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This paper analyzes theoretically the leadership competition between China and Japan for hegemony in East Asian regionalism since 1997 Asian financial crisis, using the concept of ‘discursive hegemony’ and examining relevance of main stream international relational theories to East Asian regional order. East Asian states not only have a view of neo-liberal institutionalism in that they recognize the benefits of regional integration and institution for cooperation, but also a view of realism in that they are absorbed themselves in calculating national interests when negotiating regional cooperation. Constructivism is useful to analyze a process of discursive hegemony which competitive leaders attempt to get for winning leadership. China and Japan have competed for securing more potential followers by arousing and satisfying their motives for which two countries have been vying until now, extending membership of regionalism in which Japan is showing preponderance, and endeavoring to beat the competition in terms of norms for regionalism in which China is still superior. Sino-Japanese antagonistic leadership competition is expected to continue for the present and will continue to dissipate any impetus toward regional association.

This paper aims at suggesting how to enhance the efficacy of the ROK-US Alliance through the analysis of the theory of alliance and the system of ROK-US Alliance. The ROK-US Alliance should not stick to the past framework, but be complemented and developed in accordance with changing security environments. That is, it should develop from the traditional military alliance emphasizing current military threats to the comprehensive security alliance including non-military threats. US and Korea have to establish common objectives based on the agreement with values of alliance and visions, and consult each other to develop the policies and strategies to achieve those objectives. In order to attain the goal of the ROK-US Alliance, the systems of close sharing of information and communication ought to be built. It requires establishing effective institutions, consultations in advance, etc. Solutions for conflict management should be considered. Possible causes of conflict should be removed, and develop a model for solving the conflicts between two countries, in case of conflict. In addition, development of alliance theory, building of a system for performance of affairs and problems relative to alliance, means of guaranteeing interoperability, etc. are necessary. Especially, support of people for the importance and necessity of ROK-US Alliance is indispensible.

‘The North-South Dialogue’ and ‘the Reunions of dispersed families’ that have been continuously held after the division of the country are typical programs held as a part of policies for peaceful unification between North and South. In various paths to solve these two issues, ‘the North-South Red Cross Dialogue’ has been utilized significantly. The inter-Korean Red Cross talks has played an important role in preparing a fundamental frame for both sides to establish mutual trust, reconciliation and collaboration. However, there are some limits that the South-North Dialogue are sometimes deadlocked or interrupted for a long period of time due to political and military tensions between two sides regardless of all peaceful and humanitarian efforts through the inter-Korean Red Cross talks. In this context, considering historic development process of the North-South Red Cross Dialogue which has been utilized as a channel to the North-South Dialogue and searching the possibility to institutionalize this conference could partially contribute to the establishment of peaceful unification policies on the Korean Peninsula. This study is intended to determine variables affecting our unification policies through historical consideration of the development process of the North-South Red Cross Dialogue which is an important means of the North-South Dialogue. The following options are presented as the measures to establish the inter-Korean Dialogue as an ideal system through analysis and control of every factor which might be an obstacle for the institutionalization of the North-South Dialogue. First, North and South Red Cross need to establish their positions as organizations with international prestige that practice humanitarian principles. Second, it is necessary to formulate periodic holding of the North-South Red Cross Conference based on its political neutrality. Third, it is necessary to simplify functional windows regarding the implementation of humanitarian agenda such as the reunions of separated families and agreements between two sides into the North-South Red Cross Dialogue.

North Korean study is to analyze, explain, forecast the various present status occurring in the North. And it is to recognize overall facts of North Korean society by the objective, general, and scientific methods. These approaches make no difference in the method analyzing and studying social science. But North Korean study has problem in knowing facts exactly. If facts do not correct, analyses do not agree. In order to overcome this problem, various approaches have been implementing. But it goes through difficulty as before in analyzing various situations and realities systematically taking place in the North. Considering these problems, this study is to grasp the present status and focuses on North Korean study, and to know not only internal and external approaches but also theoretical and empirical approaches. In addition, it attempts to recognize limits and problems and suggest desirable directions with respect to North Korean study.

