Earticle

본 논문은 만년의 바쇼가 불도 수행자의 삶의 방식을 자신의 삶의 본보기로써 삼은 점에 주목하여, 바쇼 하이카이 작품의 고찰을 통해 새로운 해석의 가능성을 제시하고자 한 것이다. 만년의 바쇼가 하이카이 활동을 가리켜 ｢수행(修行)｣이라 불 렀던 점, 그리고 조쿄(貞享) 5年(1688)에 떠난 『사라시나 기행(更科紀行)』의 여행과 연이은 다음 해의 『오쿠노 호소미 치(奥の細道)』여행에서 어류를 전혀 입에 대지 않는 불도 수행자와 같은 모습을 하고 있었다는 것을 서간문을 통해서 확 인할 수 있었다. 그리고 『사라시나 기행』의 여행에서 읊은 ｢木曽のとち浮世の人の土産かな｣의 홋쿠를 비롯해 불도 수 행자가 산 속에서 식량으로 삼는 ｢나무 열매(木の実)｣와 그것과 관련된 단어를 시의 소재로 삼은 바쇼의 홋쿠 5구를 검토 하였다. 그 결과, 그들 구에는 ｢나무 열매(木の実)｣나 ｢열매를 맺는 나무와 꽃(木の実のなる木や花)｣이 불도 수행자의 삶 의 방식의 상징으로써 읊어지고 있었으며, 모든 구를 세속의 가치에 등을 돌린 사이교(西行)로 대표되는 불도 수행자의 삶 에 대한 동경과 경모(敬慕)의 생각이 포함된 작품으로써 새롭게 해석할 수 있음을 밝혔다.

This paper focused on the point that the Basho of later years made a model of the way of life of Buddhist disciplinants for his own way of life. It reviewed a general terms for haiku linked the verse work of Basho from such a viewpoint, and showed the possibility of a new interpretation. It was confirmed from his letters that the Basho of later years called the act of composing a haikai “training”, and that he went on a journey like Buddhist disciplinants and did not eat fish on his trips of “Sarashina Kiko” in 1688 and “Oku no Hosomichi” in 1689. After further study of five of Basho’s hokku (the opening verse of haikai) composed with “chestnut” (food for Buddhist disciplinants in the mountains) and related words, including the hokku “Kiso no tochi ukiyonohito no miyage kana (a chestnut souvenir of Kiso from a man, free from worldly cares), all of them showed clearly that “a nut“ and “a nut-producing tree and its flower” were included as a symbol of the Buddhist disciplinant's way of life. These could be interpreted newly as, hokku which are filled with admiration and respect for the way of life of the Buddhist disciplinants, who turned the back to common values, as represented by Saigyo.

By this essay, I want to revise my biased attitude toward Kim, Siseup as a novelist in which I had disconnected his works from historic context and regarded them as a play in personal existence. For rearranging my viewpoint of his works partly, I had to reinterpret them in the angle of Buddhist's view of life by which I could discover the process of creating novel in the Buddhist conceptions, for example karma and karuna. If we accept our life as karma, our life would be nothing but a prison. But when we could find that karma itself would be the acting-out which grant meanings to the meaninglessness of life, then we could meet the "esprit" of Buddhist karuna. Through surveying the poets Kim had created, we could educe that the Buddhist view point of life as karuna dwells in the hidden side of his literal works.

本稿は、これまで金時習の小説創作という行為を歴史の意味から切り離し、個人の実存に関わる遊戯として見なそうとしていた筆者の視点を一部修正し、これを仏教的な生の理解の構図として再編しようとしたものである。そのために業と慈悲という廣く知られた概念を通じて金時習が小説家として登場した過程を追跡してみた。生を業として理解すると、生は抜け出さなければならない牢獄に過ぎない。しかし、業自体が生の無意味さに意味を与える行為だとすれば、我々は仏教の慈悲の精神と出会うことになる。金時習が残した漢詩作品を考察しながら、我々はその小説の創作行為の裏にそのような慈悲に関する理解が盛り込まれていたことを推測してみることができる。

J-horror seems to be walking a different way from other movie genre immersed in the brilliant visual depiction used of digital technology. It is because J-horror films reduce the image quality and let down the volume of sound unlikely any other movie showing visual clarity and auditory exaggeration in digital-era. Nevertheless, J-horror films are getting sympathy from abroad as well as from Japan because of materials based on the urban legend, daily space converted to fear and the affinity with many other new media.

