Xi criticized Yeo, Jo-gyeom for acknowledging Sossi’s academic tendencies, pointed out the problems of the academic culture of the time to Yoo, Cheong-ji, and debated with Yuk, Gu-yeon on the Mugeuk and Taegeuk. In Vol. 5, Zhu, Xi discussed with Ho, Sik about the theory of Geokmulchiji, Yang, Shi and Ho, Goeng’s Neo-Confucianism, and the important concepts of Neo-Confucianism. In Vol. 6, Zhu, Xi explains to Yeo, Jo Geum that the later writers made mistakes about the issues of mibal and ibal, which Jeong, I-cheon had mentioned, and clarifies the interpretation of ‘Gi’ in ‘Hoyeonjigi’ of Maengja. He explains to Jin, Shik the establishment of the theory of Seongseon and the theory of Sadan that are the basis of Seongseon that he lectured on in Oksan, and in ‘Yeohonamjegongronjunghwa’, he changed the thought system of the theory of mibal and ibal of Jungyong. At the end of the book, he included a letter from his disciple and son-in-law, Hwang, Gan, to clearly convey the teachings.

The Musinja (戊申字) is a set of metal movable type privately cast in 1668 at the Sueocheong (Military Affairs Office) under the initiative of Kim Jwa-myeong, later transferred to the Gyoseogwan (Office of Royal Publications) in 1672, and subsequently used for royal book printing for over a century. This study reexamines the casting, usage, recasting, and integration of Musinja into the royal domain through a cross-analysis of official historical records such as the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty (Joseon Wangjo Sillok), the Daily Records of the Royal Secretariat (Seungjeongwon Ilgi), and royal protocol texts like Bosa Nokhun Dogam Uigwe and Bosa Bokhun Dogam Uigwe, along with extant printed materials using Musinja. The core contribution of this paper is its identification of two distinct phases in the royal acquisition of Musinja—not only the previously acknowledged transfer in 1672, but also a second acquisition in 1695—along with detailed evidence of its recasting. First, the study confirms early usage of Musinja in the 1669 printing of Maengja Daemun (Enlarged Text of Mencius) shortly after its casting, as well as small-scale prints for internal use. It also reveals that the Gyoseogwan lacked the capacity for systematic management of the type at the time. Second, following the 1680 political purge (Gyeongsin Hwanguk), extensive printing of certificates for meritorious officials (nokwon) led to the wear of the type and its partial recasting. In 1694, the reinstatement of Bosa officials prompted a second large-scale nokwon printing, requiring approximately 105 kilograms of recast type. Third, the study proposes that the royal incorporation of Musinja occurred in two stages: 1672 and 1695. Protocols from 1682 and 1694 record the borrowing of the type from Kim Seok-ju’s household, its damage, recasting, and the discussion of its return. A journal entry in the Annals of King Sukjong dated March 21, 1695, ordering the “purchase of Kim Seok-ju’s metal type,” has previously been interpreted as referring to another typeface (Hanguja), but this study argues it refers to Musinja, demonstrating that parts of it remained in private possession. Thus, this entry marks the second phase of royal incorporation. This study clarifies the previously obscure early usage of the Musinja and, by empirically identifying its lending, casting, and integration into the royal domain based on historical records, recontextualizes the circulation and ownership of metal movable type and the dynamics of printing resources between the royal court and private households in the late Joseon dynasty.

Unmunsa Temple in Cheongdo published eight kinds of Buddhist Texts in the early Joseon Dynasty. After the publication of Jungryemun(中禮文) in 1515, Unmunsa Temple intensively engraved seven kinds of Buddhist Texts in a short period of time, including GyechoShimHakinmun(誡初心學人文), ChimunGyeonghun(緇門警訓), Wongakgyeong(圓覺經), and Jeolyo(節要) in 1588. Of the total 275 woodblocks, 222 woodblocks inscribed with the abbreviation of the engravers are estimated to be about 87.7%. As a result of the analysis, it is confirmed that “Uiryeon(儀璉, 36woodblocks)”, “Inheon(印軒, 32woodblocks)”, “Jongwon(宗元, 24woodblocks)”, “Jeongeung(正應, 45woodblocks)”, “Cheonjun(天俊, 29woodblocks)”, “Gyeonghyeon(敬玄, 25woodblocks)” participated in the work in common, and the “Uiryeon(儀璉)” is believed to be the main engraver in charge of the engraving project of Unmunsa Temple in 1588, including the carving of Wongakgyeong. As a result of analyzing the list of monks engraved on woodblocks, it can be seen that monks based in Palgongsan Mountain in Daegu, such as “Gongsanbonsa Temple(公山本寺)”, “Unbusa Temple(雲門寺)”, and “Donghwasa Temple(桐華寺)”, actively participated in the engraving Buddhist Texts project in addition to neighboring regions such as Gyeongju and Ulju. In addition, general dedicants are identified as adjacent regions such as Cheongdo, Gyeongsan, Gyeongju, Miryang, and Changnyeong, among which the majority are from Eonyang beyond Gajisan Mountain on the east side of Unmunsa Temple. In particular, considering that a separate page of Woodblock was prepared to engrave the expensive “List of names for lacquer Offering(柒施主名目),” it is judged that the role of “acquer Offering(柒施主)” in the engraving project was important, and about 20 dedicants from the Changnyeong area were recorded, indicating that the role was significant.

