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It is distinctive in ancient Japanese Buddhism that the Buddhism was spread and encourased in the form of uniting people's desire or obsession with their actual life under the belief that they would be recued from the hardship of real life.In addition, it is easy to explain the issues of married monks in the matter of ancient Japanese people's life style rather than to illustrate the issues in the matter of their faith in Buddhism.

8世紀までの日本古代社会における仏教の民間普及、そしてその成り行きについては、なによりも現世救援のメッセジを中心にして、古代の民の‘慾（所有）’のための現実の生活と結合した形で進行した点を、その特徴として捉えることができる。日本古代社会における私度僧の問題をもまた、仏教的信仰の次元よりは、むしろ古代民衆の‘生き’の姿の問題として解明することができる。

Chosun’s dispatch of envoy were both friendly and competitive to Japanese literary men. These facts were clearly shown in『Jangmungyegapmunsa』which was written by Chosun and Japanese literary men through conversation by poetry writing on 11th(1763-4) dispatch of envoy while their coming and going. This conversation by poetry writing book dealt with phenomenon and literature of Jungjuhak and Gomunsahak so this work paid attention to the argument of Chosun and Japanese literary men and made progress. The point of an argument of Jungjuhak and Gomunsahak is as follows. Japanese literary men’s logic was definite but that of Chosun was extreme and careless in an argument of Jungjuhak and Gomunsahak so Jungjuhak was seemed to be oppressed by Gomunsahak. Chosun’s literery men didn’t answer clearly for Japanese literary men’s asking about Gomunsahak’s contrary part from the saint’s doctrine. So Chosun’s literary men were seemed to be defeated in logic. For the best value of governing a country and comfort of people, Japanese literary men didn’t care any religion if it’s practical and they denied the traditional viewpoint of dividing a civilized country and uncivilized country beyond the phenomenon and literature of Jungjuhak and Gomunsahak. On the other hand, Chosun’s literary men repeated the theory and self-centeredness and didn’t make any progress. Chosun’s literary men didn’t read all the Gomunsahak relating books and they read only part of them. They were poor in logic so they didn’t show concrete opinion about the similarity and the difference in the theory of Jungjuhak and Gomunsahak. A further study is needed about the conversation by poetry writing books focusing on an argument of Jungjuhak and Gomunsahak, other Gomunsahak relating works.

日本で出会った朝日文士は友好的でありながらも競争的であった. 11次(1763-4年) 使行の往路と帰路の時に長門州の赤間関で成った朝日文士の筆談唱酬を輯録した『長門癸甲問槎』にもそんな面貌が鮮明にあらわれる. この筆談唱酬集が程朱学と古文辞学という思想と文学を筆談の主な主題に扱っていて朝日文士の議論に注目して論議を進行した. 程朱学と古文辞学の議論を整理すると次の通りだ. 程朱学と古文辞学の議論で日本文士の論理が適実したことに対して朝鮮文士は極端的でも軽率な行動を示して程朱学が古文辞学に押される形勢を演出したし, 古文辞学が聖人の道を外れる部分を明確に提示してくれと叫んだ日本文士の要求に朝鮮文士がたりた答弁を出す得なかったから論理的な敗北を感じさせた. 程朱学と古文辞学という思想と文学を越えて‘国治民安’という最高の価値に対して日本文士が先に華夷観を否定して実用性があればどんな宗教にもかまわずの見解を示した後に, 朝鮮文士は原論的で自己中心的な意見を表明することからもっと進むことができなかった. 朝鮮文士が古文辞学に関した著述を全部読めなくて一部だけ読んで論理が困窮すれたし, そのために程朱学と古文辞学の同異を示すことができない限界があった. こんな問題を解決するため, 程朱学と古文辞学の談論を中心とするそのほかの筆談唱酬集と古文辞学に関する著述の研究を絶えず継続して同異を捜し出すつもりだ.

