Earticle

다이쇼(大正) 황후, 구조 사다코(九条節子)는 15세의 나이로 1900년에 결혼했다. 그녀의 남편, 요시히토(嘉仁)와 일부일처의 관계를 유지함으로써, 그녀는 황실 역사상 처음으로 현대적인 가정을 만드는 데 기여했다. 또한, 천황과 황후가 된 후, 요시히토와 사다코는 황실의 별장 (고요테이:御用邸)에서 여름과 겨울을 지내면서, 현대적인 생활스타일을 유지했다. 하지만 요시히토의 건강이 악화되자 사다코는 점점 보수적이 되었고, 그녀는 궁중제사와 남편의 건강회복을 위한 신과 조상들에 대한 기도에 힘을 쏟았다. 또한, 그녀는 장남 히로히토(裕仁:1921년에 섭정, 1926년에 천황 즉위)에게 진심으로 믿고 기도하지 않으면 신벌(神罰)이 내릴 것이라고 경고하기도 했다. 1924년 이후, 사다코는 신앙심이 더욱 깊어져, 예를 들어, 가케이 가쓰히코(筧克彦)의 ‘신그대로의 길(神ながらの道)’를 배운다. 1926년에 요시히토가 사망하자, 그녀는 황태후가 되었는데, 오미야고쇼(大宮御所)에 많은 여관(女官)들과 지내며, 황거(皇居)와는 별개의 권위를 확립한다. 그녀는 그녀 자신을 󰡔니혼쇼키(日本書紀)󰡕 속의 가공인물인 진구황후(神功皇后)에 빗대며 진구황후가 삼한을 정벌한 것처럼 일본이 태평양 전쟁에서 승리할 것이라고 믿었다. 그녀의 단호한 생각은 히로히토가 전쟁종결을 주저하는 한 요인이 되었다. 본 논문은 다이쇼천황의 병환이 황후의 신앙심에 미친 영향과, 나아가 그녀가 쇼와천황에 미친 영향에 대해 검토한 것이다.

The Taisho Empress, Sadako Kujo, married in 1900 at the age of fifteen. By maintaining a monogamous relationship with her husband, Yoshihito, she helped create the first modern family in the history of the imperial household. Even after becoming emperor and empress, Yoshihito and Sadako maintained their modern lifestyle, passing their summers and winters, for example, in imperial villas (goyotei). But as Yoshihito's health declined, Sadako became increasingly conservative, focusing upon imperial rituals and upon prayers to deities and ancestors for her husband's recovery. She even warned her oldest son Hirohito,who became regent after 1921 and became emperor after 1926,that the deities would punish him if he did not believe in them and pray earnestly. After 1924, Sadako became increasingly religious, learning, for example, Katsuhiko Kakei's "Kannagara no Michi." Following Yoshihito's death in 1926, she became empress dowager and established an authority distinct from the Imperial Palace by living in Omiya Gosho surrounded by her court ladies. She compared herself to the imaginary Jingu Empress from the Nihon Shoki and believed that Japan would prevail in the Pacific War just as the Jingu Empress had conquered Korea. Her determination was one factor in Hirohito’s indecision regarding termination of the war. This paper will examine the effect of the Taisho Emperor’s illness on the religious beliefs of his empress and her influence, in turn, on the Showa Emperor.

This paper aims to examine Emperor Gojong's Diplomatic Protocol. The paper's main data is Yesik-jangjeong, Ceremony Constitution, published in 1902. Chosŏn Government had started to make the modern diplomatic relation with Japan in 1876. After then, the Government needed to have new diplomatic protocol suitable for the new situation. But the course of arranging the new protocol wasn't so easy. When Chosŏn Kingdom changed Great Han Empire, the Government should make new national protocol. Emperor Gojong's diplomatic protocol is similar to that of friendly relationship with neighbor countries in Chosŏn Dynasty. It was the same on the point that the host, king or emperor, received the sovereign’s message with taking the Royal seat on the center of the royal palace. But when the diplomat presenting the sovereign’s message made a bow to Emperor Gojong, Gojong should answer the salute standing in front of the seat. This ceremony symbolized the two countries exchanging the sovereign’s message were on the equal position. When Great Han Empire Government made the modern diplomatic protocol, the Government investigated the European country's protocol. Particularly the United States’ diplomatic ceremony which Han Emperor's diplomatic minister experienced was very useful. Ceremony Constitution had been practiced in best days of Great Han Empire. But the Empire lost the right of a diplomatic negotiations in 1905, the diplomatic offices abroad were closed and the foreign diplomatic offices in Seoul were removed too. After then Yesik-won, Board of Ceremony, was closed in 1906, it means there remained no country practicing the diplomatic protocol on Ceremony Constitution.

この論文は高宗皇帝の外交官接見儀礼を檢討するために作成された。外交官接見儀礼とは、外国から派遣された外交官が高宗皇帝をお目に掛かって国書を差し上げる時の儀式順序を言う。本稿の資料は主に󰡔礼式章程󰡕を利用した。これは1902年礼式院で作成された冊子で、高宗皇帝の外交官接見儀礼が事例を通じて整理されている。朝鮮政府は1876年に日本と修好条約を締結してから近代式の外交関係を始まり、外交儀礼を新しく整理する必要を感じた。新たな儀礼を整える間、外交業務を担当した機関の変化が多かったため、外交儀礼を整理する過程も順調ではなかった。新たな外交儀礼を整理するために国家体制の全般的な整備が必要だったからである。また、朝鮮と言う王国が大韓帝国っという皇帝国の形に変化するに従って、国家典礼の整備も必要だった。高宗皇帝の外交官接見儀礼を見ると、朝鮮時代に対等な国家間に挙行した交隣儀礼と似ている。皇帝が中央である主人の位置で外交官が差し上げる国書を受ける姿が同じからである。しかし外交官は宮殿の庭で鞠躬礼を行う代わりに、接見場の中で打恭礼を行い、主人もただ玉座で礼を受けるだけではなく、交椅の前で立って答揖をした。国書を取り交わす両国の位相が対等であったことを見せる儀礼だった。近代的な接見儀礼を整備する間、西洋国家の事例は基準となり、特にアメリカに派遣した外交官の経験は最も大切な根拠になった。 󰡔礼式章程󰡕の外交官接見儀礼は大韓帝国の全盛期の時、実際に行われた儀礼と判断される。大韓帝国は1905年11月に外交権を喪失した後、海外に設置した公館を撤収し、韓国内に設置した外国公館を閉鎖する措置があった。1906年8月に外交儀礼を担当した礼式院か廃止されたのは、礼式院で󰡔礼式章程󰡕の外交儀礼を行う対象がいなくなったのを意味する。

본고는 20세기초 중국의 혁명파 지식인들이 ‘중국인’이라는 동류의식을 구축하는 과정에서 발견한 ‘민족의 始祖’로서의 ‘黃帝’, 그리고 黃帝를 통해 형성되는 중국 민족주의의 다양한 측면들을 고찰한 것이다. 淸末, 20세기 초 10년 동안 黃帝는 滿洲族을 배제하는, 한민족의 조상으로서 재발견되었다. 그러나 淸제국으로부터 물려받은 영토보전을 위해, 나아가 개혁개방 이후 정체성혼란을 겪으면서, 1980년대 후반 이후 중국에서는 황제가 소수민족을 포괄하는 ‘중화민족’의 시조, 다시말해 민족통합의 상징으로 다시 부활하고 있다. 하지만 해외의 華僑들에게는 여전히 血緣에 대한 호소가 강력한 힘을 발휘하고 있고 있기 때문에 漢族의 始祖로서의 黃帝, 그리고 소수민족을 포괄하는 中華民族의 始祖로서의 黃帝라고 하는 이중적 해석은 당분간 계속될 것이다.

