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The purpose of the paper is to apply a new methodology, Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA), to studies of democratization in 14 Asian countries. Some Asian countries have deviant features about the issue of democratization, such as Singapore and India. Since QCA incorporates an analysis on deviant cases, it is useful to apply this approach to the problem of democratization, especially in Asia.Our results indicate that Asian countries are more likely to adopt democratic politicalsystems (A) if in poor countries, (i) both parliamentary system and good economic performance are present (India and Bangladesh) or (ii) both presidential system and heterogeneous population exist (Indonesia and Philippines), or (B) if in wealthy countries, the two conditions of both good economic performance and homogeneous population are satisfied (Japan, Korea, Taiwan, Sri Lanka, and Thailand).

The United Nations Security Council adopted not only Resolution 1695 against the North Korean missile test on July 5, 2006 as well as Resolution 1718 on October 9, 2006 and 1874 on June 12, 2009 against its nuclear tests. The Security Council also adopted a presidential statement against North Korea's long-range rocket launch on April 5, 2009. The Council’s endeavor has focused on restraining North Korea's provocative actions, and yet has not produced good results. However, its efforts should be continued not only to expedite and facilitate the process of solving North Korean missile and nuclear issues, as well as conflict resolution and arms talks between the two Koreas, but also to bring lasting peace and stability to the Korean Peninsula.

This paper argues that a reformed ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) can promote human security in East Asia. The promotion of ARF-centered human security requires a definition that accords with the respective cultures and values of its member states. The sources of human insecurity that plague the region include: the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD), terrorism, traffickingin illicit drugs, persons, and arms, North Korean ‘famine refugees,’ health insecurity, HIV/epidemics, , various forms of economic crime, environmental insecurity, domestic threats, political insecurity, ethnopolitical conflict, poverty and economic inequity, food security, acid rain, and yellow dust. Human security issues can be addressed in the ARF by three phases. First, Establishing atmosphere: Creating norms for human security in East Asia, and Establishing a human security academy or research center. Second, promoting cooperation: Establishing an independent secretariat at ARF, creating a human security promotion center under the secretariat, raising funds for human security, cultivating human security culture through education. Third, Fullscale cooperation: Spreading shared values for human security and mobilizing all-out support for human security from member states are prerequisite to promoting human security in East Asia.Even though ARF member states have different ideas and interpretations of human security, their enhanced cooperation and openness may improve the human security situation in East Asian region

This paper investigates potential avenues of encouraging the United States and Canada (federal and local governmentsas well as their business and NGO communities) to consider building in stages a Bering Strait tunnel, connecting Alaska and Russia. Given that a significant government-funded phase one feasibility study in 2007 found a supportive business case for an Alaska-Canada Rail Link(ACRL) that would connect existing Canadian rail lines in British Columbia with the Alaska Railroad, the author arguesthat, ideally, an ACRLought to be promoted as the first stage toward eventually building a Bering Strait crossing. Once anAlaska-Canada rail link werebuilt, it would possibly be easier for public or private sector consideration of extension of the North American rail link from Fairbanks, Alaska to the Nome vicinity (stage two), and ultimately, to construct a tunnel to connectto Russia (stage three). However, with the business climate in western Canada now dominated by Alberta’s increased crude oil production that seeks new markets, an eventual ACRL would have to secure funding through private investment, not public funding. Given present indifference to an ACRL in North America, although it might be problematic politically, it may be a viable option to invite Chinese private investment in an ACRL. Nonetheless, ACRL construction may have to wait until several smaller-scale transportation projects are built in Alaska that will help substantiate a business case for an ACRL. On the governmental level, the project needs to be promoted strategically as a means to strengthen U.S.-Russian relationsover the long-term, as well as to boost cultural ties between North America and Eurasia. A near-term recommendation is thata project office be established in Anchorageto educate and lobby Alaska’s executive and legislative branches, relevant state agencies,business and non-profit associations, Alaska native corporations, and local media for this project. It should build a base of awareness and support, including gathering a coalition of like-minded organizations and relevant state agencies. The author also recommends the Bering Strait project be cast in the broader framework of emergingU.S. policy for the Arctic region. Finally, another near-term recommendation is offered for portraying the BeingStrait project as a means to reconnect the indigenous peoples of Eurasia and the Americas.

