Earticle

한국 보수우파 정부의 낙수 경제는 부유층과 대기업으로 구성된 경제 영역의 상위 계층을 선호하는 데서 소득 재분배에 긍정적이지 않았다. 이 정책은 특정 조건에서 경제성장을 자극할 수 있지만, 그 효과가 모든 계층에게 고르게 전달되지 않고 있다. 이와 달리 한국 진보좌파 정부의 분수 경제는 중산서민층에 대한 지원 을 선호하는 데서 성장에 긍정적으로 영향을 미치지 않고 있다. 이론적으로 경제사회적 불평등 해소에 바람 직할지는 몰라도 기업동력을 위축시켜 경제성장을 더디게 하거나 후퇴시키곤 한다. 현실적으로 한국 보수우파 정부가 분수효과를 완전히 무시하기 어렵듯이 진보좌파 정부가 낙수효과를 외면하기도 어렵다. 따라서 이론의 한계와 현실 적용의 복잡성을 고려할 때, 다양한 정책적 접근이 필요하 다. 이를 인지하면서 경제정책 수립 시 낙수 경제와 분수 경제의 이론적 한계를 인식하고, 경제성장과 소득 재분배에 대한 상관관계를 현실적으로 유연하게 적용해야 한다. 그 방향은 어느 한 쪽에만 집중하는 것이 아 니라 위, 아래 모두를 지향하면서 물이 어느 한 쪽에 고이지 않도록 하는 것이다.

The trickle-down economy of the Korean conservative right-wing government was not positive for income redistribution in favor of the upper class in the economic sphere consisting of the wealthy and large corporations. This policy can stimulate economic growth under certain conditions, but the effect is not evenly transmitted to all classes. In contrast, the trickle-up economy of the Korean progressive left government does not positively affect growth in favor of support for the middle-class and common people. Theoretically, it may be desirable to resolve economic and social inequality, but it slows or retreats economic growth by shrinking corporate engines. In reality, it is difficult for the progressive left government to turn a blind eye to the trickle-down effect, just as it is difficult for the conservative right government of Korea to completely ignore the trickle-up effect. Therefore, various policy approaches are needed when considering the limitations of the theory and the complexity of practical application. Recognizing this, it is necessary to recognize the theoretical limitations of the trickle-down economy and the trickle-up economy when establishing economic policy, and to apply the correlation between economic growth and income redistribution in a realistic and flexible manner. The direction is not to focus on only one side, but to aim both up and down so that the water does not accumulate on either side.

본 연구는 북한 주민의 정보접근권 문제에 관한 것으로, 북한 정권별 정보접근권 침해와 통제를 비교 분 석한다. 이를 통해 현재 김정은 정권 하의 정보접근권 침해 실태와 특징을 파악하고, 정보접근권 향상을 위한 제언을 제시하고자 한다. 북한은 전체주의적 체제의 특징을 가지며, 특히 사상적 통제와 정치적 통제의 일체 화를 통해 주민들의 정보접근권을 심각하게 제한하고 있다. 김정은 정권 하에서는 정보 접근과 표현의 자유 를 법적으로 제한하는 ‘3대 악법’을 제정하는 등 강력한 통제를 하고 있다. 본 연구는 북한 주민들의 정보접근 권 향상을 위한 제언으로, 비판적 사고를 촉진할 수 있는 유의미한 정보 제공, 북한 정권의 인권 침해 문제에 대한 국제사회의 지속적인 비판 및 권고, 그리고 직접적 및 간접적 정보접근 지원 방안을 제시한다. 연구의 한계로는 북한 사회의 폐쇄성으로 인한 직접적인 실태 조사가 어려운 점이 있지만, 북한인권백서 전권 분석 및 활용하여 이러한 제한을 극복하고자 했다. 본 연구가 향후 북한 정보접근권 향상을 위한 기초 자료로 활용 되기를 기대한다.

This study examines the issue of information access rights and freedom of expression for North Korean citizens, with a particular focus on analyzing the North Korean Human Rights White Paper published by the Korea Institute for National Unification and comparing the violations and controls of information access across different North Korean regimes. The aim is to assess the current state of violations related to the right to information and the right to access information under Kim Jong-un’s regime, highlighting key characteristics of these violations and offering recommendations to improve these fundamental rights. As a totalitarian state, North Korea severely restricts its citizens' access to information through the integration of both ideological and political control mechanisms. Under Kim Jong-un’s regime, the enactment of the "Three Evil Laws" has further intensified legal restrictions on the youth’s right to information and freedom of expression. This study proposes recommendations to enhance these rights, including the provision of meaningful information to foster critical thinking, sustained international criticism and recommendations regarding the human rights violations committed by the North Korean regime, and both direct and indirect measures to support access to information. The findings of this study are intended to provide foundational knowledge to support future efforts aimed at improving information access rights in North Korea.