This article examines the compilation and its implication the Library of Congress’ Collection of Sanhak Seonsaeng An(筭學先生案). Among the three types of Juhak Seonsaeng An(籌學先生案), the collection of the U.S. Congress was compiled the latest, the year of 1873, and recorded the the largest number of people of 1231. As the period of compilation and the contents are different, through comparison with each other, the compilation and its implication can be revealed. The most prominent aspect is that it is accompanied by Juhak Seonsaeng An Jungsugi(籌學先生案重修記). It was translated and introduced into Korean, and it was considered to have been reconstructed by Jeon Joon Min(全俊敏), the head of the main school, in the year of Gyeongjin(1640). It was also pointed out that there were 32 testimonies supplementing the contents. Overall, the contents are also the richest teacher’s draft, and at the same time, it is almost the last one to be reconstructed. The Juhak Seonsaeng An was written by people engaged in the actual Juhak work. Sanhak Seonsaeng An compiled by Jeon Jun-min is considered to have been reconstructed several times, and the U.S. Congress Collection was one of the reconstructions, and the last one. Compiling the The Juhak Seonsaeng An was an issue that was directly related to their identity of Sanwon(算員) in the late Joseon Dynasty. In other words, it was also a pride in their job and a meaning of their existence.

능성구씨족보는 구사맹과 구봉령이 이어서 충청도관찰사로 부임하여 1576년 청주 보살사에서 처음 간행되었다. ‘능성구씨을해보’라 불리는 이 족보는 시기적으로 초기족보에 해당하며, 형태적으로는 내외손을 모두 기록한 󰡔능성구씨세보󰡕와 구씨 성만 기록한 󰡔능성구씨성보󰡕 두 가지로 간행되었다. 현재 󰡔능성구씨세보󰡕는 전하지 않고 󰡔능성구씨성보󰡕만 서울대학교 규장각에 2건(奎41, 奎42)이 전하는 것으로 확인된다. 1666년 송시열의 족보 서문에 따르면 을해보에는 내외손을 포함하여 총 3,800여명이 수록되어 있다고 하였고, 현전하는 󰡔능성구씨성보󰡕에는 남자가 705명, 여자가 420명으로 총 1,125명이 실려있다. 즉, 능성구씨을해보에 입록된 인물의 29.6%가 구씨이고, 70.4%(2,675명)는 외손임을 알 수 있다. 1910년까지 간행된 능성구씨의 대동보는 5종이다. 이 가운데 1576년 을해보와 1717년 병신보는 목판으로 간행되었고, 이후 3종은 목활자로 간행되었다. 특히 을해보는 초기족보와 후기족보의 특징을 동시에 가지고 있다는 점에서 후기족보로 변화하는 과도기적 모습을 보이고 있다. 을해보에서 확인할 수 있는 후기족보의 특징은 첫째, 구씨 성을 가진 인물만 수록한 󰡔능성구씨성보󰡕를 별도로 간행한 것인데, 다른 초기족보에서 이런 사례는 확인되지 않는다. 둘째, 자녀의 기재 순서에 있어 딸보다 아들을 먼저 기록한 것, 셋째, 딸이 있음에도 조카를 양자로 들여 후사를 잇게 한 것 등은 부계중심의 남녀존비가 족보에 반영된 것이다.

