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I will examine these words/phrases in the following order ｢登時・當下・登下｣. ‘‘Touji (登時)’’ was prevalent from the early period in Japan. We can find this word in classic Japanese dictionaries, in pre-modern and modern Chinese dictionaries, and in Kanji dictionaries of the Meiji Period. It was relatively well-known by Japanese speakers, and basically carried the meaning ‘‘immediately’’. However, it appears that it underwent a transformation to become the ‘‘Topic conversion’’ marker - meaning ‘‘then’’, under the influences of the pre- modern ‘‘Chinese Linguistic study. ‘‘Touka (當下)’’ is essentially the same as ‘‘touji(當時)’’, although it takes on a different meaning depending upon its pronunciation. When you say ‘‘Tou(當)’’ using the First Tone (一声/Yisheng), the meaning is ‘‘then’ ’; but when you use the Fourth Tone (四声/Sisheng), the meaning becomes ‘‘immediately’’. The meaning of ‘‘touka(登下)’’ in Japan, (which was quite novel even in China) came to be ‘‘then’’ under the influences of ‘‘Chinese Linguistic study (唐話学) ’’. Compared with ‘‘touji(登時)’’, ‘‘touka(當下)’’ has been used in various ways. The usage of ‘‘touka(當下)’’ is an outstanding example of difference between China and Japan. As this paper examines in detail the index of ‘‘Kango-daijiten『漢語大詞典』’’, the differences has no relevance to the ‘‘Topic conversion’’, and it is unclear why ‘‘touka(登下)’’ in the Japanese language had been used with the meaning ‘‘then’’. However, it might be considered that Japanese people used it as the ‘‘Topic conversion’’, because they noted the similarities between ‘‘touji(當時)’’ and ‘‘touka(當下)’’.

日本の場合はどうであったのかを、ここでは便宜上｢登時・當下・登下｣の順に整理してみたい。 ｢登時｣は、早い時期に受け入れられている。日本の古辞書や、近世や近代の唐話辞書、それから明治 期の漢語辞書に も登載されていて、日本人には比較的知られている語であるかのように見える。主として｢すぐに・ ただちに｣の意味で 用いられていたものが、近世の唐話学の流行により、｢そのとき｣という話題転換の意味への意味用法 上の変化がみられ るようになった。 ｢當下｣は｢當時｣と同じもので、発音により意味が異なっている。｢當｣の音が一声であるときに｢その とき｣の意味にな り、四声のときは｢すぐに・ただちに｣の意味になる。日本における｢當時｣の受容は早いが、｢當下｣は 近世以降の資料に 見られる。中国においても非常に新しい語である｢當下｣は、唐話学の影響で受容され話題転換語とし て用いられてい た。日本では殆んどが｢そのとき｣という意味の話題転換語として用いられている。 ｢登下｣は、中国と日本での意味用法が全く異なる例である。『漢語大詞典』の見出しでみたように、 話題転換とは無関 係のものである。日本ではどうして話題転換とは全く異なる｢登下｣を｢そのとき｣の意味で用いたのか については明らか でない。ただし、一つの可能性として、｢當時｣と｢當下｣が類似性をもっていることから、近世に入っ てきた｢登下｣も｢登時｣と類似性を持っていると考えて話題転換の意味で用いたというふうに推測して みることはありうるかと思われ る。

본고에서는 메이지기의 문학작품을 대상으로 첩어형태를 띠는 용례만을 중심으로 중국 고전문헌 및 일본 고전문헌의 용례를 수록하고 있는 대사전류를 토대로 그 전거(典據)의 유무를 밝히고, 어떠한 의 미변화가 있었는지에 대해서 살펴보았다. 첫째, 일본어에 있어 한어 오노마토페는, 언어학 연구에 있어서도 크게 관심을 끌지 못하고 있는 실정 이며, 모국어 화자는 중국어로부터 차용되었다는 점을 의식하지 못하고 있다. 둘째, 『大漢和辞典』과 『日本国語大辞典』모두 등재되어 전거를 확인할 수 있는 한어 오노마토페 의 대부분은 메이지기 이전에 수용된 것을 알 수 있었다. 이 중, 중국 최고의 시가집인 『詩経󰡕에도 전거가 확인되는, 오래 전부터 사용되어 온 한어 오노마토페를 확인할 수 있었다. 메이지기에 유입된 것으로 판단되는 한어 오노마토페 중｢煢々｣는 본고의 자료인 『浮雲』가 초출인 것으로 확인되었다. 셋째, 『大漢和辞典』에 등재되어 전거가 확인되지만 『日本国語大辞典』에 등재되어 있지 않은 한 어 오노마토페는 ｢活々｣가 유일한 것으로 나타났다. 넷째, 두 사전에 등재되어 있지 않아 전거를 확인할 수 없는 경우로 ｢唁々｣가 있었는데, ｢唁々｣는 문중 에서 동사를 수식하여 오노마토페로서 완벽한 역할을 하고 있으며 첩어형을 띠고 있다. 이에 ｢唁々｣는 고전 중국어 오노마토페의 조어법으로 二葉亭四迷가 고안한 일본제 한어 오노마토페가 아닌가 생각 된다. 다섯째, 한어 오노마토페가 일본어로 수용될 시, 유사한 의미를 지닌 고유어 오노마토페와 유입시기, 처음 사용되는 문헌의 성격 그리고 후리가나가 의미변화에 관여하지 않았나 생각된다.

This research has investigated original sources which demonstrate the way of having reduplicated (or ricochet) words used in modern Japanese literature during the Meiji period and the gradual changes in their meanings, by drawing on grand dictionaries containing their examples used in classical Japanese and Chinese literature. Firstly, Chinese onomatope in Japanese has been hitherto given less attention in the study of linguistics, not to mention that Japanese native speakers have yet to realize the fact that it was originally borrowed from Chinese. Secondly, given that its original sources are listed in both the Great Han-Japanese Dictionary (大漢和辞典) and the Encyclopedia of Japanese Language (日本国 語大辞典), it can be concluded that most Chinese onomatopoeic words have already been adopted and then started being used prior to the Meiji period. Especially, the fact that some of them could also be found in Shih-ching (詩経: the Book of Songs/Odes), the oldest existing collection of Chinese poetry, further supports the assumption that Chinese onomatopoeic words have long been used before the Meiji period. This research discovered that, of Chinese onomatopoeic words thought to be adopted in the Meiji period, “煢々” derived from Ukigumo (浮雲 ). Thirdly, this research also confirmed that the only Chinese onomatope, which is listed in the Great Han-Japanese Dictionary, but not in the Encyclopedia of Japanese Language, was “活々”. Fourthly, there is such a word as “唁々” which is listed in neither of them. Nevertheless, “唁々” functions as a perfect onomatopoetic word given its modification of a verb in a sentence, and takes the form of reduplicated word. Hence, it is likely that “唁々” might be a kanji-onomatopoeic word which Futabatei Shimei (二葉亭四迷) invented based on the Chinese-onomatopoetic word formation. Lastly, it can be assumed that, at the beginning of its gradual absorption into Japanese, Chinese onomatope might have affected proper onomatopoeic words with similar meanings and the period of their inflow into Japanese, the characteristics of literature where their usage was first detected, and furigana’s involvement in the change in their meanings.

Degree adverbs have a function which modifies the quantity. When degree adverbs modify the quantity, they express some various meanings. this paper research about the factors of making various meanings. And this paper got the following conclusion. Quantity of a subject ... When it coincides with an intransitive verb and a quantitative spread can be assumed to the noun which is at the subject. Quantity of a target... When it coincides with a transitive verb and a quantitative spread can be assumed to the noun which is an object. Quantity of a motion ... When it coincides with an intransitive verb and a quantitative spread can be not assumed to the noun which is at the subject.When it coincides with a transitive verb and a quantitative spread cannot be assumed to the noun which is an object. When it coincides with an intransitive verb having will.

程度副詞には後接する成分の数量性を限定する機能がある。その程度副詞の表す数量性─つまり解釈─は多岐にわたるのであるが、本稿はその解釈の違いを生じさせる要因は何かについて調べたものである。調査の結果、以下のような結論を導くこととなった。主体の数量･･･意志性のない自動詞と共起し、主体である名詞に数量的な広がりが想定できる場合。対象の数量･･･他動詞と共起し、対象である名詞に数量的な広がりが想定できる場合。動きの量･･･意志性のない動詞と共起し、主体である名詞に数量的な広がりが想定できない場合。他動詞と共起し、対象である名詞に数量的な広がりが想定できない場合。意志性のある自動詞と共起した場合。また、先行研究でたびたび論じられる｢度数｣を表す用法については、用例の絶対数が少なく、前後の文脈の影響を受けることから、例外的･複次的な用法であるとした。

There are a lot of similarities between the Korean language and the Japanese language. It is said that speakers of one can easily learn the other language. However, even if the learners use grammatically correct Japanese, the difference between two languages often cause another expression, which may lead to misunderstandings. Japanese “causative” is one of the difficult expressions for Korean learners. In order to use Japanese causative expressions in appropriate situations, it is necessary for the learners to understand the characteristics of the Korean causative accurately and to recognize the differences between the two languages. To clarify the pragmatic differences of both languages, I compared the Japanese and Korean causative expressions, which correspond to Japanese translation of “-seru”　and “-saseru”. As a result, I found out that the viewpoint of the Korean language is quite different from the Japanese language. The viewpoint of Korean is stationary, which represents the politeness of the Korean language. On　the other hand, there is a tendency in Japanese to represent politeness with a dynamic viewpoint. Korean learners tend to use direct impressions because of this viewpoint. I think the difference of the viewpoint is the difference of politeness. By characterizing it in a pragmatic manner, I suggested the point in Japanese causative expressions.

