Earticle

A central normative question regarding government systems is: Which arrangement of executive-legislative relations is preferable? Theoretical debates about government systems started from Juan Linz’s criticism on presidentialism. Since then, debates on government systems have been actively progressed by counter-arguments of scholars preferring presidential systems. The aim of this paper is to contribute to this debate by exploring different government systems of twenty-six post-communist countries in Eastern Europe and Central Asia. By using quantitative analyses of political and economic performance in the countries from 1991 to 2013, this study tests whether or not government systems matter for democratic and economic development. The results show that parliamentary and mixed systems have performed better for political and economic development than presidential systems in the post-communist countries. Yes, the results also suggest that the significance of government systems for political and economic development is less obvious than many scholars have argued. Thus, it is not fair to insist that constitutional choices of some postcommunist countries are not rational. As a political institution, government systems seem to be the result of negotiation among political leaders during democratic transition period rather than a determinant of political and economic performance.

The purpose of this paper is to evaluate whether it is a plausible scenario to construct a more cooperative form of international institution in Northeast Asia. In doing so it assesses the practicality and applicability of Karl Deutsch’s concept of a “security community” in the Northeast Asian political context. Out of the fourteen background conditions for building a security community presented by Deustch, et al., it has exclusively analyzed the three main areas of conditions: political ideology, economic aspects, and security-military background conditions for a security community. In reviewing all of these generalized aspects, it consistently argued that the economic aspect is a critical motivational factor for the development of a security community.

Neighboring countries, China and Korea in the northeastern part of Asia has long history. In their relations, there is no doubt the geographical and geopolitical factors are fateful. Since the ROK-PRC diplomatic normalization in 1992, the economic as well as people to people and cultural exchanges are very remarkable. However, political and military factors between two countries with Korean War aftereffect, ideological differences, and respective alliance systems have being worked as main obstacles to positive and desirable relations. With such relations and exchanges, not merely a sense of closeness and intimacy but a sense of distance and inconvenience between the Koreans and the Chinese are lodged themselves in their minds, respectively. It is in compliance with real situation as well as their feeling to the other. In light of these, of crucial importance for this paper is to grasp the Sino-South Korean relations, looking at historical and geopolitical perspective, economic exchanges and cooperation, and people to people and cultural exchanges, and look out over bilateral relations, suggesting some points for further close relations, cooperation, development, and ramification effects.

The natural resources and other riches are cause of increased attention from the foreign policy establishment of the entire world to Africa and most notably the Sub-Saharan region. Yet, the continent is not forgotten in terms of the recent war against terrorism. Despite the fact that religious extremism has also used African soil, ultimately, Africa’s regional security has an internal, or domestic basis. Dire poverty, rampant corruption and economic problems in weak or failing states, environmental and healthcare challenges are the underlying causes of insecurity, creating a breeding ground for terrorism. This paper argues that a secure and stable environment in Africa is essential for the further integration and development of the continent. As a consequence, it would mean a minimised possibility of any internal/external terrorist activity in the future. The international contribution to tackling the problems of Africa is examined; and different programmes and approaches of various actors on the international scene are evaluated in this paper.

The purpose of this study is to analyze the limits of women's representation in elective politics in order to provide strategies for activating women's participation in elective politics in South Korea. It appears that the percentage of elected female legislators in both the local and national assemblies is still very low compared with Western countries despite the percentage of female legislators has increased due to introduction of female quota system. In South Korea, Neo-Confucian culture, marriage and family, and problems lying inside of women are restricting women's public life in many ways. Following strategies are proposed in this study to increase elected women's representation in the legislature. First, along with regression of Neo-Confucian culture in modern Korea, gender-equality culture need be firmly established. Second, it is necessary to improve female welfare system in order to increase women's participation in elective politics. Third, women must make great efforts at the community level to participate in elective politics through the women's movement and link with related civic organizations. Forth, the female quota system in the electoral districts must be introduced as the mandatory clause. Fifth, it is necessary to change the small constituency system to the medium constituency system in order to increase elected female legislators from electoral districts. In conclusion, it is important that women have to identify themselves not simply as members of society but as part of the power structure.