Jホラーは他の映画ジャンルがデジタル技術を駆使した華麗な視覚的描写に没頭するこの時代にそれとは掛け離れたような道を歩いていると思われる。それはデジタル機器の媒体としての活用が見当たるにもかかわらず画質を低下させたり音を微かに聞こえるようにしたりしてデジタル技術がもたらす鮮明さや誇張とは逆手を取っているからである。それにもかかわらず日本国内からだけでなく海外からも共感を得ているのは都市伝説に基づいた多様な素材と、日常的な空間の恐怖への転換、他の媒体との親和性がJホラーを特徴づけているからである。

In the late 19th century when Japan set to work on its modern state building, there existed two roads for it. It finally chose the way of Large Nation Theory and Big Japanism, and since then, has repeated incessant conflict and war with its neighboring nations until now. On the other hand, the way of Small Nation Theory and Little Japanism has emerged as a anti-thesis whenever Big Nation Theory and Large Japanism were asserted. Its advocates appeared continually; Yokoi Shonan of the Edo period, Ueki Emory, Nakae Chomin, Uchimura Kanho, Kotoku Shusui in the Meji period, Miura Tetsutaro, Ishibashi Tanzan in the Taisho period. However, Small Nation Theory and Little Japanism were not necessarily linked with national and world peace. Some ideas of the above-mentioned theorists showed internal contradictions, cracks, and ideological limits, and were even inclined toward Big Nation Theory and Large Japanism. In this paper, I consider Asianism as a catalysis, which made it possible for Small Nation Theory and Little Japanism to come close to Big Nation Theory and Large Japanism. And a turning-point, which changed horizontal Asia solidarity theory into non-horizontal or Japan-leading Asia solidarity, was made through Asianism, where Small Nation Theory and Little Japanism would mingle with Big Nation Theory and Large Japanism. Another point to be focused in this paper is that Small Nation Theory and Little Japanism were not a same concept, so it should be used distinctively. As it traces the development of Small Nation Theory and Little Japanism of modern Japan, the paper examines the frustration and limitation of the two theories.

19世紀後半、日本が近代国家の建設を目標に出発点に立った時、その前には二つの分かれ道があった。日本は大国主義・ 大日本主義の道を選択し、近隣国家との間に戦争と紛争を絶え間なく繰り返しながら現代に至っている。一方、日本国内 で大国主義・大日本主義が頂点を打つ度に、そのアンチ・テーゼとして浮上したのは、二つの分かれ道の中で日本が選択し なかった道、すなわち小国主義・小日本主義であった。幕末期の横井小楠、明治期の植木枝盛、中江兆民、内村鑑三、幸 徳秋水、大正期の三浦銕太郎、石橋湛山らがその流れを酌む論者たちである。ところで、小国主義・小日本主義は必ずし も純然たる平和主義国家構想および世界平和に通じてはいない。上記の論者たちの思想のなかには、内部的矛盾、亀裂、 思想的限界が認められ、さらには大国主義・大日本主義への志向さえ認められるのである。本稿では、小国主義・小日本主 義が大国主義・大日本主義へ接近し、両者が拮抗し交錯するように突き動かしたものとして、アジア主義を考える。水平 的なアジア連帯論が非水平的・日本盟主的なアジア連帯論に転換するその地点が、小国主義・小日本主義が大国主義・大日 本主義と入り交じる境界であると考えるからである。またもう一つ、本稿で着目したい点は、従来の議論で小国主義概念 と小日本主義概念を混同して用いているのに対して、両者は別個の概念であり、区別して使用する必要があるということ である。以上のような問題意識のもとで、近代日本の小国主義・小日本主義の流れを辿りながら、それぞれの限界と挫折 を検討することによって、最近の日本の右傾化・大国化の傾向に対抗して再び浮上している小日本主義の議論に新しい突 破口を提示したい。