In this study, I focus on the discourse of 'Yellow Emperor' as a Chinese National Ancestor, an image constructed by the anti-Manchurian revolutionaries. Various aspects of nationalism in early twentieth century China will be examined. During the first decade of the twentieth century of the Late Qing(淸)period, the 'Yellow Emperor' was rediscovered in an effort to exclude Manchuria. But the political boundaries of the People's Republic of China today still approximately correspond to the boundaries achieved by the Qing(淸) Empire in the nineteeth century. For the preservation of territory from the Qing empire, post-Mao's China also made use of the Yellow Emperor as a symbol of the integration. The identity crisis after the era of reform in the late 1980s made 'Yellow Emperor' resurrect as a symbol of national integration. But the appeal for blood relations is still very significant among the overseas Chinese, so the dual interpretations of 'Yellow Emperor' both as an ancestor of Han (漢族) and as a common ancestor of the Chinese(中華民族) including national minorities(小數民族) will be maintained for the time being.

The picture of Korea in the colonial period drawn by Nakajima Atsushi in his 'Junsa no iru fukei' is not just an embodiment of his own experience of Korea, or the harsh reality of a colony overflowing with discrimination at the hands of the Japanese. Rather, as is shown by analyzing the setting of a 'Korean policeman' and '1923', it at once preserves the structure of discrimination, while presenting the assimilationism that function together with this. Again, it presents the ambivalence surrounding Imperial Japan's discrimination which, while rejecting discrimination, could not in fact cease discriminating. As we see from scenes where Koreans are arrested and oppressed by Koreans, a feature shared by the characters 'Cho Kyo Young' and 'Kim Dong Ryen' in the story, the upshot of this is that we find inscribed in the narrative the process whereby the relations of domination in the colony are replaced by divisions among the colonized, and in the end this stimulates a sense of their own ethnicity, leading to the breakdown of assimilationism itself. At this point it is not difficult to imagine the repugnance that Nakajima himself felt fot assimilationism.

中島敦が｢巡査の居る風景－一九二三年の一つのスケッチ｣で描いた植民地朝鮮の風景は、単に彼自身の朝鮮体験を具現化したものでもなければ、日本人による差別に満ちた植民地の厳しい現実でもなかった。それより｢朝鮮人巡査｣と｢一九二三年｣という設定への分析によって明らかになったように、むしろ差別の構造を温存しながら、それとともに機能した同化主義のあり様であり、また差別を否定しながらも差別をやめることができない帝国日本の差別をめぐる両面性であった。そして、その結末として、趙教英と金東蓮の物語に共通する、朝鮮人によって朝鮮人が逮捕・抑圧される場面からわかるように、植民地の支配関係を被植民者同士の対立にすり替え、結局は彼らの民族意識を刺激してしまう、同化主義の破綻を描きこんだのである。ここで、中島の抱いていた同化主義への嫌悪感を想像するのはむずかしくない。

The 19th century, for the Eastern Asian Civilization, was a time of transition from an agricultural and Confucian way to the Western and capitalist. In 1854, Japansignedthepeacetreatywiththe U.S.A. to open its gates to the modern Western Capitalist world order. Following this, the two catalysts that moved Japan towards modernity were the invasive wars, and the extension of the empire. The empire required a national belligerence as well as a strong sense of national unity to disseminate and support the war sentiments. The victories in wars made the state an “empire” and reinforced and expanded the foundation of the empire within the Japanese society. The empire and the war had a symbiotic relationship. This study will explore how the state, as an empire, established the basis of social support during the wars with China (the Ching) and Russia, and what perceptions led the Japanese Protestantism to the response it had towards the wars. Furthermore, this paper will examine how Japanese Protestantism responded to the 15-year period of war in modern Japan and adjusted its Christian worldview, as well as the process in which it transformed itself into a war-cooperative institution subject to the government through theological justification of “the glory of the state”. The conclusions of this study are; first, that the Japanese Protestantism identified itself with modern Western Civilisation rather than distinguishing itself from it; second, why the protestants promoted themselves as a group with “Western skills and manners” while claiming the value of Christianity rather than as an independent body from the imperial state; third, their perception of the world focused on only the differences and similarities between the Western and the Japanese, resulting in a lack of perception regarding Asia. These three features made the modern Japanese Protestantism lose its identity and the Christian spirit of transcendence, in order to validate the aspirations of the imperial state to invade other countries, much as the Western countries invaded non-Western countries under the justification of the superiority of the Western Capitalist Civilisation.

19世紀は東アジアの文明が農業中心の儒敎的文明から近代西歐の資本主義的な文明に轉換する文明の轉換期であった。1854年日本は美日和親條約を締結することによって近代西歐の資本主義的な世界秩序に門戶を開放した。このような近代日本社會を支えてきた二つの軸は天皇制と侵略戰爭であった。天皇制國家は國民統合のために排外的な敵愾心を高潮させる必要があり、それを噴出させるための戰爭を必要とした。一方、戰爭における勝利は日本國家を｢帝國｣につくりながら、天皇制の社會的な基盤を擴大ㆍ强化していった。天皇制と侵略戰爭は相補的な關係にあったのである。本論文ではこのような天皇制國家が淸日ㆍ露日戰爭を通じてその社會的な基盤をどのように確保していき、これに対して日本改新敎はどのような認識をもっていかに對應したかをまず考察し、そして日本改新敎が近代日本の15年戰爭にどのように對應したか、さらにそれを自らの基督敎的な世界觀といかに調整し神學化したかを考察した。これを通じて日本改新敎が國家の｢榮光化｣を神學的に正當化することによって國家に從屬された戰爭協力の組織として變質していく過程を糾明した。すなわち、まず、日本改新敎が西歐の近代文明と自己を峻別せず、自ら近代資本主義の文明と同一視したこと、二つに、日本改新敎人たちは天皇制國家から獨立された主體として自己を立たせるより、｢西洋の技術とマナー｣を備えた集團として基督敎の有効性を呼訴しながら天皇制國家に忠誠しようとしたこと、三つに、彼らの國際認識が日本と西洋との相違と同一性のみを常に問題視して西歐の一つの軸としてのみ構成されることによって、アジア認識が缺落されていたこと、この三つの特徵をもつ近代日本の改新敎は西歐の資本主義文明とそれに根據した西歐の非西歐に対する侵略と掠奪能力を渴望する天皇制國家の慾望と疏通しようとしたことによって、基督敎の固有の超越性と規範性を喪失するようになったことを糾明した。

In this dissertation, the writer tries to understand myths through the historical facts. The viewpoint of the dissertation is not based on neither mythology nor historical study but that of literature. Specifically, through reading the Japanese ancient literature, the dissertation focuses on finding out symbolic expressions of ancient people. Finding expressions helps understanding the truth of ancient time.