The third generation hereditary succession from Kim Jong-il to Kim Jong-un is started in North Korea. Due to the Kim Jong-il's bad health, it seems that the succession process has been brought forward from the original plan. However, the succession plan is going along the North Korea's logic and process that we anticipated, and the resistance from local people against the hereditary succession is not surfaced. Kim Jong-un was chosen as a successor of suryong(supreme leader) under the bad situation that North Korea has faced domestically and internationally, compared with those days when Kim Jong-il was selected as an heir apparent in 1974. Nevertheless, by and large, the succession process will not difficult for Kim Jong-un with the support from close relatives like Kim Kyong-hui and Jang Song-taek. Kim Jong-un is expected to follow the footsteps of Kim Jong-il who seized power during the succession process. In this process, we cannot exclude the possibility to create a new political ideology by Kim Jong-un who grasp the exclusive rights of ideological interpretation in North Korea. But the current trends of Juche ideology and the Military First Policy will not be changed drastically. Under Kim Jong-un's regime, North Korean domestic and foreign policies of will not differentiated from that of Kim Jong-il era. Because the successor must be subject to restrictions by the logic that the successor should follow the suryong's directions in the revolutionary processes. Kim Jong-un's succession system will be consolidated based on the party, and Kim Jong-il, the chairman of National Defense Commission, will support Kim Jong-un while he handles the state affairs. Once Kim Jong-un's power is strengthened, the characteristics of the National Defense Commission will be changed as a symbolic institution, and Kim Jong-un is expected to succeed the chairmanship of the Central Military Committee of the party rather than the chairmanship of the National Defense Commission. By and Large, Kim Jong-un's succession system will be affected by the Kim Jong-ill's health, economic situation, and international relations. However, even Kim Jong-il dies before the succession system is consolidated, young Kim will not be faced the power struggle among North Korean leadership as long as Kim Kyong-hui and Jang Song-taek remain in power. We cannot exclude the possibility that the North Korean leadership will choose to keep their vested rights under the current system rather than the collapse of the entire political system. Because North Korean leaders share the crisis consciousness that the split among them will result in their deaths. Although young Kim's succession system is not as good as that of Kim Jong-il in terms of the authority and legitimacy, it will not vulnerable to controlling North Korea.

The extraordinary conference of the Workers' Party of [North] Korea(WPK) was held on September 28, 2010. The conference of WPK and leadership election was the biggest party meeting in 30 years. Kim Jong-un, the third son of North Korean leader Kim Jong-il, received a position as a member of the Central Committee of the Workers Party and vice chairman of its Central Military Commission during the conference of WPK. Kim Jong-un will succeed his father as leader of the North Korea. This article analyzes the meaning and characters of conference of WPK, furthermore will predict the future of political power succession in North Korea. The major content of the conference is the reelection of the great leader Comrade Kim Jong-il as general secretary, the revision of the rules and election of the central leadership body of the WPK. The characters of the conference is the reinforcing Kim Jong-il’s autocratic dominance, normalizing party-state system and establishing political system for post-Kim Jong-il’s era. Kim Jong-un will try to establish personal and positional leadership for stable succession from present the 2012, a period when Pyongyang says it will become Kangsong Daekook(Strong and Prosperous State). By the 2012, North Korea seems to want to remain a military state based on Songun politics(Military-first politics). Probably significant policy change as reform and openness in North Korea will be made after 2012.

When looking at the surveys on the opinions of unification in Korea, it can be found that many Koreans lost their faith in unification, and even some have negative and neutral way of thinking. In terms of youngsters, they show complete disinterest and negative attitude toward unification. This can be attributed to the 65 years of separation, leading to fixed opinions on unification. In addition, along with the burdening recognition of North Korea, current discussions on unification costs have led people to turn back to unification. The current discussions on unification costs were calculated on the premise of Germany's economic integration method, which was carried out drastically and instantly in political terms. In other words, it was deducted by applying target-income achieving method which quickly applies the relatively lagging North Korean's income to South Korea's nominal income level (mostly 60 percent of South Korean's income). Similar traits followed on instant consolidation of labor market, without considering industrial and economic structures and stages. This kind of calculation induced astronomical amount of unification costs, and has led to negative attitudes toward unification. When two Koreas unify, it will become a project of building Unified Korea, greatly unleashing its growth potential. In other words, the decreased 3 percent-level potential growth rate will be enhanced. In light of this fact, Goldman Sachs has published a 2009 report, arguing that Unified Korea will surpass advanced nations such as Germany and Japan in 30~40 years after unification. Accordingly, unification costs will generate investment profits as time goes by, and it should be recognized in the perspective of opportunity cost. Also, if radical political integration cannot be made, incremental economic integration and projects to develop North Korea is necessary. Furthermore, the economic synergy effect should be enhanced by carrying out economic integration between the two Koreas in the perspective of building a Northeast Asian Economic Community. When economic integration is fulfilled in this way, the unification costs can drastically be reduced. Of course, unification cost is inevitable during the intial stage of unification, but this should be regarded as a "social insurance" which all citizens living in separated countries should burden.