본 연구는 ‘글로벌 사우스(Global South)’ 부상에 따른 북한의 외교적 대응이 어떻게 나타나고 있는지 분 석하는데 있다. 즉 북한이 어떤 대응 전략으로 나서고 있으며, 그 의도와 배경은 무엇인가? 등 북한의 외교 전략상 변화를 살펴보는 것이다. 북한은 글로벌 사우스와의 외교 공간 확보를 통해 외교적 고립탈피, 제재 회피, 대중·대러 편승, 다자외교 확대 등을 목표로 하며 자신들의 외교적 입지를 넓히려 하고 있다. 북한의 외교 변화를 면밀히 검토하여 이에 대한 대응책을 마련하는 것이 필요하다. 본 연구가 통일·대북정책의 실효 성과 적실성을 지닐 수 있는 방안이 되기를 기대한다.

The purpose of this study is to analyze North Korea’s diplomatic response to the rise of the ‘Global South’. In other words, what response strategy is North Korea pursuing, and what are its intentions and background? This is to examine changes in North Korea's diplomatic strategy. North Korea is trying to expand its diplomatic position by securing diplomatic space with the Global South, aiming to break away from diplomatic isolation, avoid sanctions, take advantage of China and Russia, and expand multilateral diplomacy. It is necessary to closely examine changes in North Korea's diplomacy and prepare countermeasures, and we hope that this study will be a way to ensure that the unification and North Korea policies are effective and appropriate.

본 연구는 중국 시진핑 주석의 집권 시기별 한국 문화에 대한 태도를 확인하고자 설계되었다. 특히 집권 시기별 중국 정부의 한류에 대한 생각과 그 변화 흐름을 확인하고자 하였다. 무엇보다 본 연구는 정치·외교· 군사적 측면이 아닌 문화 측면에서 한중관계를 확인하는데 초점을 맞추고자 하였다. 그 결과 집권 시기별 한류에 대한 중국 정부의 태도는 달라지고 있었는데, 무엇보다 한반도 사드배치 등 한중관계가 좋지 않았던 집권 2기 이후에는 한류 관련 언론보도가 현저하게 줄었음을 확인하였다. 집권 1기 에 한류 관련 문화콘텐츠, 한국 연예인 등 다양한 내용이 소개되었던 초기 때와 달리 시간의 흐름에 따라 단순 한류 관련 보도와 한중 문화협력을 강화하자는 식의 일반적 내용의 기사가 주를 이루고 있었다.

This study was designed to examine Chinese President Xi Jinping’s attitude toward Korean culture during his term in office. In particular, it sought to examine the Chinese government’s thoughts on the Korean Wave and the changes in it during his term in office. Above all, this study focused on examining Korea-China relations from a cultural perspective rather than a political, diplomatic, or military perspective. As a result, the Chinese government’s attitude toward the Korean Wave changed during his term in office. Above all, it was confirmed that media reports on the Korean Wave decreased significantly after his second term in office, when Korea-China relations were strained due to the deployment of THAAD in the Korean Peninsula. Unlike the early days of his term in office, when various contents related to the Korean Wave, such as cultural content and Korean entertainers, were introduced, over time, simple reports on the Korean Wave and general articles on strengthening Korea-China cultural cooperation were the main topics.

The paper explores the multifaceted relationship between South Korea and the Middle East, focusing particularly on the United Arab Emirates (UAE). It analyzes how this bilateral relationship has developed across various dimensions such as economic ties, energy cooperation, diplomatic engagements, nuclear collaboration, and cultural exchanges. The study employs the theory of complex interdependence, which suggests that in international relations, multiple channels of communication, a lack of hierarchical issue prioritization, and a reduced role for military force are prevalent. This theory helps explain the depth and breadth of South Korea's interactions with the Middle East, particularly as South Korea seeks to enhance its global influence. Historically driven by energy needs, South Korea's engagement with the Middle East has evolved into comprehensive partnerships. The UAE, with its dynamic economy, has become a significant partner for South Korea. Key developments include trade agreements and the construction of the Barakah Nuclear Power Plant by a South Korean consortium, showcasing significant nuclear technology collaboration. The paper also highlights the cultural ties fostered through educational programs and cultural festivals, which have enhanced mutual understanding and appreciation between the two countries. The evolving dynamics of this relationship exemplify how states can collaborate effectively in a globalized world, expanding beyond traditional areas to include diverse fields such as technology and cultural diplomacy.

South Korea and the US have been allies for over 70 years, navigating numerous political interests and conflicts and maintaining a strong partnership that continues to develop. Assuming there is no absolute alliance in the history of international relations, what potential crisis moments could arise for the Republic of Korea (ROK)-US alliance in the future? Based on this research question, this study aims to identify unprecedented conflicts that may threaten the alliance and risks of alliance termination by employing a literature review. The results indicate that the most likely crisis for the ROK-US alliance would arise if the nuclear umbrella commitment is nullified. Although the nuclear umbrella commitment has been specified through various mechanisms, such as the Extended Deterrence Strategy and Consultation Group (EDSCG) and the ROK-US Nuclear Consultative Group (NCG), questions remain about its reliability. Specifically, while the US has historically held a “justifiable” obligation to provide it with a nuclear umbrella, South Korea’s conventional capabilities against North Korea have reached the level of “sufficiency.” Therefore, the nullification of the nuclear umbrella commitment is likely to bring about an ROK-US alliance crisis.