本稿は日本神話における物語的要素を史実として読むことによって、古代日本人の生活や想像力を検討しようとするもくろみで書いたものである。神話が神の物語ではあるが、それの書き手が人間である以上、神話の中からは当然、当時の人間の模様が滲み出てくるはずである。特に古代史において微妙でありながら密接な関係をもつ韓国と日本との間には確かに影響関係もうかがわれるものである。古代韓日関係における資料は限られたものである。韓・中・日の古代文献所収のわずかな分量の資料をもってその影響関係を考えるということ自体がそもそも無理かも知れない。最近は文献資料以外に考古学的な資料が古代の実相を補足したりする。しかし、限られた資料ではあるが、それを丹念に読むことによって、今まで見つからなかった新たな古代人の想像力を発見することができるだろう。そういう脈絡から本稿は古事記神話の中で、イザナキ、スサノオノ命、ニニギノ命の神話を中心として日本神話における高天原にかかわる古代日本人の思考の底辺を検討してみた。その結果、神話の書き手の思考の中に位置づけられた高天原は古代韓半島であったということを確実言えよう。

This thesis aims to gain understanding of the discipleship of scholars in the Joseon Era and the code of warriors of Japanese Samurai as the mutation in Confucian inheritability perceptive in the Eastern Asia and conduct a comparative analysis. In this study, the analysis was based on the comparison between scholars in the Joseon era who were the traditional ideal figures in Eastern Asia and Samurais. Thus the study has identified the discipleship of scholars in the Joseon Era and the code of warriors of Japanese Samurai, as Confucian-inherited mutation having the same Confucian DNA. However, similar yet different discipleship and the code of worriers had unavoidably different fates depending on the aspect of the modification. In this respect, the discipleship of scholars in the Joseon Era and the code of warriors of Japanese Samurai were mutant forms of modification on Confucianism respectively. The history of Confucianism has produced a number of different mutant forms and undergone a modification after modification to the present. The discipleship of scholars in the Joseon Era was a regular mutant form through the addition and compromises between other doctrines while the code of warriors of Japanese Samurai was an irregular form, developed by the mixing by the addition and compromises between other doctrines. Regardless, it would be safe to liken them to the half siblings born of the same root that is Confucianism.

この論文は、朝鮮のソンビ(朝鮮時代の身分として士農工商で第一身分である士民にあたる)の士道と日本の侍の武士道を東アジア儒学の遺伝学的な突然変異として理解し、比較分析の方法を採用したのである。つまり、本稿においては、東アジアの伝統の理想的な人間形であるソンビと侍に対する探求を比較学的側面から分析した。したがって、この論文は、朝鮮ソンビの士道と日本の侍の武士道について、同じ儒教のDNAを持つ東アジアの儒学の遺伝学的变異としてとらえた論文である。しかし、この似ていながらも異なる士道と武士道は、変異の様態に応じて異なるしかない運命を持っていた。このような観点から、朝鮮のソンビ精神である士道と日本の侍の精神である武士道は、それぞれ儒教の変異としての突然変異体(ミュータント)であった。儒学史(儒教史)は、数多くの、あるいは様々な突然変異体を量産しており、変異に変異を重ねて今日に至ったといえよう。朝鮮のソンビ精神は、突然変異体のうち｢习染｣によって構成された正常的なミュータントであり、日本の武士道は｢习合｣の杂居性による非正常的なミュータントであったのである。しかし、この二つは儒教という同じ根から生まれた腹違いの兄弟のようなものであった。

The purpose of this study is to investigate the problem of tolerance focusing on Ogyū Sorai(1666〜1728), a confucian scholar who influenced most on Japanese political thoughts. To reach this problem, this study investigated how problem of 'communication', 'care', and 'recognition' is recognized in 'human being' Sorai understood and 'role' given to human being. Furthermore this study analyzed how these values were developed in public politics and how private affairs have their status in the public politics. Sorai insisted that politicians should recognize social role of individual and exclude politics by arbitrary rule, and empower lower positions people. Such empowerment can make social community and its order be maintained. Eventually Sorai pursued public politics. He did not deny the existence of each individual so he recognized the private territory. This fact is based on his judgement that completion of public politics is possible by recognizing individual.

日本思想史において｢寛容｣の問題はどのように把握されているだろうか。本稿は日本の政治思想に大きな影響力を与えたとされる儒学者、荻生徂徠(1666〜1728)を中心に｢寛容｣の問題を分析した。本稿は、徂徠が理解した｢人間｣と人間に与えた｢役割論｣において｢疎通｣と｢配慮｣、そして｢認定｣の問題がどのように把握されており、公的政治における私的領域の位置づけを分析した。結果的に徂徠は、各個別者としての人間が持つ社会的役割を与え、個別者の役割りに共同体社会維持に尽くした。徂徠は君主独断による政治を排除し｢下｣に委任して、共同体社会と秩序が維持され存続できると考えた。徂徠が目指したのは公の政治にあった。公の政治の完成は個別者の認定の上で可能だろうと考えたからである。

본 연구는 19세기후반 조선을 둘러싼 국제정세를 검토함으로서 동아시아의 근대국제질서로의 이행(移行)의 성격을 밝히고자 하였다. 특히 조선의 근대화가 서양열강에 대한 대응이라는 자국의 문제에서 뿐만 아니라, 중국과 일본과의 관계에서는 ‘속국’과 ‘자주’의 문제와 밀접한 관계에 있다는 것에 주목하였다. 19세기후반 이후, 동아시아 3국의 근대국제관계로의 이행에서 부상(浮上)한 하나의 초점은 조선의 개국이었으며, 당시 동아시아의 국제정세에서 볼 때 조선의 개국은 서양열강의 침략위기에 대한 극복 또는 저항을 위한 하나의 대안이었다. 그 과정에서 새로운 한일관계가 형성되었을 뿐만 아니라 일본에 의한 동아시아 질서의 해체의 움직임이 나타나게 되었다. 반면 중국은 조선과의 관계에서 속국관계(屬國關係)와 조약관계(條約關係)를 함께 인정하는 ‘이중외교체제(二重外交体制)’를 수립하면서 조선과의 종속(從屬)관계를 더욱 강조하였다. 이와 같은 점에서 조선의 근대국제질서로의 이행은 수동적(受動的) 편입(編入)의 과정으로서 평가되어지고 있는 측면이 강하지만 본 연구는 19세기후반 조선을 둘러싼 국제정세의 성격을 보다 명확히 밝힘으로서 조선 근대화의 능동적(能動的) 측면을 강조하였다.