One year after the sudden outbreak of the Korean War in 1950, the United States concluded the ‘San Francisco Peace Treaty’ with Japan on September 8th 1951. In addition to the ‘San Francisco Peace Treaty', both parties also signed the Japan-US Security Treaty on the same day. Both treaties came into effect on April 28th 1952 resulting in Japan regaining her independence. As a result of the treaty, Japan accepted that gradual or radical remilitarization was necessary. It can be said that at that time both the US and Japan took into account the effect that remilitarization would have on their own domestic circumstances. For the US, a military presence within Japan was the most effective method in order to maintain control over Japan. On the other hand, Japan was keen to deal an early peace settlement after the war ended. This thesis aims to look at how this dispute was dealt with during the ‘San Francisco Peace Treaty’ negotiations. The aforementioned goals of both countries could have been well accommodated if it were not for the obstacle of Japan’s remilitarization. The United States claimed that Japan should be responsible for her own security and that remilitarization would relieve the burden of the US’s sole responsibility for Japan’s security. At first, MacArthur openly opposed the remilitarization of Japan, however after the outbreak of the Korean War he changed his mind in regard to Japan’s security by requesting that Japan establish a reserve police force. At the beginning of the US occupation, the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs supported the idea of rearmament, but their stance shifted after the inauguration of Yoshida and his cabinet. In concluding negotiations, both sides finally decided on the gradual remilitarization of Japan. Within this new alliance the US self-defence pact was also created. Such an agreement from the Japanese side was influenced by the involvement of the Chinese Communist Army in the Korean War, which left the result of the war unpredictable. Another factor for the remilitarization agreement was the absence of MacArthur and his opposition to the idea. However, it could be said that the main reason for this decision was Japan forcibly conceding her early peace settlement proposal in order to gain the US military's security presence.

1950年に朝鮮戦争が勃発すると、日米両国は翌年9月8日、サンフランシスコで対日講和条約を締結した。同日、日米両国 は講和条約と共に＇日米安全保障条約＇を締結した。これらの条約は、すべて1952年4月28日に発効され、日本は独立国 家として主権を回復した。この際、米国は日本に米軍を駐留させることが最も効率的であると思っていたし、日本の講和 条約の第一の目的は、早期の講和であった。そして、日米両国が第一目標としていた米軍駐留と早期講和はお互いに共感 して配慮できる問題であったが、最も日米両国の障害になったのは日本の再軍備であった。米国は日本の再軍備について 、日本安全保障のための米国の負担が大きいと指摘し、できるだけ早い時期に日本が自国の安全保障を担うようにと主張 した。米国内では冷戦が激化するにつれ、日本に対する再軍備論が台頭していたが、マッカーサーは占領の初期から日本 の再軍備について積極的に反対していた。その中、朝鮮戦争が勃発すると、米国は日本に警察予備隊創設の命令を出して いる。日本では、占領初期から外務省で再軍備の意見が出ているが、憲法改正以来反対を支持している。しかし、結果的 に日米交渉過程で日本の再軍備は急進的であれ漸進的であれ、同意する形式をとるようになった。しかし、戦後日本の再 軍備は憲法だけの観点から見ると実行されなかった状態と言えるが、自衛隊の活動は他の普通の軍隊のように動いていて 、それこそ憲法違反と言える。そして、この状態は現在日本の安部政権で進めている＇集団的自衛権＇と密接な関係を持 っている。したがって本論文は現在論議されている‘集団的自衛権’行事問題の原点を前後日本の講和條約と安保條約準備 会談の論議過程で探っている。そのために主に日本の外務省資料を分析して講和條約と安保條約当時の状況を考察してい る。すなわち、米国が意図した日本駐屯問題と日本が意図した早期強化条約が日本の再軍備問題を保留するようにしただ けでなく、米国による日本防御をセットにして現在まで至った過程と結果を明らかにしている。