The year 2009 marks the 100th year anniversary since modern museums in Korea were first introduced. The origins of Korean museums starting from the foundation of the 'Yi Dynasty Museum' can be considered as transplantation from Japan, reflecting the historical experiences of Japan museums. The first museums in Korea, therefore inevitably, were exhibition space of colonialism. Nevertheless, it can't be easily affirmed that they were spaces where the colonizers' cultures and the colonized cultures were displayed hierarchically. It is rather right to say that there were conflicts and competitions between heterogeneous forces. On the other hand, it is notable that the nationwide composition of provincial museums, including the Museum of Chosen General Government, after the 'Yi Dynasty Museum' was being embodied in ways which segment the history of the Korean Peninsula into Silla, Baekje, Nangrang and Goryeo. In this paper, I try to argue that in this process Japanese colonizers in Korea turned out to hold political positions in which they identify themselves with each place and history of Korea.

2009年は韓国における近代博物館の歴史が100年になる年である。通称の「李王家博物館」から始まったこの韓国博物館の起源は、日本博物館の歴史的な経験をもとにした移植によるものである。したがって、植民地主義の展示空間として出発したと言いうるのである。それにしてもそれが必ずしも支配民族と被支配民族の間の文化が位階化され展示された空間だとは言えないのである。むしろ、異質的な勢力間の衝突や競合を抑制し統制した博物館であったとみる方が妥当なところもあるのである。一方、「李王家博物館」以後、総督府博物館をはじめ各地方博物館の全国的な構成は、たとえば「新羅」、「百済」、「樂浪」、「高麗」などのように韓半島の歷史を分節化する方式に具現された。この論文ではその過程も在朝鮮日本人が各場所とその歴史に自己を同一化する政治的立場が原動力として作動したことを確認することができた。

In this paper, the relationship between Kyunghakwen(經學院) and Sibunkai(斯文會) is researched. Kyunghakwen(經學院) were established by the donation of the emperor of Japan. It was a part of Korea government-general, and consisted of the chairman(大提學), vice-president(副提學), managers, lecturers and staffs etc. At beginning, Korean were an overwhelming majority in Kyunghakwen. But 1930`s, it was occupied by Japanese. The group which was regularly exchanged with Kyunghakwen was the Sibunkai(斯文會) of Japanese. Members of Sibunkai including Vice-president were participated in Sokjunjes(釋奠祭), lectures, and parties that were sponsored by Kyunghakwen. At this time, they emphasized on Japanese nationalism Confuci anism. The members of Sibunkai, INOUE(井上哲次郞), HATORI(服部宇之吉), UNO(宇野哲人), TAKAHASHI(高橋亨) theorized the modern confucianism in Japan. And it became the nationalism, and propagated it to Korean by a Kyoyukchiou(敎育勅語), a confucian religion(孔子敎) practical morality etc. But they aimed at colonial policy of Japan, assimilating Korean to Japanese.

本考は経学院と斯文会の関係を中心する近代日本儒学の影響に関して研究である。経学院は天皇の恩賜金を基づいて朝鮮総督府の府署として設置になった。経学院は大提学、副提学、司成、講士、職員などで構成した。初期の経学院の職員は朝鮮人が大部分を占めた。しかし1930年代明倫学院が建ち始めた以後、どんどん講士は日本人が任命させて日本人の職員の比率は高めるようになった。また、その時、経学院と常に結んだ団体は日本近代儒学の中心という斯文会だった。斯文会の副会長を入れて主要幹部は経学院が主催した釈奠と講演に与って、そこで日本国家主義儒学を伝えた。たとえば、彼らは井上哲次郎、服部宇之吉、宇野哲人、高橋亨などである近代日本儒学の代表的理論家だった。国家主義化した日本近代儒学は朝鮮には教育勅語、孔子教、実践倫理などの姿に現れた。でも斯文会及び会員がねらうことは日本の植民政策ー同化政策、すなわち朝鮮人の皇民化することであった。