韓国語と日本語は類似点の多い言語であるため、韓国語話者にとって日本語は、習得しやすい外国語である。しかしながら、文法的に正しく日本語を使用しても、両言語の差異が原因で生じる表現が原因となり、それが誤解につながることもたびたびある。日本語の｢使役｣は韓国人日本語学習者にとって難しい表現の一つであると言われる。適切な場面で日本語使役表現を使うためには、学習者は母語の韓国語使役の特徴を正確に理解し、二つの言語の相違点を認識する必要がある。両言語の語用的相違を明らかにするため、翻訳小説の中にみられる、日本語｢せる｣｢させる｣に相当する韓国語表現を通して、韓日使役表現を比較対照した。調査の結果分かったことは、韓国語は日本語と｢視点｣の位置が異なることである。 韓国語の視点は不動であり、これが韓国語の配慮を表わしている。 一方、日本語は動的な視点によって配慮を表わす傾向がある。視点の違いこそ、配慮の相違であると考える。学習者が使用する日本語が直接的な表現になりやすいのは、この視点が原因である。このような語用的な特徴を明らかにすることで、日本語使役表現における注意点を示唆した。

This study aims to analyze the trend of Japanese conversation materials published in Korea between 2000 and 2013. Components covered by this study are as follows: ① volumes of publications by year ② number of edition(s) ③④ prices ⑤authors (nationality of author(s) : Korean or Japanese, number of author(s)) ⑥ number of pages ⑦ supplementary audio materialsLooking into the result, Japanese conversation materials were most numerously published between 2006 and 2008, so this period is considered a golden age of their publications. In addition, since 2012, the number of high school students learning Japanese as a second foreign language has sharply decreased to one third as many as in 2011. Along with its downturn, total volumes of Japanese conversation materials published in 2013 decreased to fifteen which were only one third compared to the volumes in 2006. In terms of the number of edition(s), it was found that 28% of the published materials had multiple editions, and the rest(78%) had a single edition. As to prices, the average cost of the materials was 11,194 Korean won which indicated there was no big increase in comparison with inflation of the consumer price. Looking into authors, 51% of the materials were published by Koreans only, which were three times as many as Japanese-only authors. When it comes to supplementary audio materials, the number of CDs exceeded cassette tapes compared to 2005, and MP3 files emerged from 2008 and mounted up to 2012. Finally, Japanese conversation materials in an e-book type appeared from 2006, and seemed to be popular up to and decreased since 2008, while e-book business in Korea showed big growth by two-digit billion Korean won from 2008. Despite its market growth, demand for Japanese conversation materials in an e-book type only decreased which indicates the number of Japanese learners decreased.

本研究は2000年から2013年にわたり韓国で出版された日本語会話教材の傾向を分析することを目的とする。調査を行う内容は以下の通りである。①各年度別出版数②シリーズ物であるかどうか③価格④著者(韓国人著者なのか日本人著者なのか)⑤各教材のページ数⑥音声付属教材の有無などを調査する。調査結果を見ると、2006年から2008年にかけて最も活発に日本語会話教材が出版されており、日本語教材開発の全盛期だと言える。また、高等学校第2外国語として日本語を学ぶ学習者の数が2012年から前年度の3分の1程度まで急激に下がっており、それに比例するかのように日本語会話教材の出版数も2013年では15冊であったが、これは2006年の全盛期に比べ3分の1の数に過ぎない。また、シリーズ物については全体の28％を占めており、残りの78％は単独で出版されており、また、全教材の平均価格は11,194ウォンで、消費者物価上昇率に比べれば教材の価格が上がっていないことが分かった。著者については全体の51％が韓国人のみの著者となっており、日本人のみの著者に比べて3倍も多い数字となった。音声付属教材については2005年を基準としてテープの数よりCDの数が上回り、MP3ファイルは2008年から登場しはじめ、2012年まで増加する傾向にあったことが分かった。最後に電子書籍の登場は2006年からで、2008年まで急速に拡大するかのように見えたが、2008年度以降から反対に縮小傾向を見せ、これは韓国の電子書籍規模が2008年から何百億ウォンずつ成長を遂げているにもかかわらず、日本語会話教材販売が低迷していることは日本語会話教材に対する需要の減少、さらには日本語学習者自体の減少を意味していると言える。

In this study, the survey on ｢Expressed Reasons｣ only to be extracted refusal expressions concerning “request”, “recommendation”and “proposal” in daily life has been conducted and classified by type.There are the outcomes of the study in case of private reasons for a personal reason and official duties and schedule for the public reasons, a researcher carried out the survey concerning a comparison Korean and Japanese, we wonder reason why both languages express refusal in the relationship and how many reasons come out. As a result, a research found that in the case of Korean there are 15reasons to be used as <respectability> <belief> <schedule> <imputation> <ability> <fact> <naturalness> <hope> < circumstance > <work> <duty> <preference > <Health> <completion> <sorriness>. Additionally, in case of the Japanese there are 10 reasons to be used <respectability> <belief> <schedule> <imputation> <ability> <fact> <naturalness> <hope> <circumstance > <duty> respectively. Also, the results from the comparison in sequence of high figure, there are often used <circumstance 19% > < promise 13.9% > <truth 9.3% ><hope 8.3% > in Korean respectively. On the other hand, there are used < truth 18.5% >, < work 18.5% > <circumstance 16.6% >< promise 14.7> in Japanese. Overall, in case of Korea, they showed expressed reasons of <circumstance> hoping to understand the other party implicitly, but in case of Japanese, reasons expressed of <work > emphasizing responsibility in close relationship and of <fact> appealing to say truth in large number.

本調査では生活の中で頻繁に起こりうると思われる｢頼み｣｢勧誘｣｢提案｣に対する｢断り表現｣を対象にして｢断り表現｣のうち、｢理由表明｣のみを抜粋して理由内容を類型別に分類した。理由内容が個人的な理由の場合は私的理由、公的業務や予定の場合は公的理由として、韓国語と日本語ではどのような理由内容があらわれるか、また、親疎関係においてはどの理由内容が多くあらわれるか、比較を行った。結果、韓国語の場合、<メンツ> <信念> <豫定> <轉嫁> <能力> <事實> <當然> <希望> <事情> <業務> <義務> <嗜好> <健康> <完了> <すまなさ>の15の理由内容を用いていることがわかった。また、日本語の場合、<メンツ> <信念> <豫定> <轉嫁> <能力> <事實> <當然> <希望> <事情> <業務>の10の理由内容を用いていることがわかった。さらに、この結果から、出現数を比較してみて高い順に、韓国語の方は<事情19>、<予定13.9>、<事実9.3>、<希望8.3>が好んで使われていることがわかった。日本語の方は<事実18.5>、<業務18.5>、<事情16.6>、<予定14.7>であることがわかった。全体的に韓国語の場合、相手に暗黙の理解を望むことを暗示した＜事情＞の｢理由表明｣、日本語の場合は、親しい関係では仕事をしなければならないという責任を強調する＜業務＞の｢理由表明｣と、真実を言って相手に訴える＜事実＞の｢理由表明｣を多用していることがわかる。

지금까지 연구되어온 다양한 politeness대한 개념을 재 고찰하고, 그 문제점을 명확히 제시한다. 먼저 Brown and Levinson(1987)의 politeness이론에 대해 소개하고, 그 개념과 politeness에 대한 이분법이 실제 담화에 적용할 때 일어날 수 있는 이론적인 애매함과 문제점을 지적한다. 그리고 사회적 규범으로서의 관점에서 politeness현상을 파악하여보면 특정종류의 발화행위에 의존해 버려 언어중심주의에 빠져버릴 위험성이 있음을 지적한다. 또 politeness현상에 대한 회화의 원칙으로서의 관점은 효과적으로 담화를 성립하는 것에는 도움이 되나 담화에 있어서 회화참가자간의 face의 주고받음이 결여되어 있음으로 담화의 목표와 메시지의 전달과 같은 담화의 모습을 명확히 파악하는데 문제점이 있음을 지적한다.

This research reappraises the hitherto examined diverse notions of politeness, and then suggests the problems embedded in them. First of all, it introduces the theory of politeness developed by Brown and Levinson (1987), and criticizes the theoretical ambiguity of, and ensuing problem with, the way in which their notion of politeness and its innate dichotomy are applicable to our actual (everyday) conversations. And this research also points out that the analysis of the phenomenon of politeness from the perspective of social norm might be able to fall into linguistic centrism by relying much on certain types of verbal performance. Furthermore, while the phenomenon of politeness seen from the perspective of conversational rules might be helpful in enabling our (daily) conversations more effectively, it lacks reciprocal face-to-face interactions between or among those who participate in those conversations; this perspective of seeing the phenomenon of politeness seems problematic in terms of fathoming the overall shape/appearance of a conversation, such as its main purpose and its delivery of message.

