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In the 1950s, then-USPresident Eisenhower introduced the ‘Atoms for Peace’ initiative to decouple nuclear power from nuclear weapons in both public imagery and policy making processes. Political science literature generally follows this distinction, treating nuclear energy as a civilian domestic issue, while discussing nuclear weapons as military and security issues of international relevance. This paper looks at the nuclear power politics in Finland and South Korea to show the arbitrary nature of this division. Both countries are self-declared non-nuclear weaponsstates, and thus rely on nuclear power to reduce dependency on imports for improved national energy security. National security concerns also influence nuclear research activities in terms of the selection of reactor models and construction companies, as well as the treatment of nuclear waste material. The latter challenges the notion that nuclear energy production is a purely domestic affair. Nuclear waste reprocessing produces weaponsgrade material, and thus challenges proliferation agreements and, especially in East Asia, the volatile balance of power. In addition to this realist reading, Finnish nuclear waste policies are often influenced by international environmental norms to seek responsible solutions for neighboring countries, as well as for future generations. Both cases thus highlight the interdependence of ‘atoms for peace’ and ‘atoms for war’ and the role of energy security in peace studies.

Sound politics and a robust economy are essential ingredients for peace in human society. Most of the advanced countries in the world have both, and they could have sustained a peaceful atmosphere even after the 2nd World War. With the first and second Industrial Revolution, advances in science and technology development have brought economic fruitfulness and social wealth. The underdeveloped countries also need all of these things, which the advanced nations have already enjoyed over the last 200 years. For a peaceful society, these countries need at minimumto achieve food security, as well asa dependable energy sourcein order to sustain day-to-day life. The stable supply of agricultural products should be accomplished first, and a recycling system between production and regeneration of all the bio-waste would be necessary and worthy for achieving agricultural independence. All the bio-waste can be converted to the biogas by way of the fermentation process. In many developing countries, small farming is conventional,so an effective recycling and environmental protection infrastructure is perceived as very demanding. Biogas, however, can be used as a fuel; and its residues, following fermentation process, can be produced as an organic fertilizer for optimum agricultural development. Biogas in rural areas can also be used for heating, cooking or light. This organic fertilizer can significantly reduce the production cost of vegetables and crop harvesting. For agricultural purposes, it is crucial that organic fertilizer be suitable to increase the fertility of soil. To establish social equalities, microeconomic businesses have been suggested and implemented so far. Herewith we can support further development of ideas, which comprise seven benefits: local energy (i.e. biogas from swine manure) fertilizer ready to use (residues from the biogas process), local reduction of pollution (conversion of animal manure into energy in the confinement of a small plant),reduction of health risks (safer handling of manure) and the micro business option to sell biogas in a backpack, as well asthe reduced need to collect firewood, and the possibility to increase the number of cattle and pigs by dealing with the problem of manure waste. Micro biogas plants made from scrap building materials can make this enterprise possible.

Among the manyvirtues, peace has always been perceived as a one of humanity's highest core values. Therefore,the education systems of most countries in the world have pursued peace education as an ultimate value. Education in Paraguay cannot be the exception. Various curriculums and textbooks deal with the contents relating to peace education, and most teachers have implemented education-related peace through a variety of subjects at school. Based on this awareness, this paper aims to examine peace education conducted in schools in Paraguay, based on the theories of peace education. For this purpose, this study, utilizing the analysis framework(educational objectives, contents, and methods), attempts to analyze documents of curriculums and 4-6 grades social studies textbooks used in elementary schools. The result of analysis, worth noting, revealed through the analysis of curriculums and textbooks, is that their orientation is focused on social maintenance, rather than social change. Peace education is oriented toward cognitive, affective, and behavioral integration;however, the scope of practice has been limited to activities within the school.

The relationship between the India and Pakistan can be characterized by the former’s intransigent demands for territory in the Jammu and Kashmir region, and the latter’s almost apathetic view over this critical obstacle for peace. However, due to changes in the international system, which have created a demand for increased regional interdependence, rather than zero-sum power politics, the paradigm of ideological conflict is transforming. As a corollary, the Indo-Pak relationship demands a more liberalist approach to the peace process modalities, which have been repeatedly impeded by complicated grievances between these foes. This paper explores the contemporary nature of the conflicts at the state level, and looks for opportunities for optimism that exist despite the ever-present tensions. It employs the Stability-Instability Paradox as a theory for offering insight to the complex role as both a stabilizing and destabilizing force that nuclear weapons play in the dispute. It concludes that ‘conflict transformation’ initiatives, implemented across the Line-of-Control in Jammu and Kashmir, provide the best prospect for a peaceful resolution to the existing tempestuous relationship.

This research evaluatesthe success of the Return Migration Policy of the Republic of Kazakhstan related toreturnKazakhs who are called Oralman. This research focuses on the Oralmans’s migration andadaptation to the societyandanalyzesthe general government Return Migration Policy and the special Return Program in relation to important topics as well as adaptation to new place, the integration into society and the realization of programs. This research contains the following results. First, Kazakhstan’s Migration Policy couldn’t ensure a secure arrival for migrated Kazakhs. Second, the special program for migration which covered the period from 2009-2011 could nottake into accountall returnees’ problems. Third, Oralman faced many problems: accommodation support, job, alimentation, etc. Fourth, they do not receive government benefits on time. Fifth, Oralman have different adaptation problems into new society, particularly in rural areas. Sixth, the bilingual system creates a language barrier for them. Seventh, cultural and religious differences have an impact on Oralman socialization. The government needs to putmucheffort in preparation ofa successful migration policy and to give secureness for returnee Kazakhs. One of the most important factors is to correct the Migration Policy with detailed obligations forboth government and returnee. In addition, local organizations and government organs must enforce the established return Migration Policy so the returned Kazakhs will not experience unfair treatments.

This study begins with the question concerning which factors influence whether North Korea chooses to implement risky or cooperative policies toward the United States, as well as what role domestic politics and ideology play in the DPRK’s formation and enactment of foreign policy. This study also seeks to explain why North Korea chooses a hardline foreign policy, and when it chooses to engage with the US. To find answers to these questions, the domestic priorities behind foreign policies are analyzed with in the framework of humanitarianmotives. In this sense, North Korean foreign policy goals are motivated by three domestic priorities or preferences: security, identity, and prosperity. At first, this research attempts to explain how historical and cultural contexts play into the DPRK’s formation of its foreign policy toward the US, and also examine RodongSinmun, the official newspaper of Pyongyang regime, through the lens of content analysis, in order to determine the DPRK’s perception and policy preferences toward the US. Conclusively, this article implies that the DPRK’s foreign policy is determined primarily by the demands of ‘national security’ relative to the US.