This study aims at clarifying the characteristics of transfer to the international order in the modern age in East Asia by reviewing the international situations surrounding Chosun in the second half of 19th century. Especially, it paid attention to the fact that Chosun's modernization had close relationships with issues of 'dependency' and 'independency' on the relationships with China and Japan, as well as issues of our own country with responses to Western powers. Since the mid-19th century, one focus emerging for the transfer of three countries in East Asia to the international relationships in the modern age was the opening of Chosun, which was an alternative to overcome or resist to a crisis of invasion by Western powers, considering the international situations in East Asia at that time. In the middle of such situations, not only new relationships between Korea and Japan were formed, but also the movement to dismantle the order around China in East Asia by Japan appeared. On the other hand, China established a 'dual diplomatic system' to recognize both a dependent relationship and a treaty relationship simultaneously to have more highlights on the dependent relationships with Chosun for its relationships with Chosun. Considering these situations, the transfer of Chosun to the international order in the modern age has strong aspects to be evaluated as a process of its passive incorporation. However, this study attempts to make contributions to studies to find out Chosun's active aspects in the modernization by clarifying the characteristics of international situations surrounding Chosun in the second half of 19th century.

Yuzo’s talent of performing arts includes not only the sacred but also the secular: the sexual attraction to enchant a man and the holy power originated from religiousness.Yuzo's ethereal and beautiful voice is a mean to acquire the governor's favor and at the same time a channel to evoke the god’s response. Thus, yuzo is holy prostitute with both holy and worldly features. and consequently could dominate the world as a symbol of sensuality based on the talents of singing and their appearance such as Sotorihime. In particular, imayo as the creation of voice culture is the materialization of yuzo’s posture which represents the holy power of the song through the symbol of holy miracle. It is, of course, because of the close relationship of yuzo's talent with the royal authority. In the fables of the middle age, yuzo's voice were usually described as a direct way to holy birth and to heaven. The completion of this tradition was realized by yuzo = Bodhisattva Samantabhadra and Bodhisattva Rupa. The Holy Yuzo, a medieval tale, is only a fantasy of the Edo era based on early modern literature around the brothel. The yuzo in the Edo era can be described as a ｢amorous Bodhisattva｣｢amorous goddess｣, which was just a device based on the fantasy of the Edo era.

遊女の芸能の才には、聖俗の両議が潜めている。男を惹付けることと、聖なるものへとつながる要素である。遊女の妙なる美声は寵愛の獲得に直結するものであり、その一方で、神仏の感応をも呼び寄せるものでもあった。したがって、遊女は聖俗が共存する<聖娼>の存在であり、歌と声の才、衣通姫のような美しい外貌、そして色好みの象徴として、伝承世界に君臨したのである。特に、今様は音声文化の創出として、霊験に象徴される歌の聖なる力を背景に遊女の姿を想定せしめており、声と王権の密接な関係性がイメージ化されているのである。また、中世説話の中での遊女の声は、往生や極楽に至る聖なるものへと直結する通路として描写されており、その伝承の完成は遊女＝普賢菩薩ㆍ色菩薩であるといえよう。このような中世の説話に描かれた＜聖なる遊女＞の造型は、近世の遊郭を中心にする文学において江戸幻想にすぎない。すなわち｢遊女菩薩｣の遊女像はいわゆる＜聖娼の遊女＞として、近世の浮世物語ㆍ浮世草紙などの作品の中で遊女譚を生成ㆍ流通させ、現実の遊女の像から離脱した、好色を中心にする浮世の、江戸幻想の一面を構築していくといえよう。

This dissertation has analyzed articles about Japanese Invasions of Korea (Imjin Waeran, Bunroku·Keicho no Eki) in Chosen Seibatsuki and Toyotomi Hideyoshi fu. Previous research has suggested that Chosen Seibatsuki Influenced the establishment of Toyotomi Hideyoshi fu. But, the analysis of this dissertation has revealed that, in terms of overall composition of the discourse, Toyotomi Hideyoshi fu has not relied solely on Chosen Seibatsuki. The difference of arrangement of main episodes constituting the discourse on Japanese Invasions of Korea indicates the difference of opinion of two literatures on this war. Also, Toyotomi Hideyoshi fu has not always quote articles included in Ming chinese literatures through Chosen Seibatsuki. Some articles on Ming China in Toyotomi Hideyoshi fu have been straightly quoted from Ming chinese literatures. And, quoting from Ming chinese literatures, authors of Chosen Seibatsuki and Toyotomi Hideyoshi fu have read wrong or alter intentionally articles included in Ming chinese literatures. As a result, articles about Japanese Invasions of Korea in Ming chinese literatures have japanized, and shaped the war discourse about Japanese Invasions of Korea in Premodern Japan.

本論文では、󰡔朝鮮征伐記󰡕・󰡔豊臣秀吉譜󰡕所収の壬辰戦争記事を検討した。先行研究では󰡔朝鮮征伐記󰡕が󰡔豊臣秀吉譜󰡕の成立に及ぼした影響が指摘された。しかし、検討の結果、言説の全体構図という面において、󰡔豊臣秀吉譜󰡕は󰡔朝鮮征伐記󰡕を全面的に受け入れてはいないことが確認される。壬辰戦争言説を構成する主要な挿話の配置の違いから、この戦争に関する両文献の観点の相違点が浮き彫りになる。また、明の文献からの引用という面でも、󰡔豊臣秀吉譜󰡕は、必ずしも󰡔朝鮮征伐記󰡕を経由して󰡔両朝平攘録󰡕・󰡔武備志󰡕(そして、おそらく、󰡔万暦野獲編󰡕)のような文献を利用しているのではなく、時には、直接明の文献から記事を引いていたことが確認される。ところで、󰡔朝鮮征伐記󰡕・󰡔豊臣秀吉譜󰡕が明の文献の挿話を引用する際は、誤読や意図的な改変が行われる。それによって、明の壬辰戦争言説は日本化し、近世日本における壬辰戦争文献群を形成する主な流れの一つとなったのである。

"Miira no Kuchibeni" is Toshiko Tamra's novel based on her own life when she was writing "Akirame". Its heroine, Minoru and her husband Yoshio spent their life in marriage, continuing conflict and reconciliation between the difference of understanding on literature and poverty. Yoshio wanted his wife to understand the value of his novels even though its bad publicity. On the other hand, Minoru was not satisfied by Yoshio who did not live his art and, she thought she needed to work because of their poverty. The husband and wife fought together because of the men's vanity from husband side and, the women's resolution, which did not let the men defeat. Eventually the battle always ended up with Yoshio beating Minoru or smashing something into her. After the fight, Minoru always cleaned up the mess, concerning about her skinny husband. She did not want to tell him a dissatisfaction. It illustrates the transitional modernity, which men did not want to change their minds and women got used to the convention to become passive in their paradoxical way of lives. Yoshio asked his wife to write a novel and it earned a first prize from a news paper. It helped financially but, Minoru thought the prize was not for her own because her husband forced her to do so. However, it made her building her own world of art. Consequently Toshiko Tamura drew the real conflict in transitional marriage to the modern age. At the same time, she attempted to emphasize the importance of expanding the women's self through Minoru who overcame her difficult situation and got independent.

