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How can Chinese goddess' characters be described and identified? In the present paper, I have examined them differentiating from Greek or Roman goddesses from the point of view based on comparative mythology. It was found that there are three distinctive characters of Chinese goddess, which are primitivity, transition, and ambiguity. In an ancient China, goddesses were worshipped as holy beings with whom a man can hardly intercourse. They were considered to be in a higher position and to have a dignity. Also a number of ancient Chinese goddesses have hybrid images, meaning that their appearances are mixtures of animals and human beings. These mysterious appearances demonstrate their first character of primitivity. Then, the authorities of Chinese goddesses gradually declined and their roles depicted in the Chinese myths reduced. Therefore, goddesses couldn't take roles as male god's spouses any more. Moreover, some goddesses had to accept their tragic fate of being transformed into male gods. However, the situation suddenly changed when Taoism became a popular religion in the Chinese society. Taoism provided an opportunity to goddesses to become worshipped again and even more prosperous ever. Images of goddesses were strongly influenced by Taoism and they had a variety of experiences and underwent transformations. First of all, their hybrid images were changed into a beautiful female Taoist, and their dignities regained. Now, the second character of the Chinese goddesses is ambiguity. In other words, their roles were not clearly specified and rather ambiguous, in contrast with Greek or Roman goddesses. Perhaps, it is because, unlike Greek or Roman goddesses, Chinese goddesses were humanized fairly late in time. They were thought to be important in maintaining harmonious relationships between human being and nature. In these days, both “sensibility" and “imagination" have been emphasized greatly than ever before. Therefore, there is no doubt that studies of Chinese goddesses and their roles can evoke potentiality of women and east Asian mythology.

According to the proclaimation of the Taika lightly̵funeral law in the 646 year, the magical ‘bin' ceremony that will return the dead to his life was prohibited to the peoples who are below the Imperial family. and, the understanding of the dead's revival was gradually losted. the new poetical sentiment was figured in this periodic background. beacause the burial of the dead is to cover it, the new metaphor that is in stead of the dead came into sight. The new poetical sentiment in the ancient Japan was not to be appeared of itself but to be appeared under the influence of the ancient china. the number 114 song of the Nihonsyoki is to sing the new poetical sentiment that had not been then in the Japan. Because the flowers fall, they bloom again in the next year. their life is forever. but if humen die, because they don't bloom again. their life is not forever. therefore, on the ground of this consciousness, they feel more the mutability of the dead. This poetical sentiment is the new poetical sentiment that they feel on the ground of the confrontation of the nature and the human. through this poetical sentiment, the new elegy began to be song as the lyric poetry.

From a religious viewpoint, Buddhist Goddess of Mercy(Avalokitéshvara) is the divinity that has many sided shapes. Buddhist Goddess of Mercy appears by either god or goddess according to necessity. But historically while Buddhist Goddess of Mercy was masculinized in India, it became feminized entering to China. It's similar to Korea. In China, it was begun at Tang era and was generalized at Sung era. In Korea, it was begun at Shilla era and was generalized at Chosun era. Gwaneum's becoming goddess that appeared at the Middle Ages inherited goddess' tradition of the previous Middle Ages. In other words, it is a phenomenon happened within pedigree of Holy Mother faith which was connected to Great Mother and Progenitress. This is the result of women's desire to be compensated for social suppression through Buddhist Goddess of Mercy psychologically.

