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This paper is with reference to both areas of research of an understanding of the political concept of nationalism and the social problems of integration inherent in plural societies. The political concept of nationalism is concerned with the term ‘integration’ in the fields of political and social geography respectively. The integration generally presumes the existence of an ethnically plural society in which each group is characterized by its own language or other self-conscious cultural qualities but the problem may also exist in a political system which is made up of once distinct independent political units with which people identified. Man’s diversity, however, is not always permitted self-expression within on political unit. If a society displays a largely homogenous identity within a given state area the problem of cultural pluralism is eliminated; on the other hand, due to accidents of history, to migration policies of the past or to the misguided concepts of boundary-drawing some states are forced to accommodate a heterogeneous society. Within the pluralist framework, a transaction pattern in the socio-economic and political system to a most probable voluntary incremental development of input conditions would be suggested for respective communities and creating a distinct political nationalism. The and improved oral and written communications in the plural societies are also suggested to engender mutual advantage, and to alter their unfriendly relation to be friendly, given the differences in ideologies, political and economic systems, considering societies of Switzerland or Singapore. Throughout these approaches, the degree of internal and, indeed, international tension and conflict could be significantly reduced, which gives lessons and benefits to the entire world community including the two divided Koreas in the peninsula.

This article attempts to analyze the Oughtopian perspective on human security, sovereignty and global multi-level governance. For this purpose, it draws on W. B. Gallie's thesis of “essentially contested concepts” in challenging Hinsley's concepts of sovereignty and security defined with the state actor at the center. Approaching the concepts of security and sovereignty as those of such essentially contested concepts, this article introduces Choue's ideas of human-centrism as well as democratic sovereignty based on what he calls 'developmental rights' of individuals. In addition, it pays attention to the universal sovereignty put forward by Choue in relation to his proposal of Pax UN as an example of multiple dimensions of sovereignty. This Oughtopian approach to security and sovereignty is theoretically meaningful because it makes it possible to reconceptualize the concepts of both security and sovereignty flexibly reflecting the changing political environment of the contemporary world. In terms of the subject of security, it provides a strong foundation for the justification of human security vis-àvis state security. In terms of geographical scope, there can be multiple dimensions of sovereign jurisdiction including local, state, regional, and global(universal). So, it is worthwhile to explore further the theoretical ideas of Oughtopianism for the peaceful global community.

This paper is designed to introduce the Bering Strait Project, Dr. Surin's 'Korean Declaration', and their relationships. The construction of a bridge and tunnel in the Bering Strait requires inter-state cooperation and the commitment of religious, political, commercial and financial institutions at the highest level. The realization of the International Peace Highway and the Bering Project would contribute to the furtherance of international cooperation. to the strengthening of world economy and the realization of world peace. Surin's Korean Declaration put into stress on the role and meaning of Korean Peninsula in realizing this mega-project.

This paper has a purpose to examine the nature of the North Korean ruling class and to discuss its relevance to maintenance of regime drawing up the Korean peninsula's future. In soviet communism nepotism and patron-client relations undermined the political criteria of elite recruitment in the Nomenklatura system. The political elite began to degenerate into a social class, perhaps one of the most economically useless in history. The Party fostered a class that grew at its expense and began to transform itself into a traditional oligarchy. North Korea has also common things with the Soviet Union, in the aspect of having her privilege class. However, in the aspect of social mobility or ascending to high position in the system of ruling class, or moving to ruling class from lower class, North Korea's experience has suggested more strictness and even impossible prospect. And there is another peculiar aspect to North Korea that the supply system of privilege to ruling class has been dismantled in North Korea for economic crisis after 1990s, following the 1980's worsening for deterioration of economic situation. North Korean ruling elites would not want to change their ruling system and to give up their privilege under new regime if their future is uncertain, due to new challenger's coming. The North Korean power elite are not very different from their counterparts in the former Soviet Union. But their future choice in the period transition from the sudden or natural collapse of Kim Jong-il Regime will very different with the former Soviet Nomenklatura member's choice, representing as a symbol of new class of Russian capitalism.

Kim Jong Il is keenly aware of the role of symbols in leadership activity and actively employs them to affect people's behavior for his political goals. His guidance tour is a good example of the way he utilizes leadership symbols mainly through indirect contacts with the people. Analyzing the symbolic character of his guidance tours, this paper attempts to articulate the symbolism of Kim Jong Il's behavior. It will use a new concept, symbolic leadership, to emphasize the symbolism in his guidance tours. Here the symbolic leadership is defined as "a leader's style to persuade and mobilize followers through indirect contacts, mainly relying upon symbols." The paper conceptualizes the symbolic leadership, specifically explaining its five aspects ─ion and manipulation, strong suggestive quality, interpretation, time and spatial distance between the leader and people, and psychological closeness. In addition, the paper examines the multiple symbolic functions of Kim's guidance tour, including communication, meaning condensation, social stabilization, legitimacy granting, and mass mobilization. Finally, Kim's guidance tours are analyzed as an example of Kim's symbolic leadership, relating the five aspects of the symbolic leadership to the symbolism of the guidance tours.