『 木乃伊の口紅』は田村俊子が『 あきらめ』を書く当時の生活を素材にした｢私小説｣である。女主人公みのると夫義男は経済的な窮乏と文学的な思考の差で葛藤と和解を繰り返しながら結婚生活を続けて行く。義男はみのるに世の中からは自分の作品の評判が悪くても自分を理解し、経済的にも役に立ってほしいと願っているが、みのるは貧しい生活のために仕事をしなければならないと思いながら、自分の芸術を愛していない義男に不満を持つ。そんな違う感覚で生きている二人が｢女の前にだけ負けまいとする男の見栄え｣と、｢男の前だけは負けないとする意志｣でたたかうと、結局、義男がみのるに暴力をふるったり、物を投げたりして終わる。みのるが自分の意志を見せていると思うと、逆に壊れて散らばった品物を整理しながら不満を吐露するよりはむしろ痩せている義男を心配してしまう。ここには、因習に慣れされている女性たちの受動的な生き方の矛盾が見える、過渡期的な性向だと思われる。 義男が自分たちの生活のためにみのるに書かせた小説が、新聞の懸賞小説の一等に入選し、一時的にではあるが経済的に助かった。みのるはこの入選は、自分の芸術性を生かして書いたのではなく義男の強要によるもので権威がないと思った。しかし、それがきっかけで、夫にかかわらず自分の芸術世界を構築して進むことができた。結果的に『 木乃伊の口紅』には、男女関係の近代化過渡期の結婚生活での矛盾と夫婦間の無理解から来る葛藤がリアルに描かれている。同時に、みのるが難しい環境を乗り越えて自立する過程の感覚的な描写を通して、女性の自我拡充に目指す大変さについての作家俊子の意図が感じられる。

Describes the Korean-Japanese's real world rather than their historicity, The Shadowy House by Gengetsu intends to have its universality. The universalities such as the loss of humanity, spiritless individuals, the absence of communication, etc. that Gengetsu represents is not due to the peculiarity of Korean-Japanese as a minority but the universal pathological phenomena in the modern society. Therefore the problems the Husband has is presented as a dark side of the Japanese society. Because the ethnic community is a slum that came into existence as a by-product of the Japanese ruling period of Korea. we can see how speedy and easy the ethnics are materialized by capital and why they can't become a member of the Japanese mainstream. This means that the ethnic community is not allowed to be a Japanese mainstream but a powerless minority in Japan. In this spot, there is a reason that the Korean-Japanese literature should be researched in relation to the historical problems. Therefore it has an important meaning for the Husband in The Shadowy House to verify his origin and identity.

玄月は『 蔭の棲みか』で世代が変化して行くことによって、在日韓国人たちが歴史性よりは自分たちが属した世界、言い換えれば自分たちが現在生きて行かなければならない現実の生活に安住する姿を描き出すことで普遍性を獲得しようとした。玄月が主張する普遍性というのは、資本の論理によって進行される人間性喪失、個人の無力感、疎通の不在などが小數集団の在日韓国人の特殊性から起こるのではなく、現代社会の普遍的な病理現象と考えている。そして集村で感じたソバンの問題点を日本社会の暗い一面として提示している。しかし、集村は日帝強制占領の副産物としてできたスラム街であるので、資本によって人間が物質化していく速度がもっと加速され、簡単に露出される。そして、集村の人々は日本の主流社会の構成員にはなれない。集村が日本の社会の中で力無い少数者として残っていることは受け入れられるが、日本の主流へ入り込むのは許されない。そのため在日朝鮮人文學は、歴史的問題と相互に関連させていきながら追い求めて行かなければならない。そのため『 蔭の棲みか』でソバンが自分の出身を確認する作業は重要な意味を持っている。

본 논문은 우키후네 자살결심에 있어서 주체성과 상황성을 논한 것이다. 오토메즈카 전설 여주인공의 주체성은 이중결혼을 금하는 관습에 따라 여러 남자 중에서 한 명의 남자를 선택하는 것이 아니라 오히려 그 관습에서 일탈하여 자살이라는 제삼의 선택을 하는 것에 있다. 우키후네는 오토메즈카 전설의 여성에 비하여 주체성이 없다고 논해져 왔다. 그러나 우키후네는 가오루와 니오우미야 중 한 쪽을 선택하지 않고 자살이라는 제삼의 선택을 하고 있는 점에서 주체적이다. 한편 우키후네 자살결심의 상황적 요소로써 니오우미야와의 간통이 발각된 것 이외에 친모 추죠노기미와 몸종 우콘이 있다. 내성적인 우키후네에게 있어서 의지할 수 있는 유일한 존재는 친모 추죠노기미였다. 그러나 추죠노기미에게 있어서 딸이 이복언니의 남편인 니오우미야와 관계를 가지는 것은 부당한 것이었다. 우키후네의 자살결심에는 친모에 대한 자책과 수치심이 영향을 주고 있다. 또한 우콘이 히타치 사건을 말한 것은 우키후네에게 최선의 선택을 권하기 위한 것이었다. 그러나 우콘이 말한 히타치 사건이 공교롭게도 가오루와 니오우미야의 대립에 대한 우키후네의 막연한 불안을 구체화시키고 오히려 그 불안을 증대시키고 있다. 이와 같이 우키후네의 자살결심에는 주체적 요소와 상황적 요소가 혼재하고 있다.

This article treat Identity & Situationality in Ukihune’s Suicide. The Identity of the heroine in Otomezuka‐tradition, is not to choose among more than one gallant according to the conventionality, but to make the third choice deviating from it. Ukihune have been treated what she have no Identity comparing with Otomezuka‐tradition. But Ukihune have the Identity in point of the third choice – the Suicide, not to pick up between Kaoru and Nioumiya. Beyond founding out what she misconduct with Nioumiya, I think that Ukihune’s Suicide have the Situational factor to her mother & her maidservant. Tyuzonokimi who is Ukihune's mother is the only one what Ukihune who is shy girl, can be counting on.. However it is bigamy or illicit intercourse to her mother that she have relation with Nioumiya who is half‐sister’s husband. It works on Ukihune’s suicide what she has self‐reproach or shame to her mother. Meanwhile, Ukon talking about the case of Hitati, is to advise Ukihune’s best choice. But the case of Hitati what try to make Ukihune comfort, take shape Ukihune’s fear and set her fear working. So Ukihune’s suicide has Identity & Situationality.