The genealogy of the Neungseong Gu clan, which stems from the progenitor Gu Jon-yu, was first published in 1576 at Bosalsa Temple in Cheongju, when Gu Sa-maeng and Gu Bong-ryeong were consecutively appointed as Governors of Chungcheong Province. Periodically, this genealogy, which is known as Neungseong Gu-ssi Eulhaebo, is one of the early genealogies. It was published in two versions based on the content: Neungseong Gu-ssi Sebo, which includes both paternal and maternal descendants, and Neungseong Gu-ssi Seongbo, which includes only members with the last name Gu. Neungseong Gu-ssi Sebo no longer exists today. However, there are two copies of Neungseong Gu-ssi Seongbo, which can be found in Kyujanggak at Seoul National University. According to the preface in the genealogy written by Song Si-yeol in 1666, Eulhaebo records a total of about 3,800 people, including both paternal and maternal descendants. Neungseong Gu-ssi Seongbo, which still remains today, records a total of 1,125 people, including 705 men and 420 women. Based on this, it can be concluded that 29.6% of the individuals registered in Neungseong Gu-ssi Eulhaebo were paternal descendants who bore the Gu surname, while the remaining 70.4% (2,675 people) were maternal descendants. The number of Daedong-bo (comprehensive genealogy) of the Neungseong Gu clan published by 1910 is five. The 1576 Eulhaebo and the 1717 Byeongsin-bo were printed on wood plates, while the latter three were printed using wooden types. In particular, Eulhaebo has characteristics of both early and later genealogies, which indicates that it was written during a transition period to the later genealogy. The first characteristic of late genealogies found in Eulhaebo is the separate publication of Neungseong Gu-ssi Seongbo, which records only those with the Gu surname. There are no other cases of such practice found in other early genealogies. Second, it records sons before daughters when listing children. Third, it includes a case in which a nephew was adopted to become an heir despite having a daughter in the family, which shows that the belief in male superiority that stems from patrilineal ideology.

The Muuijasijip is a compilation of Seon (Zen) poems by Jin’gakguksa Hyesim (眞覺國師 慧諶, 1178-1234), the second patriarch of the Suseonsa Temple. It holds a significant position in the study of Korean Buddhist history and literary history. However, previous research has primarily relied on a 20th-century handwritten manuscript housed in the Komazawa University Library in Japan. This manuscript contains several issues, including misspellings, omissions, and textual confusion, limiting the ability to accurately understand the original text. This study meticulously examines the physical characteristics of the discovered woodblocks and compares and analyzes the recorded content with the existing manuscript to determine their bibliographical value. Through this, it aims to contribute to the study of Goryeo Dynasty Buddhist culture and printing culture. The findings are as follows: Based on a comprehensive examination of the discovered woodblocks’ calligraphic style, layout, and carving techniques, they are determined to be Goryeo Dynasty woodblocks carved around the 13th century. This is an extremely rare case of extant woodblocks of a personal collection of writings. A total of 24 titles of poems are recorded on the woodblocks, of which 20 titles are newly discovered unpublished works not found in the existing manuscript. This provides crucial clues for reconstructing the overall scope and content of the Muuijasijip, and the titles of poems that caused confusion in the existing manuscript have been clearly corrected through the woodblocks. For example, the titles ‘Yeokgye (譯誡)’ and ‘Gisanoega(碁詞腦歌)’, which were separated in the manuscript, are found as ‘Yeokgyegisanoega (譯誡碁詞腦歌)’ on the woodblocks. Similarly, the title known as ‘Uuhoeijoga(右憂喜鳥歌)’ has been confirmed as ‘Yeokuhoeijoga(譯憂喜鳥歌)’, thus rectifying errors in the transcription process. The woodblocks contain a record stating that in 1226 (13th year of King Gojong), Hyegim saw off approximately ten individuals, including the patron Gyeong Baek-ji (慶白之), after a Dharma assembly at Sanoesa Temple in Cheongju, and upon arriving at Heungdeoksa Temple, he composed a poem of gratitude. This is the earliest extant written record related to Heungdeoksa Temple in Cheongju, where the Baegun Hwasang Chorok Buljo Jikjisimche Yojeol(白雲和尙抄錄佛祖直指心體要節) (Jikji), the world’s oldest extant movable metal print book (printed in 1377), was printed.

The Collected Works of the Three Wei from Ningdu(寧都三魏全集), bearing the book ownership seal of Yi Gigyeong(李基敬), is a Chinese text that Yi acquired during his diplomatic mission to Beijing in 1756. The book compiles lectures and writings by members of the Wei(魏) family and their associates from Jiangxi province at the end of the Ming dynasty, who lived in seclusion and taught at the Yitang (易堂). Yi Gigyeong stamped the volumes with his personal seal, and 47 out of the original 48 volumes are still preserved by his descendants. This edition is considered a Kangxi-period (康熙) print, and among the known versions from that era, it appears to be one of the most formally complete in terms of structure and content. The Yi Gigyeong edition includes a “General Table of Contents of the Collected Works of the Three Wei from Ningdu” (寧都三魏文集總目) at the beginning and contains the “Editorial Principles” (凡例) of Collected Works of Wei Shuzi (魏叔子文集) in volume 8. Additionally, it features a preface by Lin Shiyi (林時益) at the beginning, which differs in content from those found in other versions. The phrase “Hongguang”(弘光) is blacked out with ink in this edition. Furthermore, the Collected Works of Wei Xingshi(魏興士集) is included as an appendix to the Collected Works of Wei Bozi(魏伯子文集), resulting in a table of contents that diverges from other known editions. Based on these characteristics, it is inferred that the Yi Gigyeong edition was printed sometime between 1712 and 1722.