오쿠니누시 신화에는 유년기의 수난, 집과 고향을 떠난 방랑, 이계로의 여행, 초인적인 능력획득, 위업의 달성과 진혼이라 는 영웅설화의 일반적인 구조의 대부분이 나타나있다. 또한 이 신의 전승에는 영웅 설화 의 일반적인 유형 을 많이 내포하 고는 있지만, 무용보다는 인문적인 성격이 현저하게 나타나는 것이 특징이다. 이러한 전승 속에서 오쿠니누시를 되살리기 위해 두 여신 사용한 약을 “어머니의 젖”이라고 표현하고 있다. “고사기”에 나 타난 오쿠니누시의 소생담이나 “일본 영이기”에 나오는 어머니의 젖에 관한 이야기를 고찰해 보면, 고대 일본인들은 “어머 니의 젖” 즉 여성의 유방에는 생명력의 근원이 되는, 치료와 소생 같은 신비한 힘을 가지고 있다고 여겼던 것으로 보인다 . 또한 오쿠니누시를 구한 두 여신은 우무가이히메, 기사가이히메라 해서 피조개 와 대합이라는, 조개를 의인화 된 신이며 조개는 예부터 그 생김새가 여성기와 흡사하다고 여겨져 왔다. 고대 일본인은 여성 성기에 생명력의 회복과 부활하게 하는 힘이 있으며, 또한 마물을 퇴치하는 힘이 있다고 믿고 있었다. 이는 “고사기”의 아메노이와토신화와 “일본서기”의 천손강 림신화에 등장하는 아메노우즈메의 전승에서 확인할 수 있다. 오쿠니누시는 “조개의 여신”과 그녀들이 만든 “어머니의 젖” 에 의해 소생한다. 이는 유방과 음부라고 하는 여성의 성기 자체가 생명력의 원천 을 상징하고 또한 주술적인 특별한 힘을 가지고 있다는 것을 잘 나타내고 있다고 볼 수 있다.

The myth of Ohokuninushi, the general structure of a hero narrative acquisition wandering and exile away suffering in childhood, the old home, alien world tour, of superhuman abilities, such as achievement of performance are aligned almost. In addition, the enclosing many common types of hero narrative in the tradition of this God, but it is characteristic nature Humanities More valor is the appear significantly. In the tradition of these, it is described as "milk of mother" drugs that goddesses were used in order to revive the Ohokuninushi. In consideration of the story about the milk of mother to "Nihonryoiki" and Ohokuninushi resuscitation Tan “Kojiki”, as a source of vitality, and mysterious, such as resuscitation and treatment in the “milk of mother” for the ancient Japanese it is considered that no doubt seen as was believed power and dwells. Also say Kisagaihime and Umugaihime, and ark shell clam, that is two goddess who saved Ohokuninushi is a God that is anthropomorphic shell. It is shell and look like female genitals since ancient times. Ancient Japanese, was believed to have the power to drive away the demon power that can be revived or recovery of vitality to female genitalia and also there. I can confirm from the tradition of Amenouzume that appeared in Tensonkorin myth of “Nihonshoki” and Iwayato mythology of “Kojiki” it. The “goddess of shellfish”, Ohokuninushi to resuscitation by the “milk of mother,” which they made of. It can be said that female genital area itself and milk have been used to symbolize the source of life force, it is, as representing significantly that it has a special transcendental forces.

There was a heated argument between Confucianism and Buddhism in the early Edo period. This paper considered the intention of Hayashi Gitan's novel that was imitated and influenced by the Asai Ryoi's novel but was written by Buddist way of thinking in the conditon of the history of ideas. Ryoi suggested the superiority of the Buddism by presenting the Consistency of Three Religion outwardly and it was a general method the side of Buddism. Gitan saw through the intention of Ryoi, and he used same method. Gitan advertised his work by emphasazing the influence of Ryoi's novel, but actually he suggested the logic of the thought of loyalty, filial piety, and the denial of strange which is the thought of Confucianism.