本稿는 日本語의 順接條件을 나타내는 表現形態 ｢ば(ba)･と(to)･たら(tara)･なら(nara)｣에 關한 使用實態調査로써 2008年의 選擇肢型 調査에 이어 單答型 調査를 實施하여 選擇肢型 調査結果와 對照分析함으로써 條件表現의 使用實態를 明確히 把握함이 硏究目的이다. 多樣한 意味用法을 나타내는 ｢ば(ba)･と(to)･たら(tara)･なら(nara)｣에 關한 使用實態調査의 選擇肢型과 單答型의 對照分析結果에 의하면 日本의 大學에 在學中인 젊은 層은 表現形態 ｢ば(ba)･と(to)･たら(tara)･なら(nara)｣의 意味領域이 뚜렷하게 區分되어있지 않은 경우는 共通的 意味用法의 領域이 아니더라도 混用을 許容하는 傾向이 있다는 結果가 나왔다. 그것은 ｢ば(ba)･と(to)｣의 選擇을 豫想했던 表現에 ｢たら(tara)｣의 選擇比率이 높을 뿐 아니라 非條件的인 表現인 事實的用法을 나타내는 ｢と(to)･たら(tara)｣의 表現領域에 ｢ば(ba)｣를 選擇하는 傾向이 나타난 것에서도 文脈의 흐름에 따른 廣義的인 選擇을 하는 것으로 判斷된다. 그러나 單答型 調査結果에서는 選擇肢型에서 나타난 ｢たら(tara)｣의 擴張現象이 確認되지 않았다. 또한 選擇肢型에서는 ｢たら(tara)｣가 ｢ば(ba)｣와 選擇比率에서 均衡을 이루고 있는 데 反해 單答型에서는 ｢ば(ba)｣의 選擇이 壓倒的인 것으로 나타났다. 이 外에도 選擇肢型과 單答型 모두 ｢ば(ba)･たら(tara)｣가 選擇對象이 될 것이라고 豫想한 表現에 ｢なら(nara)｣系의 選擇比率이 높게 나타났고 또 選擇對象이 아니라고 생각했던 ｢と(to)｣의 選擇, 그리고 選擇肢型에서만 나타났지만 ｢と(to)･たら(tara)｣의 領域에 ｢ば(ba)｣가 選擇되는 등의 混用을 볼 수 있다. 그러나 이번에 實施한 単答型에서는 選擇肢型에서 나타난 變化가 아직 定着되지 않은 것을 確認할 수 있었다.

As an investigation of expressions such as ば(ba), と(to), たら(tara), and なら(nara) showing coordinate condition in Japanese language, the purpose of this study is to clearly establish the status of conditional expressions by comparison and analysis of results of a short‐answer survey with those of a selective survey conducted in 2008. Based on the comparison and analysis of the results of the two surveys on ば(ba), と(to), たら(tara), and なら(nara), indicating various semantic usages of conditional expressions, the subjects selected たら(tara) more in semantic usages of ば(ba) and と(to), and some of them selected ば(ba) in semantic usages of と(to) and たら(tara) indicating factual usages, as for the selective survey. In both selective and short‐answer surveys, selecting たら(tara) was high in semantic usages of ば(ba) and たら(tara), while some of the subjects selected と(to), which was not supposed to be selected. In the selective survey only, ば(ba) was selected in semantic usages of と(to) and たら(tara), indicating the subjects used them mixed. In other words, only for the selective survey, young Japanese in colleges used ば(ba), と(to), たら(tara), and なら(nara) mixed without a clear classification of their semantic domains, many of them selecting them in a broader sense based on context. However, given that たら(tara) and ば(ba) were selected almost evenly in the selective survey but ば(ba) was overwhelmingly selected in the short‐answer survey, the use of たら(tara) in a broader sense or mixed with other expressions was not established in the results of the short‐answer survey.

본 연구는 ｢이동동사｣의 의미특징을 연구하는 것이 목적이다. 구체적인 대상은 ｢に격 명사｣와 결합하는 구조적인 형태이다, 그 이동동사가 여러 가지 명사와 결합할 경우, 어떠한 의미특징을 나타내는가를 연구하는 것이 본 연구의 목적이다. ｢이동동사｣는 주로 출발(나오는 곳)점으로부터 출발하여, 목적점에 도착이나 도달한다고 하는 의미특징을 나타내는 동사이다. 본 연구는 이동동사를 분류할 경우에는, 각각의 동사가 내포하고 있는 이동성에 의한 이동방식에 주목하여, 의미특징에 따라 분류하였다. 그 이동 상태에 따라 ①行き来동사, ②近付き동사, ③出入り동사, ④到着동사, ⑤移動様態동사와ㅣ 같이 다섯 가지로 카테고리화 하였다. 이와 같은 동사가 여러 명사와 결합할 경우, 어떠한 다의적인 의미특징을 나타내는지를 분석하는 것이 그 목적이다.

In this thesis, it is a purpose to research the semantic component of "transference verb". A concrete object is [(Ni)case noun]a type combination structural. Analyzing it is the research the transference verb's what semantic component being shown in case of various noun combination. "transference verb" is a verb that shows the semantic component of chiefly leaving departure origin point, and arriving and reaching a target point. When the transference verb was classified, it classified it paying attention to the method of the movement by mobility that each verb possessed by the semantic component in the present study. It made it to the category as modality of the movement [①YukiKi Verb ②Chikazuki Verb ③Dehairi Verb ④Tochyaku Verb ⑤IdoYotai Verb] Analyzing it is the purpose what polysemy semantic component you cause in of various noun combination these verbs.