The aim of this study is to probe for political discourse analysis, have been investigated based on the Video in terms of power struggle. Was subjected to critical discourse analysis from discourse to extract from the video of YouTube, the expanded coverage in the surrounding of the newspaper reporters and Osaka mayor. There, it has been found that is allowed to expand the power struggle from the political standpoint of self of newspaper reporters and Mayor hold fast, contributing to the construction of the categorization of self and others as a result. I found that this political discourse is also a site of ideological struggle thatleft-wing-based newspaper reporter and right-wing politicians, the struggle has been enhanced, until the end is maintained. in that by using the critical discourse analysis, which is effective in political discourse analysis, linguistic behavior of qualitative both found there was observed, suggesting of this study and are intended to be meaningful.

本稿は政治談話分析を行い、パワー闘争の観点からビデオ映像を基に考察を行ったものである。ユーチューブの映像から抽出し、大阪市長と新聞記者との取り囲み取材において展開された談話からクリティカルディスコース分析を行った。そこでは、市長と新聞記者らの自己が固守する政治的立場からパワー闘争を展開させ、結果的に自己と他者のカテゴリー化の構築に寄与していることがわかった。この政治談話は右派政治家と左派系新聞記者というイデオロギー闘争の現場でもあり、その闘争が強化され、最後まで維持されていることがわかった。政治談話分析に有効とされるクリティカルディスコース分析を用いて、そこに見られる質的な双方の言語行動が見られた点において、本研究の示唆は意義あるものであると思われる。

본고에서는 일본에서 복수의 『은하철도의 밤』이 출판된 현황과 여러 종류의 일한번역본『은하철 도의 밤』의 출판 현황과 문제점을 고찰해 보았다. 일본 출판사가 출판한 『은하철도의 밤』은 초기형, 최종형, 합성본문 중 어느 원고형태를 바탕으로 했는지를 밝히고 있어서 독자들이 초기형과 최종형, 그리고 합성본문은 각각 『은하철도의 밤』이며 ‘하나의 이야기’가 아니고 ‘다수의 번전을 갖는 이야기’라는 사실을 쉽게 이해할 수 있다. 일한번역본 『은하철도의 밤』출판현황을 살펴본 결과 『은하철도의 밤』이 ‘하나의 이야기’가 아니 고 ‘다수의 번전을 갖는 이야기’라는 사실을 알 수 있는 것은 16권의 역서 중에 1권(햇살과 나무꾼역, 2012) 뿐이다. 그렇지만 무엇을 판본으로 했는지를 밝히지 않은 일한 번역본 『은하철도의 밤』경우 도 어느 출판사에서 출판 되었는가 번역자가 누구인가에 따라 이야기의 세부구성이이나 결말부분이 다른 이야기가 출판되었다. 독자를 염두에 둔 출판이라면 다양한 버전을 가진 『은하철도의 밤』이라는 작품이 시장에 나돌게 된 배경 설명이 필요하다고 본다. 또한 문학번역작품을 번역할 경우는 번역자는 햇살과 나무꾼(2012)의 번역자처럼 연구논문 검토를 통해 작품의 세계를 정확히 독자들에게 전달하려는 의식이 필요하다고 여겨진다.

This document covers the multiple Japanese versions of “Night on the Galactic Railroad” currently available in Japan, the different Korean translations of these books available in Korea, and the problems regarding the publishing of said translations. The Japanese versions of “Night on the Galactic Railroad” published by major Japanese publishers state what type of source text among the rough draft, the final draft, and the edited versions that they are based on. It helps readers easily understand that the said book doesn’t have only one story but has multiple versions. Of the 16 different Korean translations of “Night on the Galactic Railroad”, the information that the story has more than one version is mentioned in only one translation, published by Sunlight and Woodcutter in 2012. However, the other translations have different plots or endings depending on by whom they were translated or by which company they were published.. A reader-oriented Korean translation of “Night on the Galactic Railroad” should provide background information on the multiple versions currently available on the market. It is also required that a literary translator review research papers to help readers understand the literary work most accurately, just as the translator of the Sunlight and Woodcutter version did.

본 논문에서 분석한 것 가운데 핵심적인 것만 요약하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 미네코는 도쿄제국대학의 근대교육을 받은 여성으로, 대학재학시절 연애 감정의 줄타기를 하던 노노미야도, 산시로도 아닌 오빠의 친구라는 제3의 인물과 결혼을 한다. 미네코가 당대를 대표하는 엘 리트 여성으로서 그녀의 결혼은 자신이 바라던 조건들을 두루 갖춘 배우자를 선택하기 위한 스스로의 탐색 과정을 거쳐 가장 이상적이고 합리적인 주체적 결정을 내린 결과였다. 둘째, 최영희는 도쿄 유학을 한 엘리트 여성으로 첫 사랑 홍수삼과의 연애가 실패로 끝난 후 리순택의 열렬한 구애 끝에 결혼하지만 결코 마지못해 하는 결혼은 아니었다. 그녀는 자신의 결혼에 대해 철저 히 이해득실을 따져 본 후에 여러 안전장치를 설정한 이후, 자신의 욕구에 부합하는 합리적인 결정을 내린다. 셋째, 두 여성의 결혼 결정은 각자의 조건에 부합한 합리적인 결정이었다는 유사점이 있다. 동시에 결 혼이라는 사회제도를 이용해 자신의 이상이나 욕망을 충족시키려 했다는 점과 지고지순한 순애보적 사랑 때문에 결혼한 것이 아니라는 점에서도 유사성을 지닌다. 넷째, 두 여성이 근대 초기 도시여성의 면모를 보인다고는 하나 여성해방에 관련된 사고와 실천적인 측면에서 최영희가 미네코보다 신여성에 부합되는 인물이다. 개화기 최고의 근대 엘리트 대학교육을 받은 미네코와 최영희는 결혼에 이르기까지 타인의 간섭이나 강요를 배제한 채, 배우자가 될 상대들 을 끊임없이 시험하고 반응을 살폈다는 점에서 주체적인 결혼관을 가진 여성으로 생각된다. 하지만 최영희는 결혼식장에서 하객들에게 남녀평등을 몸소 실천하는 답사(答辭)를 통해 억압적인 여성에서 벗어나 좀 더 개방적이고 자주적인 여성이 되기를 피력한다. 이에 비해 미네코는 도쿄제국대학 재학 시절부터 자유연애를 지향하고 실천했으나 자신보다 연애 강자적 입장에 있던 노노미야에게는 건방 져 보이는 것을 염려하는 등 되도록 순종적이고 유순한 여성의 이미지로 묘사되었다.

If I summarize the only core point analyzed in this letter, is as follows:First, Mineko is female who was touched the modern education in Tokyo International college and got married to third person who is brother’s friend other than Nonomiya, Sanshiro that she had rope dancing. Mineko is the elite female and her marriage was a result decided with most rational, subjective passing through search by herself to select her spouse who equipped conditions that she hopped. Second, Choi, yeong hui is an elite female to have overseas to Tokyo, and since she failed love between Hong, Su Sam and got marriage since passionate love from Lee, Sun Taek, however, it was not forced to get marriage since she checked loss and gain and she settled a lot of safety equipment and she decides the reasonable decision to meet her desire. Third, Decisions of two female’s marriage have the similar points decided by the resonable decision to each one’s condition agreed by each other. At the same time, it has the same point that they will fill up their perfection or desire by using the social system saying marriage. Fourth, Even two females are showing the recent urban female looks, but in the essential side, Choi, yeong hui is the more agreeable person to the new female than Mineko. Mineko and Choi, yeong hui, most highest and recent elite college had excluded interference from others to her marriage and we think that she has the marriage idea in the point that she has the endless test and reaction. However, Choi, yeong hui says to become to more open and independent female from getting ride of the suppressive female thru address in reply. Comparing this, Mineko heads for free love from being in school of Tokyo International College. To Nonomiya positioned as an erotic love, she worried to be shown a pretentious to Nonomiya who stands as love stronger.

가와바타 야스나리는 1920년대 후반부터 30년대 중반까지에 걸쳐 범죄를 소재로 한 소설을 창작하고 있다. ｢지고 말 것을｣은 실제 살인사건의 기록을 전거로 삼고 있다. 이 작품은 하나의 사건에 대해 범인을 찾아가는 이른바 ‘범인 찾기’가 목적이 아니라, 사건에 얽힌 동 기 즉, 사건에 내재된 이야기에 초점이 맞추어져있다. 소설가 ‘나’는 남아있는 재판기록을 통해 피해자 인 두 소녀, 동기도 확실치 않은 살인자 야마베의 심리를 더듬어 봄으로써 사건 기록이 실은 사실과는 동떨어진 주위의 개입에 의한 ‘소설’이라고 생각하고, 그 때 야마베의 진술에 개입한 경찰, 검사, 재판 관 등도 또한 작가라고 결론을 내리게 된다. 즉, 살인기록은 야마베의 진술에 재판에 관여한 사람들에 의한 ‘합작소설’이었던 것이다. 살인기록을 ‘합작소설’로 본 ‘나’는 자신의 소설의 방법에 대해 생각해 보게 되고, 이 역시 나 한 사람에 의한 소설이 아님을 자각하게 된다.

Kawabata Yasunari wrote novels on crimes from the late 1920s to the mid 1930s. Something that should especially be focused on is the fact that, in some crime novels, actual records of that case were used as a background. In the case of Tirinuruo, real records on the murder case were used as a source. Tirinuruo is not a story that focuses on finding the culprit in a crime, or ‘searching for a culprit’, but rather on the motive involved in the case, or in other words, the story inherent in the crime. The novelist ‘I’ supposes that, through the trial records judged as a truth, both memories and records on the murder may compose the collaborative novel by tracing the mentality of two girls who died without knowing anything and Yamabe who murdered without a clear motive.