The researcher has looked into the aspects of mother-god belief on the basic of the cases of mother-god practices in Mongolian folk custom to the extent that the problem of how the mother-god belief had put down roots in Mongolian mind would be dealt with through mythological discourses. The findings from the discussions conducted so far are to be summarized as follows: First, such things as mother-tree, mother-rock and mother-stone-statue are nothing less than religious objects that the people worship as a being with the deity of motherhood. Second, the worshiped objects are born after the death of a female. Even though the birth of an object and the death of a female come from a different origin, the idea seems somehow related to the female deity from Mongolian mythology, Dayan Dereh. Dayan Dereh was the first shaman who became petrified while she was taking away the daughter of Jenghizkan. A similar story is told of mother-rocks and part of the story agrees with that of the mother-trees. The recurrent theme here is 'the death of a female and her deification after death.' Third, it is noteworthy that the ways of worshipping these objects are mostly tactile and that the praying is done in a whispery voice. These acts are frequently observable in the ordinary relations between mother and child, so they prove that the deity of their belief objects is a female parent. Fourth, although there are only a few examples of mother-god or female god in Mongolian mythology, Eh Yureng Hatang, Ehe, or the crane woman who is the tribal bird of Boriyad shows how the Mongolians have conceived of female deity in their imagination. Fifth, the Mongolian view that the fire-god is female is related to the view that the sun-god is also female. Sixth, it is interesting that Mongolians think of the heaven as male and they regard the earth as female. They also put hierarchy between heaven-god and earth-god. They called the lords of earth and water ‘et gen' which implies ‘mother,' ‘mother's belly', and ‘mother's womb,' and they made the ‘etgen' the object of worship second only to Menke Tengeri. Seventh, the Mongolians put ‘eh’, ‘ehe’ or ‘eke' implying ‘mother' to either the head or the tail of their deity words to signify the highest adoration. This is a similar practice to the case of male deities where the affix ‘father' is often attached. But the male affixation is less universal and less highly invoked. Finally, the Great-Mother god belief of the Mongolians where the earth is deified as a female god seems to be based on their nomadic culture in that they base their living on the meadow land, rather than influenced from the agricultural practice. The female affixation to the names of the gods appears to have some affinity with the formation of the earth conception since ‘eh' (‘ehe' or ‘eke') refers to ‘origin,' ‘first,' or ‘the beginning' while ‘etgen' refers to ‘mother,' ‘mother's ‘belly' or ‘mother's womb.'

‘Dajaguhalmeo-myth' transmission in Yongbuwon-ri, Daegang-myeon, Danyang-gun, Chungchong-bukdo ‘Dajaguhalmeo' as far as being mountain god who is accompaniedin ‘Jukryeongsansinje' goddess be. It was old woman who know well Sobaekmountain's topography that ‘Dajaguhalmeo' that become target of sacrifice. She speaks that defeat thief who afflict people who pass over Jukryeong(竹嶺) by eminent wisdom, and became Jukryeong's mountain god by zero that make the village and country restfully. It has ‘Dajagu' that is person who is created newly by God in human through myth, and new name by people at the process that ‘Dajaguhalmeo'. ‘Dajaguhalmeo-myth' is acting role that explain the origin of ‘Sansindang’ and ‘Jukryeongsansinje' Soon because is used by history phlegm that ‘Dajaguhalmeo-myth' is believed by individual or area's guardian deity. Even if is so, can not prescribe ‘Dajaguhalmeo' unfortunate slip of the tongue that is ‘Dajagu-myth' or ‘Dajaguhalmeo-myth'. Soon because must acquire deify which ‘Dajaguhalmeo-tale' must equip as myth to deify. These point is difference with tale ‘Dajaguhalmeo' and general myth. Soon legend need mythical devices on essential factor of deification, mythical device that area peoples of Yongbuwon-ri produce is sacredness story of ‘Dajaguhalmeo' justly. Apotheosized ’Dajaguhalmeo' does much meanings and function in the area peoples. First, is having function that control consciousness and emotion of function, function of treatment, function that decide good and bad luck, function of treatment, the area peoples of country protection. The area peoples of Yongbuwon-ri need force of aloof ’Dajaguhalmeo' for effective survival, or honor ‘Dajaguhalmeo', and are controlled by ‘Dajaguhalmeo'. So, is appeared by sacrifice becoming a life of faith. Therefore, It is ‘Dajaguhalmeo' is alive as god that do that protect individual or the village as well as the country to the area peoples of yongbuwon-ri who believe ‘Dajaguhalmeo'.

This essay is the study of the meaning and variation of Namijanggun fiesta(Namijanggundanggut). Namijanggun fiesta(Namijanggundanggut) began with the worship of general Nami. The regional characteristic of Yongsan in which commercial business has developed and the people's two different thoughts (one is to change their real life and the other is to lead a peaceful living in their real life) worked on. So the people have made a hero of the general Nami who is existent human being and have admired the general Nami as a God. This Namijanggundanggut which worship the general Nami was interrupted for some time and were resumed. In this process, Gutgeori has changed a lot and its' characteristics have changed from the Gut which is the object of worship to the festival which is the object of play. Although there are several unvalued variations, Namijanggun fiesta (Namijanggun- danggut) has become there presentative festival. Namijanggun fiesta (Namijanggundanggut) will play a role as one type of Seoul Festival forward.