江戸時代前期は儒教と仏教の間で激しい論争が繰り広げられた時代であった。そして、このような思想的な流れの中で、 本稿では義端が伊藤仁斎の弟子であったという思想的な基盤を持った人物である点、僧侶であった了意を尊敬し、彼の作 品を模倣したことを強調しているが、了意の作品には仏教的な性格が強く現れているのに対して、義端の作品には儒教的 な性格を持っていることに着眼し、義端の意図は何であったのかについて考察した。了意は、表では三教一致思想を掲げ ているが、実は仏教の優位を提示しており、これは儒仏論争史的な観点から見た場合、仏教側が提示した一般的な方法で あった。そして、義端はこれが｢寓意｣であることを看取り、了意と同じ方法を用いたのである。つまり、表では了意から の影響を受けたことを強調しながら自分の作品について宣伝した後、実は忠(『玉櫛笥』の序文、｢松永弾正堕地獄｣)、孝 (『玉櫛笥』の序文、『玉箒子』の｢白昼幽霊｣)、仏教批判(『玉箒子』の｢酒家滅却｣)、怪異否定(『玉箒子』｢妖物実検｣と｢ 白昼幽霊｣)という儒教的な論理を提示したのである。

Uchida Roan is a person who translated the revival of Tolstoy and Crime and Punishment of Dostoevsky for the first time in Japan. So when discussing Uchida Roan's translation, focus is placed on the two works. However, Uchida Roan translated many foreign literatures during the late Meiji twenties. But there should not be mentioned most of these translations. In this paper I have attempted to clarify the significance with the translation of Uchida Roan in the late Meiji twenties from the side of the nationalism. Specifically, I paid attention to the translation “voice of heaven” of Voltaire works and “Senjin” of Zola works. The both of “voice of heaven” and “Senjin” had a strong sense of the Sino-Japanese War. The only retouched part which was seen in the process from “giant story” to “voice of heaven” refers to the fact that Uchida Roan was looking critically the Sino-Japanese War. The postscript of “Senjin” told that it was going to ring the alarm bell to so-called “people”. Translations of two included a critical message against Sino-Japanese War.

内田魯庵は、日本で初めてドストエフスキーの『罪と罰』とトルストイの『復活』を翻訳した人である。それで翻訳の方面から内田魯庵を論じる時には、主にこの二つの翻訳に焦点が置かれた。ところが、内田魯庵は、｢罪と罰｣翻訳につづく明治二十年代後半に多くの外国の作品を翻訳した。しかし、これらの翻訳はほとんど言及されないままである。それで、本論文では、ナショナリズムの側面から明治二十年代後半の内田魯庵の翻訳の持つ意義を明らかにしようと試みた。具体的には、ヴォルテール作品の翻訳である｢天声｣とゾラ作品の翻訳である｢戦塵｣に注目した。｢天声｣と｢戦塵｣はともに日清戦争を強く意識した翻訳である。｢巨人談｣が｢天声｣に変わっていく過程で見られる唯一の加筆は、内田魯庵が目の前に迫ってきた日清戦争を批判的に眺めていたことを表している。そして、｢戦塵｣の後につけた後記は、内田魯庵が日清戦争のあいだに経験したいわゆる｢国民｣の姿に警鐘をならそうとしたことを語っている。二つの翻訳は、日清戦争にたいする批判的なメッセージを含んでいたのであり、このような内田魯庵の態度の根底には彼が󰡔文學一斑󰡕の段階から言及していた｢世界文學｣への指向があったのである。内田魯庵は翻訳を単に文学的な行為としてではなく、時代状況にたいする批判的なメッセージを伝える通路としても考えていたのであり、このようなところから内田魯庵の翻訳の特徴と歴史的な位相を導き出すことができると考える。

