Earticle

본 연구는 통일교육의 연구동향을 분석함으로써 통일교육 연구에서 다루고 있는 주요 주제를 살펴보고, 향후 통일교육 연구의 방향을 제언하고자 하였다. 이를 위해 한국학술지인용색인(KCI) 홈페이지에 등록되 어 있는 논문 중 통일교육 관련 논문을 수집하였으며, 이 가운데 국문 초록이 있는 528편의 학술논문을 분석 하였다. 분석을 위해 NetMiner 4를 활용하여 토픽 모델링(Topic Modeling) 분석을 실시하였다. 분석 결과 통일교육 연구는 크게 ▲도덕 교과와 학교 통일교육, ▲통일교육과 평화, ▲다문화와 민족정체성, ▲남북한 분단과 북한 체제 인식, ▲통일교육 교수법, ▲사회 통일교육과 통일교육의 변화 등의 6가지 토픽으로 분류 되었다. 분석 결과에 의하면 통일교육 연구는 ‘평화’, ‘다문화’, ‘교수법’에 관한 연구가 최근 들어 활발히 이루 어지고 있으며, 상대적으로 ‘분단’, ‘북한 인식’과 관련한 연구는 비중이 감소하고 있었다. 또한 ‘학교 통일교 육’ 중심의 연구가 주로 이루어짐에 따라 향후 통일교육 연구에 있어 ‘사회 통일교육’ 관련 연구의 활성화가 요구된다.

This study attempted to examine the main topics covered in the unification education research by analyzing the research trends of unification education and to suggest the direction of future unification education research. To this end, papers related to unification education were collected among the papers registered on the website of the Korea Citation Index (KCI), and 528 academic papers with abstracts of Korean were analyzed. Topic modeling analysis was conducted using NetMiner 4 for analysis. As a result of the analysis, the study of unification education was largely classified into six topics: ▲moral subject, and unification education, ▲unification education and peace, ▲multiculturalism and national identity, ▲inter-Korean division and North Korean system recognition, ▲Unification education teaching method, ▲unification education and change. According to the analysis results, research on ‘peace’, ‘multicultural’, and ‘teaching method’ has been actively conducting in recent years, and research on ‘divisions’ and ‘North Korea perception’ has been relatively decreasing. n addition, as research centered on ‘school unification education’ is mainly conducted, it is required to revitalize research related to ‘social unification education’ in future unification education research.

이 연구의 목적은 1972년부터 1994년 사이에 진행된 북한의 국제 영화교류 현황 및 특성을 분석하여, 남 북영화교류의 방향을 제시하는 데 있다. 북한은 1972년 처음으로 헌법을 개정하고, 온전히 독자적인 노선의 “자주적인 사회주의 국가”(제1조)임을 대내외에 선언하였다. 그리고 1972년을 전후하여 비동맹, 제3세계 와의 국제 연대를 강화하였다. 북한이 국제교류 수단으로 활용한 것은 영화를 비롯한 문화예술이었다. <피 바다>, <꽃파는 처녀>를 각색한 혁명가극으로 순회공연을 진행하였고, 예술영화 상영회 개최, 국제영화제 참가를 통해서 친선관계를 확인하였다. 영화를 통한 국제교류는 해외에서 개최된 국제영화제 참가를 거쳐 평양국제영화축전으로 이어졌다. 평양국제영화축전은 오늘날까지 사회주의권 국가를 비롯하여, 비사회주 의권 국가와의 교류에서도 중요한 계기가 되고 있다. 남북교류에서도 남북에서 열리는 영화제 참가는 남북 영화교류의 중요한 계기가 될 수 있다.

The purpose of this study is to analyze the characteristics of international film exchanges in North Korea between 1972 and 1994, and to suggest the direction of inter-Korean film exchanges. North Korea revised the constitution in 1972. Through this, it was declared that it was an “independent socialist country” (Article 1) with an entirely independent route. And around 1972, they strengthened their solidarity with the non-aligned and Third World. It was the culture and arts, including movies that became a means of international exchange for North Korea. Revolutionary plays adapted from “Blood Sea” and “Flower Girl” were touring, and friendly relations were confirmed through art films or participation in international film festivals. International exchanges through movies led to the Pyongyang International Film Festival after participating in the film festival. Until now, the Pyongyang International Film Festival has been an important opportunity for exchanges with socialist countries and non-socialist countries. In inter-Korean exchanges, participation in the festival held in the two Koreas can be an important opportunity for inter- Korean film exchanges.