가와바타가 62세에 집필한『잠자는 미녀』는 사회와 일상을 배제하고 도덕과 윤리도 초월한 공간을 설정하여, 67세인 주인공 에구치를 통해 노년의 ‘삶’과 ‘성’에 대한 집착과 갈등 그리고 갈망을 그리고 있다. 또한 죽음을 의식하게 되는 노인이 정상적이지 않은 관계임에도 불구하고 젊은 여자를 탐닉하 면서 자기 인식 과정을 보여주고 있다. 『잠자는 미녀』의 비밀의 공간인 ‘여관’의 이미지는 신비스럽고 폐쇄적이다. 그 안에서의 인간관계 란 찾아 볼 수도 없다. 특수한 상황인 그 곳에서 어린 미녀들과의 동침으로 에구치는 자신의 연애 사 건을 회상하게 되고 결국은 ‘어머니’를 찾아낸다. 현실에서의 방탕한 생활이 의식의 공간인 비현실에 서는 순수했던 어린 시절, 어머니의 임종을 지켜보던 아이로 돌아가 잊고 있던 자신의 윤리성을 회복 하면서 일탈에 마침표를 찍게 되는 것이다. 에구치는 다른 노인에 비해 남성 기능을 유지하고 있는 것에 자신감을 표출하고 있지만, 결국 에구치 도 노화되는 신체와 그로 인해 압박해 오는 늙음에 대한 두려워하는 나약한 인간이다. 그렇기 때문에 비밀의 집을 찾아 어린 여체와 접촉하면서 젊음의 기를 받고 과거와 현재를 반복해 가면서 자기 인식 을 하는 계기를 마련한다.

『Sleeping Beauty』 written by Kawabata at the age of 62 sets space beyond morals and ethics, excluding society and everyday life, and describes obsession and conflicts, a long for ‘life’ and ‘sex’ at old age through Eguchi at the age of 67. In addition, the old man who is conscious of death shows the process of self-awareness by indulging in young women regardless of an unhealthy relationship. The secret place of 『Sleeping Beauty』, ‘Inn’‘s image is mysterious and closed. What is a relationship in it can’t be found. In the place with special circumstances, Eguchi thinks of his love affair and finds ‘mother’ eventually, sharing the bed with young beauties. He regains his ethicality forgotten as profligate life in reality returns to his innocent childhood in unreality of space of consciousness to watch his mother’s death and finishes deviationAlthough Eguchi expresses his confidence on keeping male erectile function compared to other seniors, finally he is a weak person to be afraid of aging to make him pressure due to his aging body. Thus, he prepares an opportunity of self-awareness, going to the secret house and getting youth energy by doing physical contact with young woman’s body, and repeating the past and the present.

엔도는 일본 전후의 가톨릭문학계의 선구자로서 평론과 소설을 통하여 다른 작가가 파고들지 못한 종교적과제를 추구해왔다. 그는 전 생애를 통하여 끊임없이 가톨릭의 유일신을 탐구해가며 일본문단에서 황무지와 같았던 가톨릭문학을 한 장르로서 구축하였다엔도는 거리감이 있었떤 서구의 유일신을 일본에서 어떻게 토착화시킬까에 대한 해결책을 모색하는 수단으로서 소설이라는 매체를 이용하였다. 엔도가 추구하는 신은 부성적인 신이 아니라 한없이 부드럽고 용서하고 사랑하는 모성적인 신이라고 할 수 있는데 이 모성적 사랑의 신의 모습을 가스톤을 빌어 나타낸 것이다. 독자들에게 가까이 있는 엔도의 중간소설이란 작가 엔도 자신이 의도한 모성적인 영원한 사랑의 동반자 예수로서의 가톨릭을 독자들에게 전달하는 장소였다고 할 수 있다. 실제로 엔도가 작가로서 활동함에 있어 일본인에게 맞는 가톨릭의 문제를 찾아내는 것은 1959년의 중간소설『오바카상』의 연재 때부터라고 할 수 있다.

Endo had researched on how we can approach Catholic that has a distance, during whole his life, constantly, and he cultivated Catholic literature like wasteland in Japan literature as a genre. To sad together and to forgive all and to love are God’s figure that Endo understood, it is overlapped as it is, with Gaston’s image in <Obacasang> If so, in situation of 1959 that <Obacasang> was published, the fact that Catholic understood by Endo is changed from paternity to maternal, can be reasoned. Endo’s works is divided as the pure fiction and the middlebrow novel according to genre and contents. If someone doesn’t observe the other rich literature world that the middlebrow novel showed by a shape and the author’s face projected in it, Endo Shusaku’s research also is no more than showing only one side literature world. There is Endo’s worry for contemporary man of no God in the middlebrow novel, in other words, most Japan readers who enjoy fiction work. Endo’s the middlebrow novel can be supposed as a place that delivers readers a well-fitting Catholic, in other words, a place that seeks the delivery place. Really, in the point that Endo act as a author, the time that he found issue of Christianity suitable for Japan was the time that the first work of the middlebrow novel of 1959, <Obacasang> was published serially.

류큐는 조선에 『고려대장경』구청(求請)과 교류를 적극 추진하였다. 불교를 통일왕조의 사상적 구 심점으로 삼아 적극적으로 장려하였다. 통일 이전 삼산은 각각 종족 신앙을 갖고 있었기 때문에 통일 왕조의 출범에 따라 보편적 이념이 필요했던 것이다. 통일 왕조라는 정당성 확보와 왕권강화를 위해 불교를 보다 적극적으로 보호하였다. 정치적 안정과 더불어 불교 정착을 위해 『고려대장경』인경본 이 필요하였던 것이다. 16세기 명(明)이 해금정책(海禁政策)을 실시하자 류큐에 의한 대교역시대가 도래하였다. 그러나 명의 해금정책 완화로 중국 상인에 이어 일본 상인도 진출해 오자 류큐는 동남아시아 교역에서도 철퇴를 맞게 되었다. 조선과 류큐의 교류가 무려 1/4로 감소하였고, 교역로는 해로에서 육로가 바뀌었다. 『고려대장경』을 인경하면 16만장의 종이가 소요되어 6,807권으로 편성된다. 조선은 『고려대장경』인경을 위해서는 엄청난 비용이 소요되므로 매번 하사해 주는 것은 어려웠다. 그리고 대규모 대장경 을 한꺼번에 이동하기 위해서는 육로로는 불가능하며 해상을 이용해야 한다. 여기에 류큐가 해상 주 도권을 상실하게 되자, 『고려대장경』구청이 감소하게 된 것으로 추론된다.

Ryukyu kingdom of the Joseon dynasty 『Tripitaka Koreana』hoped to convey. Ideologically unified dynasty was the focal point of Buddhism is strongly encouraged. Before the Unification, each to have faith. However, after the reunification of the universal religion Buddhism, to expect them to work. The Ryukyu kingdom reunification of the justification for the purpose of strengthening the Buddhist kingdom, more active protection. In addition to political stability and to settle the Buddhist 『Tripitaka Koreana』who will need a printed copy. Marine Exchange of the 16th century ended with the Ryukyu kingdom. That policy has changed because of the Ming(明) dynasty lost the initiative. Exchanges Joseon dynasty and Ryukyu kingdom was reduced by 25%. Overland trade from the existing sea routes have changed. When you print the 『Tripitaka Koreana』paper consumption is 16 million, and the 6807 volume of the book. Expensive to print because the print request can not give every time. And large print copies of the Tripitaka, it is not possible to go into the land. Eventually lead to the loss at sea of the Joseon dynasty of Ryukyu kingdom could not ask for 『Tripitaka Koreana』.

본 논문에서는 근세 한ㆍ일 기녀복식의 조형 특성을 비교 고찰하였다. 그 결과 형태면의 경우 양국 기녀복식은 과장과 축소를 통한 형태의 변형과 넉넉하고 긴 복식형태에 서 오는 율동미라는 유사점을 가진다. 또한 노출에 의한 관능미의 연출이다. 반면 조선후기 기녀복식 은 항아리형 실루엣으로 풍만한 여성의 둔부를 복식으로 과장되게 표현했으며, 에도시대 기녀복식은 상하분리 없는 고소데를 중첩하여 전체적으로 적당히 넉넉한 일자형 실루엣으로 나타났다. 색채의 유사점으로 조선후기 기녀복식은 오방색의 원색과 은은한 자연색의 전통색상이 나타난다. 또 한 에도시대 기녀복식은 초기에 원색을 사용하여 화려한 배색이 나타났으며 흰 피부와 대비되어 화사 함을 더했다. 그러나 원색의 사용을 금하게 됨으로써 점차 원색의 사용이 줄어들었다. 차이점으로 조 선후기 기녀복식은 은은한 배색의 의복에 붉은 안고름과 원색의 노리개를 사용해 강조점을 주어 시선 을 가슴부근으로 모았으며 에도시대 기녀복식은 간색을 사용한 다양한 색채배합의 미로 나타난다. 또 한 조선후기 기녀의복에는 나타나지 않는 검은색을 선호한 것이다. 소재와 문양의 유사점으로 양국 기녀복식은 값비싼 소재를 사용하여 복식의 조형미를 돋보이게 하였 으며 다양한 문양으로 복식을 장식하여 눈에 띄게 한 것이다. 차이점으로는 조선후기 기녀복식은 상 징성을 지닌 문양으로 장식하여 길상을 기원했다. 반면 에도시대 기녀복식은 당시 유행한 시를 주제 로 하거나 계절에 맞는 다양한 문양을 사용하여 복식을 장식했다. 또한 문양의 배치도 다양하게 함으 로써 비교적 단순한 형태의 고소데를 멋스럽게 장식하였다.