Unification first and foremost establish a new national community that entirely overcome an oppositive division system surrounding politics, economy, society, one´s sense of values, and life modes. Therefore unification is a great historical task and a monumental event that create the second national building. For this unification to occur, we have to seek solution to unite the opposite ideology, political-economic system, power structure in North-South Korea and that transcend the heterogeneous culture index, values, and life style in bilateral societies. In achieving this unification, education for the unification of North-South Korea can play an important role that closes a gap of culture on both sides and that makes an effort to integrate a dissimilar life-world. Especially, the orientations in unification education that mutually try to recognize and respect cultural heterogeneity between North and South Korea and that reciprocally can accept each other's merit will bring forth a necessity of a multicultural educational approach to unification education. In this paper, therefore, I would explore multicultural education in the United States and its implications of the education for unification in the Korean Peninsula.

Due to the territorial nature of the patent system and the independence of the patent system, harmonization of patent law and enforcement of international patent protection are required to resolve international patent issues. In the area of patent law, therefore, a number of multilateral treaties attempting to establish a globally unified patent system have been developed since the conclusion of the Paris Convention in 1883. This article mainly analyzes and evaluates efforts for global harmonization of patent law based on the examination of key international patent treaties (including such as the PCT, the TRIPs Agreement, the PLT, and the SPLT) and the consideration of factors that might hinder the global patent law harmonization.

The rise of bureaucratic-authoritarian state in Korea was analysed in the past through various factors including political, economic, social or cultural variables. Differently from other's approaches, the psychological factor was adopted in this study as the principal variable. More than anything else, the leader's personality is highlighted in explaining the Korean case. In the study of political psychology, it is argued that the leader's personality influences the emergence and change of a political system. Hence, the basic premise underlying this study is that the bureaucratic-authoritarian transition in Korea mainly came from President Park's authoritarian personality. Authoritarian personality is conceptualized as the covariation of three clusters: authoritarian submission, authoritarian aggression, and conventionalism. The concepts of the authoritarian personality reveal close similarities to the characteristics of the bureaucratic- authoritarian state. According to Park's personality, it is obvious that Park revealed authoritarian type. It can be said that Korean political system was largely molded by his political behavior produced by the authoritarian personality. It became clear that the understanding of the political change is important to integrate political analyses focused on leader's behavior determined by his personality and its impact on his behavior.

The purpose of this essay is decidedly limited, specifically, to an examination of some of the principal points of Hume's philosophy of politics. The main argument of this essay is twofold. First, by discussing Hume’s original utilization of social convention in explaining the origins of justice, property, and government, it is argued that Hume is not a social contractarian, a thesis contrary to the one advanced by Gauthier. Second, by examining the question of how Hume addressed the contemporary political context of his day, it is argued that Hume has shifted his views on the status and progress of liberty in the British polity because of his philosophical skepticism, which cares for moral calculation for the excesses of practical politics

The purpose of this paper is to critically analyze the ways that civil rights reforms have shape racial politics. This is argument challenges conventional views that uncritically accept the era of Civil Rights as one defined as racial progress. Using ethnographic and historical material from Fayetteville, North Carolina –the home of Fort Bragg –this article analyzes the ways in which federal and local governments have dismantled Jim Crow segregation. Rather than representing an unqualified success, these reforms have been shaped by economic interests that have often undermined black political institutions and incorporated them into the dominant regime. Most significantly, the rise of Civil Rights has occurred along with the emergence of neoliberal economic policies and the federal government’s decreasing role in social provision. In many ways, racial reforms have accompanied many negative changes in the lives of ordinary African Americans. This article analyzes the ways that implementing racial reforms in Fayetteville has helped legitimize the very neoliberal economic policies that have negatively affected most African Americans. Moreover, the article analyzes the conflicts and struggle that divide African Americans leaving many to believe that the era of civil Rights is an age of political decline.

This is a study to make clear the meaning of Mima-na through the relationship between the legend Mwa-yama and the Emperor Mima-ki. In Japanese myth, the 8th Japanese Emperor Sujin is called the Emperor Mima-ki. And he is considered the first Emperor in Japan. Until now the reason why the 8th Emperor had been called the first Emperor and the origin of the name Mima-na was puzzling in Japanese mythology and history. Especially the interpretation about Mima-na has made many troubles between Japanese and Korean historical societies. In Japanese myth, ancient Korean Kaya lands are called Mima-na. But there are few records in Korean literature. The meaning of Mima-na is not clear even now. In ancient Korea Big-Kaja which was situated in south east Korea was called Mioyama(=now Koryong). So Mima must be the reduction of name Mioyama. In Japanese myth Nihon-Shoki the son of the Emperor Sujin (=Mima-ki) called Big-Kaya Mima-na. And it was found that the Japanese first land in Miwa was found by foreign power. Many old big mounds in the Miwa region appeared suddenly. These facts prove that a big foreign power came to the Miwa region and founded a nation. There are many traditions about the god Oomononushi, who has powerful relations with Emperor Mima-ki. The most famous tradition about the god Oomononushi is called the legend Miwa-yama. It relates the marriage of the god Oomononushi and a virgin in the Miwa region. The god Oomononushi was the god of Miwa mountain. This god visited a virgin at night and return to the mountain in the morning. But there are many common marriage traditions in Japan. The god came from a far distance. In fact the god Oomononushi came from across the sea in far more distance and came to stay on the Miwa mountain. So we can consider that the Emperor Mima-ki came from Mima-na in ancient Korea and made a nation in Japan. He based in the Miwa region and conquered west Japan through the religion of Shamanism which was based on the marriage of god and virgin.