고난의 행군과 김일성의 죽음으로 위기를 맞은 북한 정책당국은 1994년 12월 ‘평양웃음극단’을 만들었 으며 이는 국립희극단이 되었다. 이 곳에서는 만담과 재담을 중심으로 한 10분 내외의 소위 ‘화술소품’이 주 로 공연되었다. 위기의 시기에 북한문예정책은 ‘웃음’이라는 전략을 내세운 것이다. 이는 김정은 시대에도 주요 전략으로 작동하고 있다. 화선식 선동의 대표적인 전략으로 활용된 이러한 ‘웃음의 정치’는, 일제 강점 기에 일본에 의해 탄생된 ‘만담 부대’적 효용성을 위해 북한 정책 당국에서 직접 호출해낸 것이다. 이에 대한 분석을 통해, 웃음을 정치적 도구로 활용하여, 정치 담론과 전략을 인민들에게 어떻게 내면화시켜내고 있는 지에 대한 분석과 동시에, 북한 사회가 웃음을 통해 교정하고자 하는 부정적인 요소의 파악을 통해 북한 사회 의 변화하는 일상문화의 파악과, 북한 인민 대중들의 욕망의 변화를 분석했다.

When North Korea was embroiled in the dual crisis of Kim Il Sung's death and the arduous march, the 'Pyongyang Laughter Troop' was established in December 1994 which eventually became the State Comedy Troop. It usually performed shorter pieces of about 10 minutes named hwasul sop'um consisting mostly of gags and jokes. North Korea's culture and arts policy during the crisis choose a strategy of 'laughter' which now has become a major pillar under Kim Jong Un. By directly delivering propaganda to the people, 'laughter politics' has revived the effective “joke units” created under Japanese colonial rule and appears to be a direct imitation of this strategy. Based on this understanding, it is analyzed how North Koreans are made to internalize political discourse and strategies through the use of laughter as a political tool. At the same time, laughter can be used to explore how desires of the North Korean people as well as their daily life changed and how laughter allows them to grasp negative things and invites the audience to rectify them.

본고의 목적은 북한의 과학기술 전문 학술지와 언론 보도 내용을 통해 북한의 ICT 산업 발전전략과 의의를 분석하고 평가하고자 한다. 1996년 최초로 김정일 위원장이 IT를 강조한 이후 2019년 말 김정은 위원장 집권 시기까지 22년 동안 발행된 󰡔과학원통보󰡕 160권에 게재된 논문을 대상으로 텍스트 마이닝(text mining) 기법을 활용해 북한의 ICT 정책 및 연구 동향을 분석하였다. ICT 관련 논문은 북한 경제의 각 부문이 ‘수자 경제’ 즉 ‘디지털경제’로의 전환을 강조하고 있다. 북한은 수자경제를 정의하고 해외 사례를 벤치마킹하는데 주력하고 있다. 워드 클라우드 분석 결과에서도 ‘보안’, ‘암호’에 대한 키워드 빈도수가 높게 나타났다. 실제 북한은 2011년 제정한 콤퓨터망관리법에 보안 관련된 규정을 갖추고 있다. 외부로부터 컴퓨터 보안을 강화 하는데 주력하고 있다. 김정은 위원장은 북한 경제에서 ICT, 나노 및 생물 바이오 등 첨단산업의 비중을 높 일 것을 지시했다. 텍스트 마이닝의 분석결과 김 위원장의 지시가 학술지에서 적극적으로 반영하였고 경제 정책의 핵심 화두가 되었다.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze and evaluate North Korea's ICT industry development strategy and significance through the contents of North Korean scientific and technological journals and media reports. North Korea’s ICT policy using text mining techniques for papers published in the 160th volume of 󰡔Science Academy News󰡕 published for 22 years from Chairman Kim Jong-il’s first emphasis on IT in 1996 until Chairman Kim Jong-un took office at the end of 2019 and research trends were analyzed. ICT-related papers emphasize the transition of each sector of the North Korean economy to a ‘number economy’, that is, a ‘digital economy’. North Korea is focusing on defining the water economy and benchmarking overseas cases. In the word cloud analysis result, the frequency of key words for 'security' and 'password' was also high. In fact, North Korea has security-related regulations in the Computer Network Management Act enacted in 2011. We are focusing on strengthening computer security from the outside. Chairman Kim Jong-un ordered to increase the share of high-tech industries such as ICT, Nano and biology in the North Korean economy. As a result of the analysis of text mining, Chairman Kim's instructions were actively reflected in academic journals and became a key topic of economic policy.

본 연구는 미국의 대북 경제제재 중 효과를 거두었다고 평가받는 BDA 사례를 분석하였다. BDA 제재가 북한이 태도를 변화시킬 수밖에 없는 환경 조성이라는 미국의 1차 목표를 확실하게 달성하였기 때문이다. 비록 BDA 제재를 통해 핵의 포기라는 2차 목표는 달성하지 못하였지만, 미국이 행했던 전통적인 무역제재 의 효과와 비교하면 주목할 만한 성과로 평가된다. BDA 제재는 무역제재의 형태가 아닌 대상국의 금융자산 을 동결하는 금융제재이다. 분석 결과, 이러한 금융제재는 전통적인 무역제재와 달리 북한과 같은 권위주의 국가에 효과적이었다. 무역제재의 경우 권위주의 국가의 지도자 및 엘리트들은 제재의 비용을 일반 시민들 에게 전가할 수 있으며, 제재의 효과를 상쇄시키는 국가의 도움을 받을 수 있다. 북한은 미국의 무역제재 하 에서 제재로 인한 고통을 상대적으로 시민들에게 넘기고 회색시장을 통해 규제를 피했으며, 중국과의 경제 관계를 활용하였다. 하지만 금융제재인 BDA 제재는 ‘선출인단’ 이론에 따라 제재에 직면하였을 때 정치적 변화를 일으킬 수 있는 집단인 북한의 ‘승리연합’을 겨냥하였다. 체제와 ‘지도자’의 생존을 위해서는 반드시 지지를 얻어야 하는데 금융제재는 승리연합의 자금줄을 틀어쥠으로써 지도자의 정치적 생존을 위협하였기 때문에 상당한 효과를 거둘 수 있었다.