This study is a comparative study on the formative characteristics of recent age costume of Korean gisaeng and Japanese geisha, women trained as a professional singer, dancer, and companion for men. Regarding the costume form, both Korean gisaeng and Japanese geisha had similarity in having rhythmic beauty coming from exaggerated (or reduced) ample and long costume. Both of them also produced voluptuous beauty by exposure. On the other hand, the costume of Korean gisaeng in late Joseon dynasty exaggerated the voluptuous hip of female by pot-like silhouette. Meanwhile, the costume of Japanese geisha had straight silhouette by overlapping kosode, which does not have separation of upper wear and lower wear. Regarding color, the costume of late Joseon Korean gisaeng used five cardinal colors and traditional subdued natural colors. Meanwhile, the costume of Edo age Japanese geisha had luxurious coloration using prime colors while adding georgeousness by contrasting colors with white skin. However, as the use of prime color became banned, the use of prime colors decreased. Regarding the difference of Korea and Japan, the costume of late Joseon gisaeng attracted attention to bosom by emphasizing it using red inside-tab and prime color ornament matched with costume with subdued coloration. Meanwhile, the costume of Edo age Japanese geisha had the beauty of various color schemes using secondary colors. Japanese geisha also preferred black color, which was not used by Korean gisaeng. Regarding material and pattern, the costume of both Korean gisaeng and Japanese geisha emphasized formative beauty by expensive material and had costume attract attention by decorating it with various patterns. The costume of Korean gisaeng wished good luck by decorating it with symbolic pattern. On the other hand, the costume of Japanese geisha took the theme of popular poetry or used various patterns. The costume of Japanese geisha also decorated relatively simple kosode with pattern arrangement.

본고에서는 한자문화권의 언어적 근대 문제를 “기독교”와 “번역”이라는 두 가지 축을 가지고 해명하 고자 했다. “한자문화권” “기독교” “번역”이라는 연구주제는 한 편의 논문에서 다루기에는 방대한 내 용이지만, 본고에서는 먼저 이 세 가지 연구주제가 만나는 접점에 대해 이야기 하면서 새로운 시각으 로 동아시아의 근대를 규명하는 시론으로 삼고자 한다. 이를 위해 먼저 유럽과 다른 동아시아, 한자문화권의 언어적 근대가 가지는 특성이 무엇인지 살펴보 았다. 다음으로 근대 동아시아의 기독교 선교 역사를 통해 선교사들의 번역론과 기독교 문헌 번역에 서 한자, 한문의 역할을 검토하였다. 이를 통해 근대라는 시대의 급박함과 계몽의 필요성이 동아시아 에서 한자와 한문을 활용한 빠른 번역을 요구하였고, 한자의 조어력(造語力)을 활용하여 근대 사상 번 역이 빠른 속도로 이루어졌음을 알 수 있었다. 이러한 “한자문화권” “기독교” “번역”에 관한 논의는 근대 동아시아의 타자 인식론을 위한 실마리를 제공한다. 즉 타자를 인식하는 수단으로 번역을 재평가하고, 한자라는 타자가 한국과 일본에서 어떻 게 규정될 수 있는지, 나아가 외국인 선교사라는 타자에 의해 근대 동아시아에 남겨진 문화유산을 어 떻게 평가해야 하는지, 새로운 연구주제를 환기시키고, 근대 동아시아의 다양성과 역동성을 밝혀줄 것이다.

This study attempted to discuss the linguistic modernity of the cultural region using Chinese character centering on two pivotal factors “Christianity” and “translation.” The research themes “cultural region of Chinese character,” “Christianity,” and “translation” are too broad to be handled in a single dissertation, but this paper attempted to sketch the modernity of East Asia from a new perspective by discussing the contact point of the three themes. For this, first all, we examined the characteristics of the linguistic modernity of the cultural region using Chinese character in East Asia, distinguished from those in Europe. Next, the roles of Chinese character and writing were examined in missionaries’ theories of translation and their translation of Christian literature through the history of Christian mission in modern East Asia. From this study was found that the urgency of modern times and the necessity of enlightenment demanded prompt translation into Chinese character and writing in East Asia, and modern ideas were translated at a fast rate using the high word formation ability of Chinese character. Such a discussion on “the cultural region of Chinese character,” “Christianity,” and “translation” provides a clue to the “other epistemology” of modern East Asia. That is, three points as follows will raise new research themes and shed light on the diversity and dynamism of modern East Asia: 1) reevaluation of translation as a means of recognizing others; 2) how to understand Chinese character as “other” in Korea and Japan; and 3) how to evaluate cultural heritages left in modern East Asia by foreigner missionaries as “others.”

In this paper, the late philosophy of Merleau-Ponty, which criticized the Western of “cogito” thought and emphasis on rationalism, and “experience” in Japan (in this case, primarily the philosophical conception represented by Nishida Kitaro’s “pure experience”), with which it shares similarities, will be compared and contrasted. Through this, the paper aims to abstract one trend in “experience”/ practice in Japan. The starting point of Merleau-Ponty’s theory of the body argues that we need to start with a discussion of the body, not consciousness. This is a criticism of Descartes, and leads to the “flesh” thought of the late Merleau-Ponty. In the late thought, rather than basing his arguments on the Cartesian “cogito”, Merleau-Ponty instead explains human existence by focusing on the ambiguity of the body, which of course exists as part of the background of “cogito”. Here we can see his originality. And here, in at least one sense, he overcomes a traditional issue that had not, until that point, been overcome. However, his interest in the body as the antithesis to cogito, and his criticisms of and even overcoming of cogito, remains within the Western arena. In addition, while his theories about the body and flesh may seem to also be criticisms of the subject that is assumed by body and flesh, it must nevertheless be said that the body is in fact the subject, and that the body is prerequisites to the world. On the other hand, in the modern confrontation with Western thought, in order to criticize the Cartesian mind-body dualism and the premised idea of cogito, Nishida initially labeled the condition in which a split has not yet occurred between subjective and objective that of “pure experience”, and criticized taking as the starting point a situation in which the subjective has already been separated from the objective. Nishida expanded the concept of pure experience, and sought for explanation principle in directions other than subjectivity, such as in the location one reflects. In his late thought, Nishida created concepts such as that of “act intuition” and “absolute contradictory self-identity”. Unlike the dialectic of Hegel, which is said to have influenced Nishida, and which argues that historical development occurs through a process in which a contradiction and its contradiction, or thesis and antithesis, are synthesized, Nishida’s contradiction is not a contradiction that has to be resolved or synthesized. In Nishida, unlike Hegel, where the contradiction is seen as a process in which it is unified, it is considered to be a concept similar to the “logic immediately non” Suzuki Daisetsu found in Zen. It is not possible to find here the concept of subject that Merleau-Ponty assumes.

本論では、西洋における｢コギト｣の思想、理性中心主義を批判したメルロ=ポンティの後期思想と、そこに類似性が見られる日本における｢経験｣、ここでは主に、西田幾多郎の｢純粋経験｣に代表される思想概観との比較検討をすることにより、日本における｢経験｣／実践の一つの傾向を抽象することを目的としている。メルロ＝ポンティの身体論が、意識を前提とせず、身体からのそれを主張したのは、デカルト批判がその出発点になっており、後期の｢肉｣の思想へとつながっていく。後期思想において、コギトを基礎としないその背後に存在する身体の両義性に焦点化し、それによって人間存在を説明したところに、彼の独自性が見られ、それまで超えられなかった伝統的課題をある意味で超克したとも言える。ただ、彼の問題関心は、コギトに対するアンチテーゼとしての身体であり、それは批判、超克したとしても、西洋性の土俵内での議論に留まっている。また、身体論、肉論によって、前提とされる主体を批判したように見えるが、結局は身体にはあくまで主体であり、身体、肉、あるいはくぼみが世界に前提されている。一方、西田も、近代における西洋思想との対峙において、同様にデカルト的な心身二元論、あるいは前提化されたコギトの思想を批判するために、初期は主観、客観に分かれる未然の状態を｢純粋経験｣と呼び、すでに客観とは分離された主観からの出発点を批判している。そうした純粋経験という概念を拡大し、自らの映し出す場所など、主観以外の方向に、説明原理を求めていく。後期思想においては、｢行為的直観｣、｢絶対矛盾的自己同一｣などの概念を生み出し、たとえば影響を受けたとされるヘーゲルの弁証法―それは矛盾とその矛盾との止揚、統合によって、歴史的展開が見られるという思想―とは全く異なり、西田の矛盾は、それが止揚されなければならない、あるいは解決、統合されなければならない矛盾ではない。矛盾をそのまま統一されるというプロセスとして見るヘーゲルの主張とは異なり、禅宗に見られる鈴木大拙のいう｢即非の論理｣に類似した思想であると考えられる。そこにはメルロ＝ポンティが前提とする主体概念は見つけることができない。また、両者とも、根源的経験を説明原理として考えを進めていくが、その方法そのものについての違いが存在する。メルロ＝ポンティにとっては｢反省｣がその方法となっている。翻って西田の場合は、一切は｢絶対無｣において存在するのであり、それはどのようにそれが可能かという概念的方法があるのではなく、自覚する実践的方法のみが存在するのである。すなわち、｢絶対無｣は、存在の、あるいは根源的実在の説明ではなく、｢行為的直観｣という実践的方法によって、自覚に達するというような性格として説明されている。