The coming subjects of the unification education of South-North Korea is as following. Firstly the unification education with ideological thinking and macro historical current is necessary, and is not the orientation of unification education of North-North Korea in current situation. Secondly, the first of all, the rehabilitation of South-North Korea nationality is necessary. And the formation of nation community is not found the same equality in the political, economical, social system, and is approached cultural characters, especially, social consciousness and customs. Ultimately, the orientation of unification education is the coexistence of the South-North Korea. For this, firstly the national concern of governmental unification is founded in a policy dimension. Secondly, the long time plan of governmental unification is established with the embodiment and the practice. Thirdly, because the relation of South and North Korea have the partners, we have to the attitude, and fixed beliefs with persuasive plan. The programme with compulsion and unification is not necessary. Fourthly, the problem of unification with the whole country is approached to the special planes with national budgets, consents, supports.

With two-and-a-half years left in its term, President Lee’s administration has to offer active plans for the progress of inter-Korean relations, renouncing its passive attitude of looking for a change, such as denuclearization, from North Korea. On the North Korean nuclear issue, 5 nations in the six-party talks, with the exception of the North, have been consistently for denuclearization. Particularly China, the chairman of the six-parties, is the closest country to the North and wishes to inspire it with denuclearization, reform and an open-door policy. As denuclearization and the development of North-South Korea relations by cooperation between the South and the U.S. alone has its limits, the South needs to use China’s leverage. Therefore, the North should be approached on the so-called two-track basis that the North Korean nuclear issue is separate from economic cooperation. The North’s deepening reliance on China following vitalization of the North-China economic cooperation is never desirable to the South and it may keep the South from being in a good position. China’s economic growth without democratization can be an impediment to the dynamics of the unification of the Korean peninsula. Because of this, with expanding markets achieved by activating South-North economic cooperation, North Korea’s reform and open-door policy should be promoted. Market expansion can provide a breakthrough for North Koreans to overcome poverty that so threatens their survival. The extreme survival situation of North Koreans on the verge of starvation should bring them to the reality that they cannot keep sitting on their hands with respect to political exhaustion and the hereditary autocracy which is almost tyranny. In such a context it is time to have flexible standpoints with respect to the North and view the still pending Cheonan ship case flexibly as well. Inter Korean relations cannot but be ambiguous and complex with conflict and cooperation coexisting for a substantial length of time. It is not easy to change North Korea by (military) power or sanction, which has been tamed in absolute dictatorships and politically customized for ages. The engagement policy towards the North for the past 10 years caused controversy such as unconditional grant and South-South conflict, and yet it gradually improved the North and contributed to getting rid of the nature of the Cold War. The ‘Wandel durch Annaeherung (Change through Rapprochement)’ of Egon Bahr, the creator of New Ostpolitik, seems very appropriate. With the possibility of Kim Jung-il’s sudden death or natural death posing, the North has accelerated to name Kim Jung-eun as successor, and China has acknowledged the hereditary change. Since North Korean leader Kim Jung-il’s ill health has made the elites surrounding him anxious, the schedule of nominating successor is being condensed. However, establishing a succession regime amid no prospect of economic recovery is uncertain. Even if the hereditary succession is achieved, the soft landing of the succeeding administration is not likely. The interest of South Korean nationals is in the hope that the North’s power succession will not act as a new factor to raise tensions on the Korean peninsula and things will continue peacefully. Keeping an eye on changes in North Korea’s power structure, South Korea has to make preparations for it working positively; whoever or what forces succeed to power. Thus, aggressive policies towards the North should be propelled to cope with the rapidly changing situations of a Kim Jung-eun regime, the third generation hereditary regime, and superintend progressive South-North Korean relations to prepare for the peaceful unification of the Korean peninsula in the future.

At the late of 2008, the chaos of the international financial market brought on the Lehman Brothers Holdings bankruptcy and sub-prime mortgage loan of U.S. have an severe effect on the environment of the japanese financial market as well as the financial market environment of the many countries of the world. That is to say, the case that fell down the stock price suddenly happened by the interest rate growth of the short-terms market from rising the counter-party risk, the effect on the foreign investor's position return, the trouble of economic depression and growth of the japanese money value. As the result, the permission degree of the institutional investor was worse off gradually, the acceptance of the CP and corporate debenture was to stop in fact and the function of capital market was fell in the wicked swamp. Of course, the japanese financial environment was not caused by the financial risk of U.S. Japan was financial risk conditions during the about 10 years from 1990 year and strived for solving these problems instantly. Then the shock of these financial risk resulted from the U.S. was not severe effects on the japan when compared in the shock of the other countries, relatively. If so, Japan also can not free oneself from the impacts and is constant struggle for the solving for these problems. However, the japan chose the complementary measures of earlier existing the systems than the establishment of new systems as the methods solving the financial crisis resulted from the end of 2007 years. Therefore, in this article, I will consider how to settle the matters resulted from the japanese financial crisis after 1990 years. As the result, Japan settled the above mentioned matters through the methods such as the enactment of the law for financial function reinforcement, the supply enlargement of public capital through the deposit and insurance system, the stabilization policy of the securities market and the support measures for the small and medium corporate, the living measures for financial consumers. Specially, in this article, I will study on the two problems of the law for financial function reinforcement and the deposit and insurance system.