본 논문은 일한양국어의 열려 있는 것을 원래의 상태로 되돌리는 현상을 나타내는 일본어 동사｢閉める｣｢閉じる｣와, 이에 대응하는 한국어의 ｢닫다｣동사를 대상으로, 이들 양국어의 동사의 의미용법과 그 치환관계를 고찰하여, 각각의 동사의 유사점과 상이점을 분명히 한 것으로, 그 결과는 다음과 같다. 일본어의 ｢閉める｣는 ｢開いているすきまをなくす｣｢圧力を加えてゆるみやたるみのない状態にする｣｢営業・業務を一時中止か完全終了する｣｢構造物に付着している一部を動かして開きをふさぐ｣｢身体の一部分の動きや流れを閉める｣｢おおいをする｣와 같은 의미용법을 갖고 있으며, ｢閉じる｣에는 ｢構造物に付着している一部を動かして開きをふさぐ｣｢おおいをする｣｢ある事柄を終了する｣｢自然物の開いていたものを元の通りにする｣｢開閉を属性としている身体の一部分をふさぐ｣｢軸を支えにしていた部分を動かして元の通りにする｣｢ウェブサイトを閉鎖する｣와 같은 의미용법을 갖고 있다. 이에 대하여, 한국어의 ｢닫다｣에는 ｢열려 있는 부분을 없애다｣｢압력을 가해서 느슨함이 없는 상태로 한다｣｢구조물에 붙어 있는 일부를 움직여서 빈틈을 막다｣｢열려 있는 신체 일부분의 움직임을 닫다 ｣｢덮개를 하다｣｢어떤 일을 끝내다｣｢열려 있는 자연현상을 원래의 상태로 되돌리다｣｢축을 가진 펼쳐진 대상물을 움직여서 원래의 상태로 환원시키다｣｢웹사이트를 폐쇄하다｣｢돈을 쓰지 않다｣와 같은 의미용법이 있다. 그리고, 일한양국어의 각각의 동사들의 치환관계는｢Ⅴ결론｣부분의 표를 참고하기 바란다.

This paper presents the similarity and difference between[simeru] and [toziru] in Japanese verbs and [datta] in Korean verb, which are used for indicating the closing phenomena in the two countries. In particular, the usage of meaning and the substitution relation for the closing verbs between the two nations are investigated. The contents are as follows. The [simeru] verb in Japanese has the same usage of meaning as [remove a gap which lies open][get rid of slackness by putting pressure][temporary or completely stop of business ・task][block a gap by moving a small part attached to the structure][close the some part of the human body which lies open][lay a cover]. In addition, the[toziru]verb possesses the usage of the same meaning as [block a gap by moving a small part attached to the structure][lay a cover][finish some tasks][restore natural phenomenon which lies open to its original condition][close the some part of the human body having attributes of open and shut][by moving an object which have its axis, restore the object to its original condition][close the web site] On the other hand, [datta]verb in Korean has the usage of meaning, such as [remove a part which lies open][get rid of slackness by putting pressure][block a gap by moving a small part attached to the structure][lay a cover][finish some tasks][restore natural phenomenon which lies open to its original condition][by moving an object which have its axis, restore the object to its original condition][close the web site][not spend money] The substitution relations of the verbs in Japanese and Korean are provided in the Table of ‘V’ Conclusion.

일본어의 수동표현은 여러 가지 면에서 활발히 연구되어 왔다. 본고에서는 능동-수동이라는 voice의 대립의 관점 이외에, 동작-상태라는 aspect적인 의미의 대립도 그 개념에 관계된다고 보고, 수동의 유형을 동작 수동과 상태수동이라 칭하고, 동작주의 형식적인 유형의 하나인 ｢に｣의 실현을 후접동사의 의미관계 및 주어의 유무생의 관계, 동작주의 유무생의 관계에 중점을 두고 고찰해 보고자 했다.｢に｣는 우선 본고에서는 취급하고 있지 않지만, 소위 간접수동문에 나타나고, 직접수동문에도 나타난다. 선행연구에서 지적하고 있듯이, 언어동사 등의 기술에 많이 쓰이는데, 모양변형, 태도, 접촉의 동사, 의지활동의 동사 등 다양한 타동사의 경우에도 자주 쓰인다고 생각한다. 주어의 유, 무생의 경우 유생이 전체의 81%를 차지하고, 무생이 19%를 차지하고 있고, 동작주의 경우도 유생이 72%, 무생이 28%를 차지하고 있다. 요컨대 ｢に｣는 주어도 동작주도 유생의 경우가 비교적 많으므로 호소카와 유키코(1986)의 설에 따르면 동작 수동의 성격이 강하다고 할 수 있다. 그러나 무생의 경우도 주어가 19%, 그리고 동작주가 28%로 다소 높은 숫자를 나타내고 있다. 이것은 수동의 동작주 표시 ｢に｣는 상태 수동성도 적지 않게 갖고 있다고 할 수 있는 것이 아닐까 한다. 또한 무생의 동작주의 경우는, 순수한 동작주로서의 역할보다, 원인, 이유의 의미로 쓰이고 있다고 생각한다. 그리고 선행연구에서도 언급하고 있듯이, ｢に｣가 본래 갖고 있는 ｢방향성(귀착점)｣과 ｢장소성｣의 성격이 영향을 주어 동작주 표시 가운데 양적으로 가장 많다. ｢장소성｣의 성격이 강해질 경우에는, ｢に｣로 표시되는 표현은 ｢초점｣이 강조되게 되고, 또한 ｢방향성｣의 성격이 문제가 될 경우에는 ｢도달점 · 동작주｣의 표기가 가능해 진다. 그리고 그 방향의 성격은 동작주의 관점에서 보아 구심적인 방향성을 갖고 있는 것이 아닐까 여겨진다.

The Japanese passive expressions has been studied in various ways. But in this article, rather than considering the Japanese passive only in the concept of 'active vs. passive voice', I also included the concept of 'action vs. state'. In this regard, you can divide passive verbs into two groups. One is actional passives and the other is stative passives. The｢に｣-attached nouns in passive sentences is often regarded as the agent of the action. This article is trying to show the use of ｢に｣in relation with the passive verbs attached afterwards, the subj is's animateness, and the agent's animateness in Japanese passive sentences. Although it is not mainly considered in this article, the｢に｣shows up in indirect passive sentences and also in direct passive sentences. As mentioned in previous researches,｢に｣is mainly used in depicting sentences but it is also used in sentences including Japanese verbs that mentions changing in states, attitudes of the agent, contacts between the agent and the patient or agent's will. In the case of the subject's animateness, the animate subject hold 81% and the inanimate subject hold 19% in the frequency of its use. In the case of the agent's animateness, the animate agent takes 72%, while the inanimate agent takes 28%. As you can see,｢に｣is more frequently used in the animate cases whether it is subject or agent. Therefore, according to Hosokawa Yukiko's theory (1986), ｢に｣has predominant character as actional passive. However, you cannot just neglect inanimate cases. Because it has quite considerable percentage of 19% in subjects and 28% in agents. This phenomenon comes from the fact that｢に｣, which is the indication of the agent in the passive sentence, may also have the character of stative passive. Moreover, the inanimate agent is used as some kind of a cause or a reason rather than simply taking a role as an agent. Also, as referred in previous researches, ｢に｣is frequently used in indicating subject or agent because of its "directionality" and its "spatiality". If "directionality" takes prominent role in the sentence, the expression including｢に｣gives its attention to a "focus point". And if "spatiality" predominates, ｢に｣expresses its attached noun as a target or an agent. And I assume that ｢に｣'s direction drives in centrepetal "directionaliity" in the agent's point of view.