This article analyzed the BDA case, which has been effective among the U.S. economic sanctions against North Korea. BDA sanctions have achieved the U.S. primary goal of creating an environment in which North Korea has no choice but to change its attitude. Although the secondary purpose of abandoning nuclear weapons was not achieved through BDA sanctions, it was a remarkable achievement considering that the effectiveness of traditional trade sanctions that the United States has implemented so far has been criticized. BDA sanctions were financial sanctions that froze the financial assets of target countries, not in the form of traditional trade sanctions. As a result of the analysis, these financial sanctions were effective in authoritarian regimes such as North Korea, unlike formal trade sanctions. In the case of trade sanctions, leaders and elites in authoritarian countries can pass on the costs of sanctions to ordinary citizens and receive help from countries that offset the effects of sanctions. Under the U.S. trade sanctions, North Korea relatively handed over the pain caused by sanctions to citizens, avoided regulations through the gray market, and utilized economic relations with China. However, the BDA sanctions, a financial sanction, aimed at North Korea's ‘Winning Coalition', a group that could cause a political change in the face of sanctions according to the ‘Selctorate theory’. It was effective because it held tightly the source of funds for the winning coalition, which must be supported for the leadership's survival, and threatened the political survival of leadership.

This article is a review of Korea's first diplomatic efforts to secure a stable presence of U.S. troops in Korea (USFK), a key element of the Korea-U.S. alliance. At that time when security dependence on the U.S. military was absolute, South Korea made utmost efforts to avoid the security crisis caused by the reduction of USFK. However, as seen in the last withdrawal of U.S. troops from Vietnam and Afghanistan, the U.S. military policy decision is in its own interests, and consideration of beneficiary countries is secondary. The Park Chung-hee administration, which initially desperately opposed the reduction of U.S. troops in Korea, turned to a strategy to receive maximum compensation during the negotiation process. It was an inevitable choice because the U.S. reduction policy was solid, but for South Korea, under the leadership of President Park Chung-hee, it obtained as much military aid and support as possible and laid the foundation for institutional improvement to efficiently change the ROK-U.S. joint defense posture. In alliance relations, the relatively weak countries experience a change of alliance structure in according to the choice of the powerful countries rather than their own choice. Most of these changes are going against the weak countries, and in the process of changing the Korea-U.S. alliance in the future, Korea is likely to be at a disadvantage to the U.S. demand. Therefore, it is important to examine past experiences on how to respond to future changes in the Korea-U.S. alliance and how to prepare in advance.

How does an institutionalized permanent truth commission influence the social discourse? The unspeakable truth of the April 3 Events had long been buried under South Korea’s authoritarian regimes, but the state’s democratization brought momentum for a new socio-political environment. This paper provides empirical findings of the truth commission’s contribution to promoting an open discussion of the April 3 Events in society by capturing the overall discourse transformation of the events through content analysis of newspapers, dated between 1997 and 2020 at the national and local level. It argues that the long-term transitional justice process, mainly led by the Truth Commission, was effective in promoting the open discussion of diverse aspects of the April 3 Events, a previously unspeakable topic to the speakable. However, the social discourses eventually developed into distinctive patterns at each level: the local level demonstrated a narrow approach and institutionalized aspect of transitional justice, taking up 88 percent of the entire newspaper coverage, while the national level displayed a broader approach.

This paper aims to present the contents of the construction of the Northern Sea Route and Arctic Railway Corridor in Russia, and to provide prospects along with the limitations of this plan. The Russian President Decree, “On the Fundamentals of Russian Federation State Policy in the Arctic until 2035” defines the long term directions and priorities of the AZRF(Arctic Zone of Russian Federation) socio-economic development until 2035. The most important rail projects under active consideration in or near AZRF are a line connecting Sosnogorsk in the Komi Republic to the port of Indiga in the Nenets Autonomous Region etc. In addition to existing line, the Kremlin instructed the Russian government to submit proposals for the railway link, in 2022. This called for “proposals for the creation of a railway route to the Barents Sea in the area of the bay of the Indiga River”. However, Russia's ambitious plan to build an Arctic railway corridor has many problems that may arise in the implementation of the plan, including capital investment and environmental issues. Russia needs to work harder to secure confidence and create an international environment to promote long-term development, as Russia's Arctic development can also provide an excuse for NATO and the United States, which are concerned about Russian expansionism.