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This study aimes to identify the effect of Korea‘s aid policy on the decision-making of its recipients in the international organization, and to draw policy implications from it by analyzing the degree of concurring votes between Korea and its recipients. It focuses on the resolutions at the UN General Assembly. The hypothesis is that ‗aid affects decision-making of the recipients in ways to follow the policy of the donor on international issues. ‘ And the study examines it quantitatively. ‗aid induces conformity of the recipients to decision-making of the donors on international issues.‘ and examines it by quantitative analysis. The result rejects the hypothesis that there is significant difference in concurring votes between Korea‘s priority partner countries and other comparison countries. The study suggests the need for the Korean government to redefine future aid strategy in a way that can meet both national interests and principles of international aid regimes at the same time, and that realigns political and economic resources to enhance its diplomatic effectiveness.

This study re-evaluates arguments that relate states‘ power to the likelihood of interstate conflict by examining this relationship under different international system structure. Dyadic power distributions are assumed to be associated with the probability of an expected outcome in conflict. However, the structure of the international system affects states‘ opportunity and resolves to fight, thereby changing the role of dyadic power distributions in the decision making process of conflict. By exploring the impact of system structure on uncertainty about a likely outcome of interstate conflict, this paper provides a comprehensive explanation for the relationship between power and conflict. To perform multilevel analysis of power, system structure, and conflict, this study employs a multilevel model as an empirical strategy. The test results show that the impact of dyadic power distributions on the probability of conflict varies conditional on polarity in the international system. Specifically, although power disparity reduces the chances of MID onsets in bipolar systems, this negative impact disappears in multipolar systems. This study contributes to the literature of power and conflict theoretically and empirically, in potential, subsuming both the balance of power and power preponderance theories.

Using the analytical framework based on the constructivist approach, this paper focuses on norm grafting by the NGOs: especially the agenda framing which are exploited by NGOs to maximize norm grafting and the process of internalizing norms in the differing stages of state policy making as a final process of norm grafting. For a case study, this paper examines how South Korean NGOs framed the issue of humanitarian assistance to North Korea throughout the three administrations of Kim Young-Sam (1995-1997), Kim Dae-Jung (1998-2002) and Roh Moo-Hyun (2003-2007) and to what extent it affected changes in aid polity towards North Korea. The paper argues that two variables - the issue characteristics of humanitarian crisis in North Korea itself and South Korean NGOs' ability to reframe the issue timely and effectively - were important factors explaining South Korea's aid decision to North Korea from 1997 to 2007. Ironically the consecutive humanitarian crisis contributed to the establishment of a favorable operational environment for South Korean NGOs' advocacy of aid to North Korea. However, South Korean NGOs' capacity to frame the issue was a critical factor in changes of South Korean government and civil society's stance for aid to North Korea.

In today‘s globalized and highly interconnected world, cultural diplomacy is receiving renewed attention. Social and economic changes as well as geopolitical transformations have led to a new relevance for international cultural policies. Its key drivers and exchange policy are the pursuit of greater international recognition of a South Korea (ROK) ‗brand‘ through the international exposure of its culture and its cultural industries; and the desire to take advantage of the global interest in, and sustain the export income generated by, the international impact of the Korean ‗Wave‘ (Korean TV dramas, pop music, films and video games). ROK has a many organizations and mechanisms involved in cultural diplomacy and international exchange. Yet studies so far have failed to offer ROK a basic framework for establishing strategies for concrete and successful cultural diplomacy especially toward ASEAN. This paper firstly examines the background of ROK-ASEAN relations. Secondly, relevant discourse and the positive factors that could contribute to South Korea‘s cultural diplomacy towards ASEAN will be identified. Finally, the study analyzes the meaning of these factors in the ROK‘s formulation of strategies, and suggests for developing specific ideas into actual policies toward ASEAN.

This paper focuses on the fact that the recent flow of Religious ―Dones‖ is related to the individualization of religion deepening globalization and deepened by it, the distrust of institutional religion, and the increase of anti-religious discourse. And, through Ulrich Beck's insight of cosmopolitanism not imperialistic universalism, or ―peace rather than truth‖ it tries to reconsider on the religion‘s potentialities for peace to overcome the modern distrust and stigma that religion is an obstacle of peace. World religions have the experience and wisdom to acquire a new dimension by accepting and integrating differences and diversity beyond ethnic and national boundaries. However, each religious tradition has been maintained as institutional religion through the boundary between believer and non-believer in the name of truth, so it has a tendency to express conflict rather than coexistence with other religions in a globalized modern society where various religions and cultures face each other. The deepening of globalization and individualization is causing new conflicts between religion and non-religions. Therefore, in contemporary society, which is globalized and personalized, whether world religions can recognize the difference between religion and religion, as well as the difference between religion and non-religion, is the key to religion's potentiality for peace, that is religious cosmopolitanism. It is also a measure of whether religion can answer the questions of this age.

The National Security Strategy of the United States of America emphasizes a doctrine of pre-emption that upon closer inspection resembles one of prevention. Among the global community, substantial controversy surrounds the principles of this policy and the recently employed methods to achieve its imperatives. A preventive yet less contested approach to achieving America‘s national security objectives is security cooperation. Security cooperation allows the United States to protect her interests while simultaneously expanding her influence and legitimacy within the international political system. This study examines the emergence of the U.S. security cooperation construct in the post 9/11 era through an analysis of relevant historical context and current initiatives. It further considers the value of increasingly multilateral and regionally focused security operations to prepare America for future conflicts. This analysis of historical lessons, contemporary issues, and scholarly recommendations concludes that an expansion of the current U.S. security cooperation framework should continue in order to maximize America‘s opportunities for global stability and prosperity.

This paper aims to examine Social Studies textbooks of Cambodia in terms of the theories of peace education. To achieve this goal, this study, using the conceptual framework for analysis, attempt to analyze 4-6 grades social studies textbooks in elementary school. One of the most pressing concerns in Cambodia today could be considered the pursuit of security. Therefore social studies textbooks can be said to be hard-working in passive peace. Unlike the general concept of passive peace, the non-peaceful factors in Cambodia are the insecurity associated with the mines and bombings of the Khmer Rouge regime era, the current traffic and security issues. Thus, the insecurity associated with the mines and bombings of the Khmer Rouge regime era, the current traffic and security issues in textbooks is emphasized as educational objectives and contents. Also, in the first-sixth grade social textbooks, this problem is discussed through an independent chapter, and a way to avoid it is presented. What is regrettable here is that focusing on passive avoidance from non-peaceful factors, students are not able to explore and practice active measures to solve them. The textbook discusses passive peace as avoidance from non-peaceful factors, but textbook does not deal with the nature of violence, types of violence as a structural violence, and a peaceful solution to the real problem. In this regard, worth noting revealed through the analysis of textbooks is that their orientation is placed on social maintenance rather than social change. In relation to the problem of participation, social textbooks focus on contributing to social maintenance rather than active participation in social change. It emphasizes being a good student and a good citizen who can contribute to social development. The main features of the teaching-learning methodology that appear in the teacher’s guidebook is that question or discussion theme does not attach much important to analyzing, critical thinking, and interpreting etc. In the part of the results of the expected learning, guidebooks provide learning result by rote memorization or learning by repetitive conditioning.