하라이(祓い)란 일본에서 부정을 없애는 정화의식 등으로 통용되는 일본어이다. 본 고에서는 하라이 의례가 일본민속에서 실제로 어떠한 형태로 존재하는지‘세시풍속과 ’일생의례’의 관계 속에서 파악하였다. 이러한 두 개념의 관계에 주목한 이유는 기존의 ‘도작(稻作)농경’ 중심의 민속학적 개념에 반론을 제시하기 위해서 이었다. 본고의 분석내용을 정리하면 첫째 일본 세시풍속에서는 농사를 위한 의례가 아니라 잡귀(雜鬼)를 퇴치하여 재액(災厄)을 방지하기 위한 의례가 상당히 많다. 둘째 일본의 일생의례에는 전통적으로 유아, 성년, 장년, 노년 등 연령축하 행사가 많다. 여기에도 재액예방과 건강기원 관념을 배경으로 하고 있다. 셋째 야쿠도시(厄年)의 의례가 세시풍속의 일환으로 행해지는 점에 주목하였다. 즉 일본의 세시풍속의 내용 속에는 농경과 무관하게 오로지 개인의 건강과 관계하는 성격이 분명히 존재한다는 것이다. 이 점이 기존의 ‘도작농경’ 중심의 민속학적 개념을 재검토하는 중요한 시사점이 될 수 있다고 생각한다.

In this article, it was investigated in the relationship with seasonal customs and lifetime ceremony to figure out in which form this Harai had been actually existing in Japanese folklore. As the conclusion of the analysis of this article, first, among the Japanese seasonal customs, there were considerably many rituals that were not ceremonies for agriculture but rituals to prevent calamity by casting out evil spirits. Second, among Japanese lifetime ceremonies, there are traditionally many age-celebration events for childhood, adulthood, late middle age and old age. These are also based on the concept of calamity prevention. Third, the fact that the ceremony of calamity year ‘Yakudosi’ had been conducted as an seasonal customs was brought into the attention. In other words, it implies that, in the content of Japanese seasonal customs, a characteristic related only to individual health but irrelevant to agriculture was absolutely existing. This fact may provides an important implication to reexamine the existing folkloristic concept which focuses on ‘rice farming agriculture’.

『主婦之友』은 비교적 장기간에 걸쳐 발행되었던 본격적인 여성잡지로 독자의 중심이 중류이상의 교육을 받은 여성들이었으므로 당시 여성 의생활의 변천이 많이 반영되어 있다고 볼 수 있다. 이러한 여성지에 나타난 근대 일본 신여성의 복식을 고찰한 결과, 다이쇼기 『主婦之友』는 다른 시대에 비해 전통적인 여성상을 강조하는 시대적 흐름에 맞추어 전통의상인 기모노를 착용한 현모양처와 같은 주부의 모습을 그려내고 있어, 직업을 가진 직업부인보다는 현명한 가정생활을 꾸려나가는 주부가 이상적이라는 것을 강조하였다. 그러나 도시문화의 발달과 함께 나타난 신계층으로 주부와 대별되는 개념인 직업부인의 등장은 신여성을 모던걸로 이행하게 하는 역할을 하였다. 신여성과 모던걸 모두 전통사회에서 현모양처 역할만을 강요당했던 구여성(舊女性)들과는 다른 여성상으로 등장했고, 이들은 복식은 검소한 생활을 강조하면서도, 새로운 유행의 흐름에는 뒤처지지 않겠다는 당시 여성들의 의복에 대한 가치관을 나타내고 있는 것이 특징이었다고 볼 수 있다.

“Friend of Housewives” (主婦之友) was a relatively long-time published women’s magazine widely read by many of educated middle-class Japanese women as its core readers during the Taisho period (大正期: July 30, 1912-December 25, 1926), and its contents (and editorial stance as a whole) tend to reflect, in many respects, the then transformation in their clothing style. The analysis of the clothing style of modern Japanese women shown in women’s magazines (女性誌) of this kind shows that “Friend of Housewives” in the Taisho period was, particularly, keen on depicting ideal image of woman as that of a good-wife-and-wise-mother figure wearing traditional Kimono, broadly in line with that period’s mainstream current of capitalizing on traditional image (and role) of women; what it valued as ideal image of woman related more to wise housewives taking care of households than to career women (職業婦人). However, the emergence of career women as a “new class” in the then Japanese society as urban culture started developing, whose concept/image tended to be differentiated from that of traditional housewives, paved the way for transforming this new class of women (i.e. career women) or the new women into becoming represented as the modern girl. Both new women and modern girls started emerging as the new role model of a woman different from the old women (舊女性) who were forced to play a role as a good-wife-and-wise-mother housewife in traditional patriarchal society. And the former’s overall clothing style tends to be reflective of then women’s values about clothes that emphasize their frugal lifestyles and, at the same time, their determination to catch up with this new trend agilely.

메이지(明治) 초기 일본은 경제적인 위기를 대외적인 진출을 통해 해결하려고 한 서양의 제국주의에 직면하게 되었다. 당시 한국과 일본의 양국을 방문한 George Nathaniel Curzon, Arnold Henry Savage Landor, Isabella Bird Bishop 3인의 영국인이 남긴 기록물을 통해 1880년대 후반과 1890년대의 초반 일본의 모습을 체 험적으로 묘사할 수 있다. 또한 한국과의 비교도 심층적으로 알 수 있다. 이 사람들이 방문했던 시기의 일본은 메이지 유신을 통해 근대화를 추진하고 있었기 때문에 교통, 숙 박, 도로, 군대, 정치 등의 측면에서 볼 때 한국과 비교하여 매우 우수한 상황이었다. 그러나 여성의 사회적인 속박과 굴레의 모습과 같은 전근대적 모습도 남아있는 사회였다. 반면 같은 시기 한국은 ‘약하고’ 관료적인 체제가 남아있고 군사체제도 약한 나라였다. 서양인의 눈에 서 본 한국은 ‘근대성’이 거의 없었다. 이 논문에서의 영국인 3인은 오리엔탈리즘에 의해 동양국가를 ‘타자’로 하는 시각에서 완전히 떨어질 수 없을 지도 모르지만, 일본에 대한 다양한 인식을 가지고 있었음을 알 수 있다.

Japan in the early Meiji Period confronted on Imperialism of Westerners which planed to solve their crisis of economy through the foreign entry. The state of Japan in the late 1880s and early 1890s can be described as experiential through the records left by the British such as George Nathaniel Curzon, Arnold Henry Savage Landor, Isabella Bird Bishop who visited in Japan. In addition, the comparison with Korean situation at that time can be researched more easily with this work. Japan was pushing into modernization through Meiji Restoration when these three English people visited in Japan. As a result, the conditions of the transportation, the accommodation, roads , the military system, politics were better than Korea at that time. But the appearance of women as a social figure was remained as a pre-modern society. While Korea was ‘weak’ and the bureaucratic system was still remained at the same time. In addition, it was a weak country in the military system . Korea was seen in the eyes of Westerners as a non-modernity country. Although the perception on Japanese culture of the three English people in this paper may not be able to be completely far from the Orientalism which made oriental countires ‘others’, they recognized Japan with a wide range of perception.

본 연구는 일본이 만주국에 설치한 안전농촌인 하동마을이 이주공간으로서 내포한 의미에 대해 고찰 하였다. 일본이 개척한 하동마을은 마을자체가 행정조직으로 이루어진 공간이었다. 조선인들은 새로 운 파라다이스를 찾아 만주로 왔지만, 그들의 삶은 조선에서 동척에 의해 시달리던 상황과 다를 바 없 었다. 일본이 조선인들을 ‘이등공민’이라고 내세운 것도 허구에 지나지 않았다. 뿐만 아니라 하동마을 조선인 교육도 ‘대일본제국의 신민(臣民)이며 만주국의 국민’을 양성하기 위한 것에 불과하였다. 식민공간이나 다를 바 없었던 하동마을은 개척촌 건설로 인해 조선인의 집주와 중국인들의 이산이 이 루어졌다. 이러한 상황은 중국인들의 불만을 증폭시켰다. 중국인 소작농들은 지주의 착취와 압박 그 리고 조선인들의 등장으로 인해 이중의 경제적 압박에 시달렸다. 더불어 ‘이등 공민’이라는 조선인들 의 우월감 또한 중국인들의 분노를 살 수 밖에 없었다. 중국인들과 조선인들의 갈등은 일제가 패망한 후 토비들이 조선인 마을을 습격하는 것으로 표출되었 다. 하동마을 조선인들은 마을을 지키기 위해 스스로 무장했을 뿐 아니라, 토비들과 협상을 통해 마을 의 평화를 유지하였다. 또한 북만주에 들어온 소련군에게 자신들의 안전을 맡기기도 했지만, 소련군 역시 일본을 대신해 공출을 거두고 부녀자를 겁탈하는 등 수탈자일 따름이었다. 하동마을을 지키고자 하는 조선인들의 의지는 조선의용군에 가담하는 조선인들의 행동을 통해 드러 났다. 비록 조선인들이 조선의용군을 조선군대로 인식하고 가담했지만, 이는 마을을 지키려는 그들의 의지가 표출된 것이었다. 이후 중국공산당의 토지개혁으로 인해 토지를 분배 받은 정씨 일가를 비롯 한 조선인들은 하동마을에서 조선인 또는 중국인으로 살아가게 되었다. 하동마을을 보존하려는 조선 인들의 노력은 이 공간의 권력을 재배치하는 원동력이 되었던 것이다.