This article provides information and argumentation related to the Bering Strait Project history background and recent developments on the Russian side, and also gives proposals on the Project sustainable development in the future. The author concentrates on ways and means to promote the Bering Strait Project in Russia, to make the project more attractive to the Russian government, the business community and academic circles. The paper features proponents of the Bering Strait Project in Russia, and argues on how to respond to the criticism with regards the Project. It suggests building international cooperation framework for the Project implementation, within the context of the relevant international environment and international security concerns.

This article aims to examine the EU`s Policy towards the Korean Peninsula and its future perspectives. After North Korea's nuclear crisis in October of 2002, the EU`s North Korea policy took a change. This article takes a look at the background of the policy under the tense relationship with the North Korea policy in the EU`s Common Foreign and Security Policy and the relationship with the United States. In order to look into the EU-DPRK relationsthis article attempts to first, provide a theoretical frame on explaining the mechanism of EU and North Korea relationships, second, explain the basic of the EU's North Korea policy, third also explain the changes in the policy after the 2002 nuclear crisis and lastly consider the prospects of future relations. As a result, a few possible directions are mentioned. First of all, the North Korea policy faces a new aspect according to the changes within the EU due to the Common Foreign and Security Policy. Secondly, the EU will strengthen the relations with the US. Also the EU will growin its role as a complementer on the KoreanPeninsula. Lastly, the evaluation of the effectiveness of the EU's policy on connecting North Korea's nuclear and human rights issues toward a peaceful settlement is crucial.

This paper examines Russia’s enduring interests, their influence on the formulation of contemporary Russian policy and their use in indicating Russia’s likely future behaviour. Using information presented in academic and government literature, this paper concludes that Russia has many important interests which have remained consistent for several centuries despite the political storms that have assailed the country during that time. It further concludes that, despite high expectations in the West that Russia would transition to a full liberal democracy in the post- Cold War period, Russians themselves seem to prefer authoritarian rule and, therefore, the West should neither expect a full transition to a liberal democracy nor cajole Russia into becoming one.

This paper is a study on mediation strategy structure and influence factors related to the six- party talks for solving the North Korean nuclear issue. It first attempts to establish the action strategy model for the state taking on the role of mediation and analyzes the factors affecting the mediation strategy. It goes on to analyze the problems that impede effective mediation and, in the process, contribute towards discovering theoretical models for mediation and model research. Through this theoretical research on mediation model, a form of third party intervention, the paper hopes to offer policy suggestions for the six party talks being held to resolve the North Korean nuclear issue. Because the subject of this study is related to current issues and because the position of related nations are in the initial stage, the paper expects that future six party talks, once they are held in earnest, will provide further experiential materials for this study.

The act of reconciliation heals broken relationships among variously oriented human subjects, thus making them project a more livable society in mutual respect. Insofar as the source of conflicts lies in human relationship, reconciliation has been the term to refer to the recovery of the most profound relationality that promises the well-being of the entire humanity. In this paper I present Hegel’s dialectic of reconciliation based on the “Spirit” chapter of Phenomenology of Spirit, in a way to show how the actualization of reconciliation between differently oriented people has been necessitated through historical paradigms that Hegel dialectically conceptualizes. As the dialectic develops, Hegel’s conceptual scheme of reconciliation resolves itself into a distinctive perspectival way of interpreting the world: the confrontation between acting consciousness and judging consciousness. This paper attempts to explain how this perspective emerges in a theoretic fashion through which we can examine our own world of conflicts today.

Canadian parties can, to a great extent, be regarded as the middle-class nature of politics, which does not represent the extreme right or left party in the federal level of Canada. Liberal ideas and values, based on the conception of right in a capitalistic society and market economy, have been emphasized by Canadian society which lacks the traditional class consciousness. Party policies have been influenced more by business groups, the electoral system, and elite groups, rather than by political beliefs and ideologies. Business interest groups are largely determinant in the formulation of policies of the Liberal and Conservative parties. Policies made by government incline to mitigate political cleavages and to pursue pragmatic goals amidst factional division within a party. The ideological position in party policies is restricted to winning electorate support of the median voters, to obtaining the support of business groups, and to mitigating political and cultural cleavages. It may be appropriate to point out that Canadian parties can essentially be defined by the conception of brokerage parties in the federal level.