Lee Kwang-soo translated waka of Majesty Meiji Tenno into Korean and published it in ‘Sinsidae(The New Era)’ under the title of ‘the Poetical Works of Majesty Meiji Tenno’. He translated waka of Majesty Meiji Tenno into Korean for the following purposes as pointed out in previous studies. Unfortunately, however, previous studies have failed to find out how Lee Gwang-soo translated waka of Majesty Meiji Tenno into Korean. Therefore, this study has investigated it through analysis on paginal translation and 5-7-5-7-7 pattern of waka. Then, the following results have been obtained:Lee Kwang-soo selected ‘paginal translation’ to translate waka of Majesty Meiji Tenno into Korean because he believed that it was a perfect choice to facilitate hwangguk sinminhwa and spread Japanese language. Meanwhile, he adhered to the 5-7-5-7-7 pattern of waka of Majesty Meiji Tenno with the following reasons: First, the pattern of the Japanese poetry was already internalized in him. Second, he had great respect for the so-called divine text ‘the Poetical Works of Majesty Meiji Tenno’. Therefore, he translated the Poetical Works of Majesty Meiji Tenno using the syllabic pattern of waka.

李光洙は1941年5月から9月にわたって、｢明治天皇御製｣を朝鮮語で訳した。｢明治天皇御製謹譯｣がそれである。本稿では翻訳のやり方に焦点を当てて、｢明治天皇御製謹譯｣を分析してみた。その結果をまとめると、次のようになる。まず、李は｢明治天皇御製｣を訳した際、翻訳文に朝鮮語翻とともに原文も提供するといった｢対訳｣を行った。それは植民地の朝鮮人に日本の精神を植えつけると同時に、日本語も普及したかったからだ。次に、彼は和歌のリズムを尊重しつつ訳した。それは｢明治天皇御製｣に対する尊敬と敬意の念を現わしたかったからである。

Korea's native songs was principle of Notation of Borrowing character of 訓主音從. But, because Korean was language structure of syllable and phoneme that have Closed Open syllable, there was imperfect notation system that can not write Korean perfectly by Notation of Borrowing character. Such complicated native songs was disappeared with prosperity of word written in Chinese characters use in the Koryo Dynasty period, Notation of Borrowing character about words of concept that write by 訓 is replaced by word written in Chinese characters, Grammar morpheme that is apt to write relatively is transmitted to Seokdok-kugyeol of Chinese writing. On the other hand, language structure of Open syllable of Japanese was easy Notation of Borrowing character of Chinese character because was very simple than Korean, and I think that could write Japanese almost perfectly. characteristic that read the Notation of Borrowing character of 正訓 and one letter one syllable of ｢萬葉集歌｣ doing all Korean reading of a Chinese characters in next age transmit. Thus, Chinese writing all background that exert big influence on Chinese writing Japanese reading of a Chinese character that is a literal translation of Japanese begun in 9th century.

韓國の鄕歌は訓主音從の借字表記法の原則があった。しかし韓国語は音節と音素の性格を有する閉音節の言語構造であったので、漢字借字表記に頼っては完璧な韓国語を表記することができない非効率的な表記体系であった。このような複雑な鄕歌は高麗時代の漢字語の使用の隆盛と共に、訓で表した槪念語の借字表記は漢字語に取って代わり、比較的に表記することが容易な文法形態素は漢文釋讀口訣に傳承することになる。一方日本語の開音節の言語構造は韓国語に比べて非常に單純であったので、漢字の借字表記が容易で、ほとんど完璧に日本語を表すことができたと考えられる。｢萬葉集歌｣の正訓と一字一音節の借字表記法を全て和訓で詠むとの特徴は次の平安時代に伝わるようになる。このように漢字漢文を全て日本語に訓讀する背景は、9世紀に始まる日本の逐字的な漢文訓讀法に大きな影響を及ぼすことになる。