This research studied on the meaning that Hadong village in which Japan developed has. Hadong village Japan developed was an area that the village itself was consisted with its own administrative organization. Josun people came to Manju looking for new paradise, but their life was similar to the suffering life by Oriental Development Company in Josun. The fact that Japan announced Josun people The second class citizen was fake, too. Not only that, the Josun people education in Hadong village was for making a subject of Japan and Manju state’s nation. In Hadong village as a colony area, Josun people immigrated in and Chinese dispersed for developing pioneer farm. this situation amplified Chineses’ complaint. Chinese tenant farming finacially suffered not only from landowner’s exploitation and pressure but also with appearance of Josun people. more than that, Josun people’s pride that they are The second class citizen also caused Chinese’s anger. The conflict between Chinese and Josun people was expressed by that banditries invade and attack Josun people’s village after Japan collapsed. Josun people in Hadong village protected their village by arming themselves and negotiating with banditries. they also asked the Soviet army to protect themselves, the army took food and raped women as stripper, too. The will to protect Hadong village is exposed by Josun people’s behavior joining Korean Volunteer Army. Even though Josun people perceived Korean Volunteer Army as Josun army and joined, it is showing their will to protect their village. later on, Josun people including Jung’s family who was distributed some land by the Chinese Communist Party’s land renovation became to live in Hadong village as Josun people or Chinese people. Josun people’s effort to keep Hadong village was the driving force to rearrange the power of this area.

For actual voting rights granted to Japan under control Koreans, in particular, method of escalation introduction of autonomy to the region of Korea in 1920 and later was successful . Because, appearance was similar to the local government of the mainland, but the practices of the fact are different, safety nets for Koreans do not deviate from the route to Government House .In 1930, even after the council of Do道, Fu府, Special Men指定面 has been reorganized into the decision-making body,then the majority of members are elected by Korean, the initiative right is not given, because right of vote was limited by tax payments. Two thirds of the members of the Board road was also elected to the electors membership of Fu-kai府会,Yu-kai邑会 and Men-kyogikai面協議会. But the Governor appoints the third the rest of the legislators, Korean lawmakers had become not an overwhelming majority. And the authority to order the suspension of a meeting of Do-kai had given Governor, etc. So the local council against the policy of the Governor’s Office had become practically impossible.

日本支配下朝鮮人に与えられた参政権の実際について、とりわけ1920年以降の朝鮮地域への自治権の段階的拡大導入の方法は巧妙だった。というのも、外見は内地の地方自治に似ていたが、実際の運用方法は異なっていて、総督府が敷いた路線を逸脱しないための安全策がめぐらされていたからである。1930年に道・府・邑(指定面)の評議会や協議会が諮問機関から道会・府会・邑会という議決機関に改組された後も、選挙で選ばれる会員の大多数が朝鮮人である面協議会は諮問機関のままとされたことや、地方議会には最後まで発案権が与えられなかったこと、地方議員等の選挙権・被選挙権は納税額による制限があったこと、朝鮮人が参加できる最大の議決機関である道会の議員のうち3分の2は府会・邑会の議員および面協議会の会員を選挙人(有権者)とする選挙で選ばれたものの、残り3分の1は道知事が任命するとされたため、朝鮮人議員が圧倒的多数とはならないようになっていたこと、さらに道知事は道会の停会を命じる権限が与えられていたこと等によって、地方議会が総督府の方針に対抗することは事実上不可能となっていたのである。

일본 스모는 긴 역사를 가지고 있다. 오랜 역사를 가지고 있는 만큼 각 시대마다 성격을 달리하고 있 다. 본고에서는 스모가 1910-1930년대에 근대스포츠로서의 자리매김하는 과정을 공간과 소비라는 개 념으로 살펴보았다. 본고에서의 공간은 물리적인 공간을 지칭하는 것이 아니라 사회적 문화적 의미가 함축된 확대된 것이며 소비 주체는 관람자와 군국주의를 지향하고 있던 국가체제이다. 현대 스모의 원형이 되는 것은 에도 후기 에코인에서 정기적으로 행해졌던 스모경기이다. 스모의 고 실(故實), 경기방식, 도효 등과 지방 순회경기인 준교가 이때 체계를 갖추게 된다. 또한 스모 경기를 운영하고 리키시들을 관리하는 단체인 스모카이소도 만들어졌다. 근세의 스모는 그것이 흥행을 목적 으로 하는 집단이긴 해도 지배층의 통제를 받으면서 스모카이소 중심으로 운영되었다. 당시의 리키시 들은 예능적인 면도 있었다. 문호개방과 함께 시작된 근대화에 스모계 또한 변화가 요구되었다. 물리적인 공간은 임시가건물에서 콘크리트 건물의 상설관으로 바뀌었다. 그와 동시에 상설관에 걸맞는 규칙을 제정하고, 스모계의 간 부들과 리키시들에게도 예능인의 성격을 벗어버리고 진검승부를 지향하는 선수로서의 자격을 갖추기 를 요구했다. 혼바쇼와 준교를 관전하는 관람객들은 경기운영과 리키시들에게 팬으로서 적극적인 요구를 하면서 소비의 주체가 되었고, 준교는 관객들에게 인기 리키시들의 경기를 보면서 일상이 아닌 특별한 즐거 움을 느끼게 했다. 당시 천황제국가, 군국주의로 향하는 국정에서는 이러한 서민들의 여흥이자 오락 을 정치의 도구로서 소비하기도 했다. 전시체제의 강건한 군인을 만들기 위한 국민체조로서 이용하는 가 하면 후타바야마 같은 리키시의 연승을 일본군대의 연승으로 인식하도록 적극적으로 활용하였다. 스모의 근대화에는 우선 상설관이라는 물리적인 공간의 변화가 있었고, 소비의 주체인 관람자의 입장 에서도 적극적이고 개인적이고 직접적인 여흥으로 인식하였다. 군국주의 상황에서 국가체제도 스모 를 이용함으로써 스포츠에 국가권력이 개입될 수 있음을 알 수 있었다.

Japanese Sumo has long history. Its character is varied every period as much as having long history. This study examined the process that Sumo emerged as modern sport in the 1910s-1930s with a concept called space and consumption. The space in this study is not what designates physical space, but is what was expanded with being implied a social and cultural meaning. The main agent in consumption includes the spectator and the national system of pointing to militarism. What becomes the prototype in modern Sumo is Sumo game, which had been periodically performed in Ekoin in the late Edo period. The operating system of game rule in Honbasyo and Jungyo, which is provincial tour game, come to have system at this time. Also, it was made even Sumokaiso, which is organization of operating Sumo game and managing Rikishi (s). Sumo in modern times was operated focusing on Sumokaiso with being controlled by the ruling class even if being a group of aiming at its performance. The Rikishi(s) in those days had artistic aspect, too. In the modernization that was begun along with opening door, even the Sumo circles were demanded a change. The physical space was changed from temporary structure to permanent hall in concrete building. At the same time, it enacted rules in line with permanent hall and requested even the executives in the Sumo circles and the Rikishi(s) to have qualification as a player of pointing to victory by sword with removing personality in entertainer. Spectators, who watch Honbasyo and Jungyo, became the main agent of consumption while making positive demand as fan to the game operation and Rikishi(s). Jungyo allowed spectators to feel special pleasure, not daily life, while watching a game of popular Rikishi(s). The state under the Emperor System, namely, the government of pointing to militarism, had ever consumed these popular entertainment and amusement as political tool. It used it as national physical exercise for making strong soldier in a war footing, and also applied positively so that successive victories of Rikishi like Hutabayama can be recognized as the winning streak of the Japanese army. In modernization of Sumo, there was a change in physical space called permanent hall, above all. Even in the position of audience, which is the main agent of consumption, it was recognized as positive, individual, and direct fun. It could be known that the government power can be intervened in sports by which even national system uses Sumo in the situation of militarism.

