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Peace on the Korean peninsula has been fragile over nearly seven decades, since Korea was divided by the Communist North and Capitalist South in 1948. With North Korea armed with nuclear weapons, andtensions building between China and the United States showing no signs of abating, maintaining peace and building up a comprehensive peace system is all the more crucial for the Korean government. In the midst of the ever-changing internal and external environment surrounding the Korean peninsula, unification seems to be an elusive phenomenon. In addition to this, Korea found itself to be a multicultural society, seemingly against its will. The number of foreigners living and working in Korea has exceeded the 1 million mark in 2007 and continues to rise. With birth rates rapidly falling, more foreigners are likely to come to Korea and work. These two phenomena – unification and integration – seem to contradict each other prima facie, and there have been scant efforts in linking these two apparently contradictory trends. This paper aims to link the two and argues that there is a need for a paradigm shift from unification to peace education; it will first examine the present status of unification and multicultural educations and contextualize why there is a need for replacing governmentcentered unification and multiculturaleducations to peace education in which multiple societal actors can participate. This is especially important in view of the evolving and everpresent multicultural society.

This study aims to explore the intrinsic characters of North Korea, South Korea, and Japan as a way of configuring an effective solution for establishing peace on the Korean Peninsula. This examination caused us to dwell on the feasible role and functions that Japan could play in Korea’s reunification. Many call for Japan to reform in the spirit of compensating Korea for its past misdeeds and playing a leading role in shaping favorable world views for the sake of Korea’s reunification. This study proposes four suggestions for the role Japan could assume. First, Japan would command respect from other surrounding countries. Such a stance on the part of Japan would certainly be beneficial to Korea’s reunification process. Second, Japan could establish a more effective policy for denouncing human rights violations involving North Korea. Third, Japan and South Korea should take a more united stance on the nuclear arms issue with North Korea. Fourth, Japan needs to suspend its equal footing status with South and North Korea, also known as the so-called equal-distance diplomacy.

Calibrating foreign policy in response to changing dynamics of US-China relations is indispensable for South Korea, to maintain security and establish the groundwork for peaceful unification.This article investigates South Korea’s search for security and unification partnerships in the context of the US-China rivalry by analyzing a series of recent South Korean public opinion surveys on foreign and domestic security protocols. Some key findings from the analysis are as follows first, the bilateral security partnership between South Korea and the United States has matured significantly. Unlike in the past when anti-American sentiment strained diplomatic ties, the South Korean public does not appear to ‘blame’ the U.S. as the primary obstacle undermining its effortsto democratize, develop its economy, and reconcile with North Korea. Second, contrary to predictions that South Korea will accommodate China’s hegemony in Northeast Asia, there is no convincing evidence to suggest that South Korea is drifting closer to China. South Koreans have largely portrayed conditional and often moderately negative attitude towards the rise of China. As such, South Korea needs to pre-emptively cope with the dual danger of entrapment and abandonment that has been created as a result of escalating tensions between the United States and China.

The EU has approached North Korea with objectives promoting regional peace and stability, denuclearization, and the improvement of North Korean human rights policies, in order to contribute toward the fulfillment of its population’s physiological needs with a normative mind. In the EU’s policy access regarding Pyongyang, it would use multifarious instruments, in objective to achieve critical engagement and discourse. The EU also extended diplomatic and economic relations and cooperation with North Korea, continuing its humanitarian assistance and food security incentives. Moreover, it undertook a supplementary role towards North Korean nuclear and missile nonproliferation, groping for an honest mediator role. But none of them, given political and other nonpolitical aspects, could be accomplished by any means. The EU yet faces a lot of difficulties on North Korean affairs as before, and yet it continues to lend humanitarian and non-humanitarian assistance. It also aims to induce further change in North Korea and foster its participation as a member in the global community. These efforts are remarkable, but the dilemma still go rest on. In spite of that, above all, the EU should continue to teach and instill in individual empowerment, capacity building, and reallocating military expenses for North Korean survival.

This essay purports to examine various aspects of Rousseau's Theory of a Free and Equal Society in correlation with prescription and fact. The construction of Rousseau’s Theory of a Free and Equal Society reveals at least six contradictions between prescription and fact: 1) the state of natureal assumption; 2) the assumption that social interaction is not native to man’s true nature; 3) the hypothesis that man’s basic nature of independent freedom remains the same after contact with others; 4) the premise that man is by nature good and becomes depraved and perverted through societal influences; 5) his theory about the origins of inequality; and 6) the theory of the General Will. Each and every provision of his theoretical building blocks refutes explanations against key findings on human nature and social phenomena from other disciplines, such as psychology, anthropology, political science, and sociology. This essay aims to show patterns of logical pitfalls and idiosyncrasies. It also shows that totalitarian potentialities can be found in Rousseau's philosophy.

This paper examines the reform of Chinese Universities’ bilingual education, with special focus on the technological transformations. Compared with many developed countries, English has already become the barrier that restricts Chinese education from going mainstream on the global front, even though this situation has largely progressed in past decades. Some of the education tools are incompatible with Chinese language, and could not easily be provided to Chinese education systems directly, even if they are very useful in various fields. This paper will thoroughly discuss the most popular demonstration tools, referred specifically as Prezi and PowerPoint. Prezi and PowerPoint as the representative presentation tools ultimately have their own characteristics. Compared with the most traditional and popular PowerPoint, Prezi has some essential differences, such as navigation mode, content layout, innovation approaches, and application cost. In the reform of Chinese universities’ bilingual education, especially in the instruction of International Politics, Prezi shows its great advantages compared with PowerPoint, which are content expression, content deduction, and content frame. This paper systematically elaborate on the advantages and characteristics that Prezi, as a presentation tool, ultimately applies toward the reform of Chinese universities’ bilingual education. However, it has also realized certain barriers inherent in the development of the reform of Chinese universities’ bilingual education.

According to the recent Global Gender Gap Report by the World Economic Forum (2014), nineteen out of the twenty countries with the worst gender equality around the world are Islamic, and twelve are Arab states. This is not a new phenomenon. Scholars have provided several explanations about how and why gender inequality is most prevalent in the Muslim world. The major factors that scholars have proposed, include religion and culture, economic development, political development, globalization, fertility, and education. Thus, in order to define major determinants of gender inequality, this study examines these predicting factors of gender inequality across Muslim majority countries. The results of the empirical study define that socioeconomic development, female education, and political development are more critical determinants of gender inequality than importance of religion and level of globalization in the Muslim majority countries. Therefore, this study predicts that the modernization of the Muslim world will mitigate gender inequality eventually.