본고는 동일한 사태표현에 있어서 한국어의 존재사 ‘있다’의 표현이 일본어의 ｢N+だ/です｣의 구문형식으로 나타나는 경향성에 대하여 인지언어학적 측면에서 고찰하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 한국어와 일본에 있어서의 존재사의 형태, 의미, 통사적 특징은 다음과 같다. 한국어 ‘있다’는 형태적으로 동사활용과 형용사활용을 한다는 점에서 동사적인 성격과 형용사적인 성질을 가지고 있다. 한편 일본어의 ｢ある/いる｣는 형태적으로는 동사로 분류되지만 판정사의 특징도 가지고 있다. 한국어와 일본어에 있어서 ‘존재’라고 하는 의미는 구역으로서 인식되면서부터 발생하는 개념으로, 구역으로서 인식된 의미는 소재(所在)의 의미를 낳는다. 소유의 의미는 사태를 관계 속에서 파악할 때 생기는 개념이다. 즉 존재<소재<소유<의 순으로 의미가 확장되었다고 볼 수 있다. 본고에서는 술어, 보조동사, 관형절에서 ‘있다’가 출현하는 용례를 추출하여 일본어의 표현과 비교 고찰하였다. 그 결과, 동일한 사태를 표현함에 있어서 양국어의 사이에 존재사의 사용법에 차이가 발생했다. 일본어에서는 ｢N+だ/です｣구문, ｢いる｣구문도 자연스럽지만, 한국어에서는 ｢N+이다｣구문이 자연스럽지 못하였다. 다시 말하면 한국어는 ‘있다’를 사용하는 동사적인 표현구조라고 한다면 일본어는 ｢N+だ/です｣을 사용하는 명사적 구조라고 할 수 있다. 이러한 표현형식이 다른 가장 큰 원인은 사태를 파악할 때의 인지구조 차이에 의해서 발생된다고 분석된다. 사태인식은 사물과 사물 사이의 관계를 어떻게 파악하는가에 따라 그 표현의 구조가 결정된다. 사물과 사물 사이의 관계를 한국어는 복합비시간적 관계로 파악하기 때문에 ‘있다’로 출현되는 것이며, 일본어는 단순시간적 관계로 파악하기 때문에 ｢N+だ/です｣구조로 출현된다고 할 수 있다. 이것은 인지의 처리방법 차원에서 보면 연속주사와 일괄주사라고 하는 상반된 처리방법이다. 이와 같이 사태의 처리방식은 각각의 언어 표현 형식에 크게 영향을 미치고 있다는 사실을 알 수 있다.

This article tries, from the perspective of cognitive linguistics theory, to investigate the Korean infix "있다" with respect to the Japanese "Noun + だ" clause. There is a particular reason why this Korean infix is translated as this Japanese clause rather than as the Japanese infix "いる." Even though the Korean "있다/계시다" has an approximate linguistic equivalent with respect to form, meaning, and syntax in the Japanese "いる" (though "いる" has less verbal character), the Japanese language generally reifies a situation, whereas the Korean language generally recognizes a situation as dynamic. In other words, the Japanese language expresses a situation as a "simple atemporal relation," whereas Korean expresses a situation as a "complex atemporal relation." The Japanese "Noun + だ" clause, therefore, better expresses Japanese reification than does the Japanese infix "いる."

본 연구는 일한 양국에서 방송된 TV드라마에서 사용된 확인요구표현 ｢だろう｣·｢ではないか｣와 ｢-지｣·｢-잖｣을 대상으로 부사의 공기관계에 대한 유사점과 상이점을 조사했다. 첫째, 부사｢たぶん、おそらく、きっと｣는 화자의 불확실한 판단을 청자에게 확인하는 경우,｢だろう｣와 ｢ではないか｣ 양쪽 다 공기가 가능하고, ｢だろう｣는 ｢ひょっとしたら｣를 제외한 나머지 부사와 공기가 가능하다. 일본어에 대응하는 한국어 부사는 ｢-잖｣과는 거의 공기하지 않고, ｢-지｣는 ｢아마, 설마, 혹시｣와 공기가 가능하다. 둘째, 부사｢どうせ｣와 이것에 대응하는 한국어 부사 ｢어차피｣는 화자의 불확실한 판단을 청자에게 확인하는 경우, ｢だろう｣·｢-지｣와 공기 가능하지만 ｢ではないか｣·｢-잖｣과는 공기하지 않는다. 청자에게 화자와 같은 인식을 가지도록 요구하는 경우, 일본어 부사 ｢どうせ｣는 ｢だろう｣와 ｢ではないか｣ 양쪽 다 공기가 가능하지만, 한국어 부사 ｢어차피｣는 ｢-잖｣만이 공기가 가능하다. 셋째, 부사 ｢けっきょく｣와 이에 대응하는 한국어 부사 ｢결국｣은 청자에게 화자와 같은 인식을 가지도록 요구하는 경우, ｢だろう｣·｢-지｣와는 공기하지 않지만 ｢ではないか｣·｢-잖｣과는 공기가 가능하다. 넷째 부사 ｢あきらかに｣는 청자에게 화자와 같은 인식을 가지도록 요구하는 경우, ｢ではないか｣만이 공기가 가능하지만, 이것에 대응하는 한국어 부사｢분명히｣는｢ -지｣와 ｢-잖｣ 양쪽 다 공기가 가능하다.

This study investigated similarities and differences of concurrence relationships of adverbs based on ｢だろう｣·｢ではないか｣and｢-지｣·｢-잖｣that were used in TV shows in Korea and Japan. First, when adverbs ｢たぶん、おそらく、きっと｣are used in a case where the speaker confirms their uncertain judgment to the listener, then they are concurrent with both｢だろう｣and｢ではないか｣, and ｢だろう｣is concurrent with last of the adverbs except ｢ひょっとしたら｣. Korean adverbs that correspond to Japanese ones, only rarely concur with｢-잖｣, but ｢-지｣can be concurrent with｢아마, 설마, 혹시｣. Second, the adverb ｢どうせ｣and the Korean adverb that corresponds ｢어차피｣can be concurrent when the speaker is confirming their uncertain judgment to a listener; however, they do not concur with ｢ではないか｣·｢-잖｣. When it asks a listener to have the same cognition as the speaker, the Japanese adverb ｢どうせ｣is concurrent with both ｢だろう｣ and ｢ではないか｣; however, the Korean adverb ｢어차피｣ is only concurrent with ｢-잖｣. Third, when it asks a listener to have the same cognition as the speaker, the adverb ｢けっきょく｣and the Korean adverb that corresponds to it, ｢결국｣ are not concurrent with｢だろう｣·｢-지｣; however, they are concurrent with｢ではないか｣·｢-잖｣. Fourth, the adverb ｢あきらかに｣ is only concurrent with ｢ではないか｣when it asks a listener to have the same cognition as the speaker; however, the Korean adverb ｢분명히｣that corresponds to it can be concurrent with both ｢-지｣and｢-잖｣.