Sexual liberalization and gender roles as a means of domination were the important issues of the second women's movement in many countries. Women's issues such as Abortion, sexual violence, domestic labour, 'politics of intervention' were posed in the second women's movement in Germany. Because of political and social inclination to conservatism in Germany and limits of autonomous women's movement, these women's issues could not be institutionalized with the feminist point of view. However women's movement contributed not only to change social discourse by visualizing issues which treated as taboo in public discussion. It became an important foundation of women's policies later.

This paper is about diplomatic processes between ROK and US during Vietnam War period. Especially, serial negotiations on sending ROK troops to Vietnam are the main topic. The feature of this paper is to compare this topic with Thucydides's The History of the Peloponnesian War. In the part of Melian dialogue, ROK Park Jung Hee administration went to different way to what the people of Melos. Where the people of Melos took a certain way of justice or some right things, Park pursued national and his own interests aggressively rather than some idealism. In the part of hybris-nemesis aspect, Park's administration went to a similar path of hybris ate nemesis, which Athens took through. There are lots of implications of Thucydides to Korean diplomacy. The most important thing of these is to understand the world as what it is. The logic of power, however, is not the all in understanding the world. Although ethics and justice are not functioned fully in a real world, these have been functioned in long-term history when a state or leader ignore the virtue of them. The lessons from Thucydides are still useful when we design the future status of our nation and its diplomacy.

Three urgent tasks challenging human beings are global warming, exhaustion of fossil resources, and shortage in food. The evacuation of rural communities, the retrogression of rural industries, and the deterioration of farmers' statuses are matters of great urgency both in Korean and China. This study analyzes the background and process of the Korean Kangwon Province's Rural Community Renovation (RCR) Campaign. China, which is carrying forward the 'Socialist New Rural Community Construction Campaign', would receive some lessons from the Korean precedent. The RCR Campaign is a bottom-up but grass-roots participating movement. It aims at promoting practicability, self-empowerment, and free competition, and spirit, income, and environment are the ideas for fulfilling these objectives. This campaign was so successful that rural communities have revived their vitality. There have been significant progresses in residents' consciousness, village environment, and rural income. However, this campaign was not completely free of short-comings. Chinese rural campaign may refer the Korean experience for its success. Firstly, the incentive fund to the villages of outstanding performance was not properly managed because it was provided as a one-off base. Secondly, the evaluation focused on performances has exacerbated the income inequality of villages. The villages, which have poor resources, have been disadvantaged in this evaluation system. Lastly, it was learned that inter-village networks are pivotal in order to boost the synergy effects of concerned programs.

The purpose of this study is to make search An Jung Gun's Christian religion life. It is not be known about his Christian religion life because An Jung Gun martyr who was martyred for his country independence movement. This study meditated on the Theory of Oriental Peace of An Jung Gun martyr and on his religious belief and Catholicism in his writing The Roman Catholic had a big impact him reverential religion and movement of patriotism and be accepted Western modem civilization. Also An Jung Gun martyr made it for his behavior patterns and held to his conviction and to do in the future. After An Jung Gun martyr be baptized, he's very enthusiastic about his faithful pious life and devoted himself to the propagation of Christianity. He studied Catholicism and propagated one's religion than demonstrated faithful religious belif unless to the death. The history of An Eung Chil be written him during endure through extremely hard times because he be interrogated and tried justice. He revealed one's true position why he sniped took a shot at Ito Hirobumi An Jung Gun martyr revealed why he write the Theory of Oriental Peace in autobiography An Jung Gun martyr clarify the background of thought on the foreword and Japan's role to do in order to Oriental Peace. An Jung Gun martyr talked his religious belief and Catholicism in letter for his family They have been talked that Oriental Peace of An Jung Gun martyr is a problem that has yet to be fully solved and that is under way. It is a matter of great concern that Cooperation is necessary among the East Asian.

The number of North Korean women refugees has been increased gradually from 1998, and women refugees have come to Korea annually since 2,000, marking 18,339 in February, 2010 which 70% of them are women. Studies on women refugees of North Korea are still far to go. Equality among those women has remained formally, lacking gender sensitive which guarantees substantial equality, and thus many of them still face indirect gender discrimination. This study aims to find a way for North Korean women refugees to integrate socially into South Korea society. Therefore reviews the current supporting policies with gender sensitive to come up with solution for social integration. Chapter 2 covers the current present condition of North Korean women refugees, and deals with legal policies and programs to pinpoint the weakness and offer alternatives. In Chapter 3 , 4, survey results are analyzed to present current family life and economical participation of the women refugees. Efficient and alternative policies and programs to integrate socially into South Korean Society in Chapter 5.