In this research, I studied the origin of Sino-Korean in Yu(遇) group mainly compared with Sino-Japanese Go’on and Kan’on. In conclusion, 1)Sino-Korean appeared -o type & -u type as like Sino-Japanese Go’on in Mu(模) rhyme. It can’t be conclusion because of -o type & -u type is that appeared by [main vowel ʌ+ final u]. 2)Sino-Korean appeared -ə type in Yu(魚) rhyme contained medial-ï and appeared -jə type in Yu(魚) rhyme contained medial-i as like Sino-Japanese Go’on that appeared -o type & -jo type. but Sino-Japanese Ka’on appeared same -jo type because of Sino-Japanese Ka’on originated late middle Chinese. therefore, it is established that Sino-Korean originated early middle Chinese because of has a two type -ə type & -jə type in Yu(魚) rhyme. And Sino-Korean appeared -jəi type also in Yu(魚) rhyme contained medial-i. It is originated early middle Chinese because of that is changed from -jə type. 3)Sino-Korean appeared -u type in Yu(虞) rhyme contained medial-ï and appeared -ju type in Yu(虞) rhyme contained medial-i as like Sino-Japanese Go’on & Ka’on. therefore, It's origin can’t be distinguished. Consequently, I advocate Sino-Korean was not origined in late middle Chinese, and there is possibility originated in early middle Chinese as like Sino-Japanese Go’on.

本稿では、遇攝韻に於ける韓國漢字音の母胎別層位について、日本吳音及び 漢音と比較⋅考察した。その結果をまとめる と以下のようである。 1)開口1等の模韻は、韓國漢字音において、日本吳音のように、-o形と-u形とが混在している。韓國漢字音に於ける-o形 と-u形の混在は、母胎の相違よりは、[主母音+韻尾]の音韻構造をどう受容するかという受容態度による結果で、-o形と -u形は、南北朝音、切韻音、秦音のどの層にも該当する可能性があると考えられる。2)開口3等の魚韻は、吳音では、乙 類は-o形で、甲類は-jo形で現れ、甲乙類の区別が明確である。しかし、漢音は甲乙類共に-jo形で現れる。これは秦音に おいて、乙類の中舌的なïが甲類の前舌的なiに統合されたためであろう。韓國漢字音において、魚韻乙類の-ə形は甲類の- jə形と區別されていることから、秦音以前の層を母胎にしていると考えられる。また、-o形は齒上音に当たる字で、これ については學者ごとにその母胎を巡る解釈が異なっているが、この-o形も甲類のようなi母音が入っていない形態で出現 していることから、秦音以前の層を母胎にする可能性が高いと考えられる。魚韻甲類の-jəi形は、-jə形に反映された後、 韓國語に於けるi母音添加現象によって変ったものであると判断されるので、-jə形と同じ層を母胎にしていると考えられ る。3)開口3等の虞韻は、韓國漢字音において、乙類は-u形で、甲類は-ju形で現れる。それが、日本吳音と漢音において も、乙類は-u形で、甲類は-ju形で、同じ反映を見せている。漢音に於いて、甲乙類を區別しているのはこの虞韻のみで ある。従って、韓國漢字音に於ける虞韻乙類の-u形と甲類の-ju形については、その母胎の判別が不可能である。