본고에서는 1959년의 북한송환사업을 다룬 미야모토 데루의 소설 ｢자두건｣을 중심으로 동 소설이 발 표된 동시대의 문맥, 즉 88서울올림픽을 둘러싼 남북관계 및 냉전체제 속에서 1959년의 북한송환사업 이 왜, 그리고 어떤 방식으로 사유되고 있는지를 분석했다. 1959년 12월 13일, 북한으로 귀국하기 전날에 발생한 살인사건(용의자는 북한으로 귀국하는 재일조선 인)을 다룬 동 소설은 88서울올림픽 직전의 남북 공동개최에 대한 논의 및 북한의 테러 등의 문맥과 비교하면서 해독을 해보면, 소설의 전반부에 방점을 찍고 읽으면 북한송환사업이 추진되었던 1959년 당시의 한국 비판론으로 읽을 수 있고, 후반부에 방점을 찍고 읽으면 소설이 발표된 동시대의 북한 비 판론으로 읽을 수 있는 구조로 되어 있다는 것을 알 수 있다. 이와 같이 이중적인 구조를 취하고 있는 동 소설은 북한송한사업을 둘러싸고 ‘냉전’의 이데올로기 속 에서 정치적 담론으로 회수/환원되지 않는 많은 사람들의 다양한 관계성과 개인성을 그려내고 있고, 또한 북한송환사업과 88서울올림픽은 30년 가까운 시간차를 두고 있음에도 ‘냉전’의 틀 속에서 ‘체제 의 우위성’을 대외적으로 확인시키려는 의도는 조금도 변함이 없었음을 알 수 있다. 달리 말하자면, ‘ 거주지 선택의 자유’라는 ‘인도주의’를 슬로건으로 내세웠던 북한송환사업과 ‘세계평화’를 슬로건으로 내세웠던 88서울올림픽이라고 하는 두 개의 빅 이벤트는 표면적으로는 달콤한 휴머니즘을 말하고 있 지만, 서로의 속내는 이데올로기와 국가의 우위성을 과시하고 있다는 점에서 놀라울 만큼 구조적 동 일성을 확인할 수 있다. 동 소설은 우리들 독자들에게 남북이 ‘냉전’의 구조 그 자체를 공모하고 있다 는 사실과 그러한 이데올로기의 역학 때문에 배제된 사람들의 다양한 관계성과 개인성을 사유해야 하 는 단초를 제공하고 있는 작품이라고 할 수 있다.

Focusing on Miyamoto Teru’s novel｢Purple Hood｣covering North Korea repatriation project in 1959, we analyzed why and how North Korea repatriation project in 1959 is thought in the context of the age when the novel was published, that is, in inter-Korean relations and the cold war system around 1988 Seoul OlympicsInterpreting comparing with the context such as North Korea’s terror and discussion on co-hosting of South and North Korea just before the 1988 Seoul Olympics, it can be seen that the novel covering a murder case (The suspect is a Korean resident in Japan returning to North Korea) that happened the day before returning to North Korea in December 13, 1959 has the structure that can be read as criticism on South Korea at the time of 1959 when North Korea repatriation project was promoted if read emphasizing the first half of the novel and that can be read as criticism on North Korea of the age when the novel was published if read emphasizing the second half of the novel. The novel taking a dual structure as above is describing a variety of relationships and personalities of many people not recovered/ repatriated based on political discourse in the ideology of ‘cold war’ around North Korea repatriation project and showing that there was no change in the intention of externally revealing ‘superiority of system’ within the framework of ‘cold war’ despite the time difference of 30 years between North Korea repatriation project and 1988 Seoul Olympics. In other words, the structure of two big events, North Korea repatriation project under the slogan of ‘humanitarianism’ of ‘freedom of residence choice’ and 88 Seoul Olympics under the slogan of ‘ World peace’ is surprisingly the same in that they are talking about sweet Humanism on the surface but showing off ideology and national superiority internally. It can be seen that the novel tried to make we readers think of the fact that South and North Korea were conspiring the ‘cold war’ structure itself and various relationships of people excluded because of the dynamics of such ideology.

본 연구는 급격히 늘고 있는 한국의 노인인구에 대비하여 운영되고 있는 노인복지시설종사자들의 소 진에 관한 연구이다. 육체노동에 버금가는 감정노동을 수행하고 있으며 이직과 경력단절로 이어지는 종사자들의 소진을 이해하여 소진 예방을 강구함으로써 향후 한국 노인복지의 질적 성장을 도모하고 자 하는 것이 본 연구의 목적이다. 이를 위해 본 연구에서는 고령화과정을 먼저 경험한 일본의 노인복지시설종사자들에 대한 연구동향 과 한국의 노인복지시설종사자들의 연구동향, 지역내 종사자들의 지원 체계 등을 선행연구로 살펴보 았으며 실증적인 질적 면접을 통해 일선 노인복지시설종사자들이 경험하는 소진위험 및 소진에 대해 살펴보았다. 심층 면접의 대상으로는 노인복지시설 노인복지관종사자와 재가노인복지시설의 방문요 양서비스를 하고 있는 종사자 등 9명을 표집으로 삼았다. 이런 과정을 통해 다음과 같은 결론을 도출 하였다. 1) 노인클라이언트 특징에서 오는 대인관계 관련 소진 2) 노인복지직에 대한 정체감(停滯感) 2) 직종에 불문하고 자신들이 가지고 있는 이론과 현장의 부조화 4) 노인클라이언트에게 무조건 공경 하고 순종해야 하는 사회적 가치이에 본 연구결과를 토대로 노인복지시설 종사자들의 소진을 예방할 수 있는 몇 가지 대안과 추후 연구과제를 제시하였다.

The purpose of this study is to understand and to promote the prevention of burnout of workers dealing with welfare for elderly in Korea’s aging society. This allows the quality of the elderly welfare to grow. Korean and Japanese review study is implemented to gather informations about burnout of workers dealing with welfare for elderly and system of community support. In-depth interviews were conducted with workers for elderly welfare service. The cases are 9. The results are as follows: they reported 1) burnout from relationship to clients 2) impossibility of future growth and low income 3) mismatch between theory and practice for care service 4) under pressure polite attitudes toward clientsBased on the results, this study shows some implications for prevention of burnout of workers for elderly welfare as emotional labors.

It has been noted that region development has been on the decline for quite some time. When discussing “regional development activities”, the use of the word “activity” seems an overstatement. Debates, reflecting various points of view, on how to revitalize regional development have been going on throughout South Korea. Also in South Korea, the viewpoint of “ citizens’ Citizen Participation” has become the central argument. But, since the history of the citizen participation in municipal affairs within South Korean is short, there are few precedence examples which serve as a sample. In this research, the citizen participation in municipal affairs type workshop was held in both South Korea and Japan using the workshop technique of Japan with many regional vitalization examples by citizens’ participation. Comparison examination of the state of the citizen participation in municipal affairs of South Korea and Japan was carried out through two workshops. In this examination, analysis was conducted from the viewpoint of the influence in which national traits have to the difference in the view of both South Korea and Japan to citizen participation in municipal affairs and activities. As information acquired from that, when building a plan as a group, Japanese people set up a clear target, and build the scenario intentionally in a group making agreement formation possible. On the other hand, South Koreans could only build the scenario as a notional expression, but agreement formation within a group was difficult. However, when there was a person of administrator in the group, was a tendency for easy agreement formation.

地域活性化が叫ばれるようになって久しい。しかし、地域活性化に対する活動は、言葉ほど機能していない。そのため、様々な立場から地域活性化について議論がなされている。韓国においても、その中心的な議論に｢住民参加｣という視点が取り入れられるようになってきた。だが、韓国国内における住民参加の歴史は浅いため、見本となるような先行事例が少ない。そこで本研究では、住民参加による地域活性化事例の多い日本のワークショップ手法を用いて、韓国と日本双方で住民参加型ワークショップを開催した。２つのワークショップを通じて、韓国と日本の住民参加のあり方を比較検討することで、住民参加に対する韓日双方の考え方の違い、活動に対して国民性が及ぼす影響などといった視点から分析を行う。そこから得られた知見として、集団として計画を構築する場合、日本人は明確な目標を定め計画的にシナリオを構築し、集団内の合意形成することが可能であった。一方、韓国人は概念的な表現としてのシナリオしか構築できず、集団内での合意形成は難しかった。ところが、管理者的存在の人がいると合意形成が容易にできる傾向があることがわかった。

본 연구의 목적은 IT산업을 중심으로 한‧일 무역구조를 구체적으로 분석하여 양국 간의 경쟁력에 대한 우위를 살펴보고자 한다. 또한 이 연구는 HS 6단위로 분류한 자료를 이용한 IT산업 전체에 대한 엄밀한 분석이라는 점에서 기존의 연구와 차별성을 가진다고 하겠다. 분석기간은 데이터 입수문제로 인하여 2000년부터 2009년까지로 하였으며, 수출입 데이터는 UN COMTRADE에서 직접 추출하였다. 한‧일 간 IT통계를 이용하여 무역특화지수, 현시비교우위지수 등의 일반화된 무역지수를 이용한 분석에는 한계가 있다. 따라서 본 연구에서는 객관적인 경쟁력 분석방법과 조정된 새로운 분석방법을 통해 무역지수를 추출하여 한‧일 간의 무역구조를 분석한 다음 한국 IT산업의 對일본 경쟁력을 품목별로 고찰한다. 그리하여 어떠한 품목에서 한국이 경쟁력 우위 또는 열위를 점하고 있는지 살펴봄으로서 총체적인 경쟁력을 분석하는 것이다.

To analyze and compare the Export Competitiveness of Korea to Japan in IT industry, this paper researches the trade structure between Korea and Japan by extracting trade index through objective and coordinated competitive analysis. The results can be summarized as follows, for the trade structure of IT industry between Korea and Japan. First, the total amount of whole world’s export and import increased 7.73% and 7.5% from year 2000 to year 2009. Korea showed the increase of 8.65% and 8.09%, in export and import growth rate, Japan, however, appeared its export and import growth rate as 2.16% and 4.24% respectively, which are lower than the world average export and import growth rate. Second, so far, Japan has shown the trade surplus to Korea. Third, Korea made the increase in export and import in IT industry from 2000 to 2009. Japan had shown lower increase rate than Korea. Fourth, the weight of IT in the whole industry for Korean export and import was doubled from 2000 to 2009. Also, IT industry growth rate was the highest in the whole industry in Korea’s export and import. And, the technology and communications took the second position in Korea’s industry.