본 연구는 접속조사 ｢から｣｢ので｣를 대상으로 이들 문법항목을 일본어학습자들이 어떻게 습득해 가는가에 대해 그 출현과 접속, 경 합 등 습득의 제상을 밝히는 것을 목적으로 종단적 분석을 실시한 것이다. 분석 결과는 다음과 같다. (1)L2 학습자에게는 ｢から→ので｣의 순으로 출현이 나타났으며, 수적으로도 ｢から｣의 사용이 압도적으로 많았다. 그리고 L2학습자들 의 ｢から・ので｣의 습득에서는 대화 문맥이나 장면에 따른 영향이 거의 보이지 않았다. (2)L2 학습자의 ｢から｣｢ので｣의 습득에는 특정한 구별 기준이 존재하고 있으며, 그 기준은 형식(접속하는 품사)에 의한 것이었다. (3)L2 학습자의 특정한 구별의 기준은 학습 초기와 중기 단계에 많이 나타나며, 그 양상이 변화되어 자유로운 사용으로 발전해 간다. 본 연구에서는 유사한 의미기능을 가진　｢から｣와 ｢ので｣를 대상으로 모어가 다른 L2 학습자가 문법형식을 병용・경합・변화・정착시 켜가는 일련의 학습전략을 가지고 습득을 해가는 과정을 살펴볼 수 있었다. 그리고 그 과정에는 접속되는 품사라는 형식적인 요소가 ｢から｣｢ので｣의 습득에 관여하고 있음을 밝혀냈다. 또한 L2 학습자는 자신들이 만든 학습 전략을 가지고 문법항목을 구별하고 있으 며, 이러한 학습자들의 중간언어의 존재는 앞으로의 습득연구에 대한 새로운 인식의 필요성을 보여주는 것이라 할 수 있다.

This study investigated the connection "kara" and "node" target learners how they learn Japanese grammar item for going to the emergence and access, contention for the purpose of acquiring illuminate the defrost termination analysis is carried out. The results of the analysis, L2 Japanese learners' "kara" and "node" the acquisition of the following trends emerged. (1) L2 learners a "kara→node" the advent of the net showed numerically "node" compared to the use of "kara" was the use of overwhelming. And L2 learners' "kara" and "node" scene of the learning context and the conversation was not nearly the impact. (2) L2 learners' "kara" and "node" a particular distinction based on the presence of the master, and the standard format (connected speech) was by. (3) L2 learners distinguish the specific standards of learning a lot in the early and mid stage appears, the pattern of change developed by the free use goes. In this study, with features similar meaning "kara" and "node" to target the other L2 learners mower combination, competition, changes in the type of grammar, settled by way of a series of learning strategies have to look at the process of acquisition was And in the process, the formal elements connected speech "kara" and "node" that is involved in the acquisition of the uncovered. In addition, learning strategies, L2 learners have made their distinct grammatical item, and the presence of these intermediate language learners' acquisition of future research that shows the need for a new awareness can be said.

This paper researched how cultural contents with priority given to Japan culture introduction corner was reflected in High School Japanese textbook. Analysis target is six kinds of textbooks that the Ministry of Education, Science and Technology qualified in 11 August 2011. Method of analysis is that we classified three sections such as (1)Language behavior culture (2)Living culture (3)Traditional and popular culture information as its base on 2007 revised National Curriculum and analyzed by tracing cultural contents's material distribution. Analysis result shows that (1)Language behavior culture(39.2%), (2)Living cultrue(40.0%), (3)Traditional and popular cultre information(20.8%) which means (2)Living cultrue(40.0%) is the highest portion. Especially for Language behavior, there was difference between text books, even some didn't handle but other text books handle it in every section. We expect that this research will be reflected in future revised national curriculum for cultural contents organization.

本稿は2007年改訂教育課程における󰡔高等学校日本語 I｣改訂教科書の日本文化紹介を中心に文化的内容が教科書にどのように反映されているのかを調べたものである。分析対象は2011年度8月11日教育科学技術部検定の6種類の教科書である。分析方法として、各教科書の文化内容を2007年改訂教育課程に沿った(1)言語行動文化(2)日常生活文化(3)伝統及ぶ大衆文化に分類し、文化内容の素材の分布を調べ分析する。分析の結果、(1)言語行動文化(39.2％)、(2)日常生活文化(40.0％)、(3)伝統及ぶ大衆文化(20.8％)で、日常生活文化が最も高い割合を示した。特に言語行動文化については教科書によって差が見られ、ある教科書では全く取り扱っていないが、ある教科書ではすべての課で取り扱っていた。今後、改訂版教科書の文化内容の編成に本研究の結果が反映され改善されることが望まれる。