This article illustrates what control and foreign relations premodern Japan had in East Asia's international relations by focusing on the change of the international relations of premodern Japan caused by the advance of West Europe and examining the reason of the West Europe's advance, the Japan's countermeasure and the process dealing with the foreign affairs. Portugal and Spain, which had led the Great Cruise Era, come to East Asia for trade and mission, and succeeded in the establishment of many important bases for trading by violently participating in the then existing Asian trade network. The early 17C, however, saw the change of the leaders of the advance of the West from the above two nations to England and the Netherlands. That was partly because Japan prevented the missionary works, which, in turn, changed the trade structure. That is, Portugal and Spain were positively engaged in the missionary works as well as trading, and the then shogunate government excluded trading with the two nations for prevention of the mission. In the other hand, the Netherlands won the trading war against England, which disclosed her commercial center in Japan in 1623, and monopolized trading with Japan. This phenomenon was also because the Netherlands had put mission under a taboo and only focused on the trading. As a result, this reflection of the reality brought the severance of relations with Spain in 1620 and with Portugal in 1639, which, in turn, resulted in the change of international relations and diplomatic network of Japan. At last, 'Sakoku Policy' emerged as the basic foundation of international relations of premodern Japan, where Japan set 'four diplomatic windows' as a control of foreign affairs, and only through the four windows, the country kept relations with East Asia's countries and West European countries.

本稿は西ヨーロッパ世界の進出による前近代日本の国際関係の変化に焦点を合わせて、西ヨーロッパ世界の日本進出の意図や日本の対応方式、外交の処理過程などを糾明し、果して近世日本が東アジア国際関係においてどのような統制と外交関係を設定していたかを明らかにしたものである。大航海時代を導いていたポルトガルとスペインの東アジア進出は貿易とキリスト教の布教を両立させて推進されており、両国はともに既存のアジアの交易ネットワークに暴力的に参入して多数の交易拠点を構築することに成功したが、17世紀初頭を境目にしてイギリスとオランダに入れ替えられた。ここには日本のキリスト教禁制という統制政策とそれに伴った貿易構造の変化が存在する。すなわち、ポルトガルとスペインは貿易だけでなく、布教活動も積極的に行なっていたので幕府によって排除され始めたのである。一方、イギリスもオランダとの貿易競争で敗退して1623年には日本商館を閉鎖するようになり、オランダによる日本貿易の独占という現象が発生したが、これもまたオランダが布教活動を行なわず、貿易にだけ重点を置いた結果でもあった。結局、このような現実の反映が1620年スペインとの断交、1639年ポルトガルとの断交につながった。この変化は日本の国際関係及び外交ネットワークの設定にも変化をもたらし、近世日本のいわゆる「鎖国政策」が国際関係設定の基本的な立場として定着されていった。この政策の実現が近世日本の対外統制策としての「四つの口」という外交窓口の設定だったのであり、こちらを通してのみ東アジア諸国、ひいてはヨーロッパ世界との関係が維持されたのである。

필자는 일본사상․문화연구의 문제의식에 의거하여 전후 일본의「문화외교」의 전체상을 분석하기 위한 작업을 준비하고 있다. 이 과정에서 필자가 주목하고 있는 것은 기존의 국제정치구조와 관련성 속에서 파악하는 방법론이 아니라 일본인의 사유양식과 지배계급의 이데올로기 등이 역사를 통해 형성해 온 인식론적 실천론적 샤유양식이 어떠한 형태로 문화외교에 반영되고 있는가를 주목하고 있다. 본고는 그 문제의식의 일환으로서 1960년대의 일본의 국제적 지위변화, 그리고 이와 함께 전개된 문화외교의 체제정비, 구미문화외교의 확대과정, 그 의미와 70년대의 전망 등을 분석했다.

The author has attempted an analysis of postwar Japan’s cultural diplomacy, based on the paradigm and research methodology of previous research on Japanese thought and culture. In this process, rather than stressing connections with existing international political structures, the author’s methodology draws attention to the following one issue. The characteristics of Japanese epistemology and modes of thought which have been formed throughout history by the Japanese people, especially ruling class ideology.　As for this report, a Japanese international position of 1960's changes as a part of the critical mind, The system maintenance of the cultural diplomacy, The enlarged process of the European and American cultural diplomacy,I analyzed the meaning and possibility of 70's.

There are records about Ulrundo and Dokdo on Korean documents such as 『Koryosa geography』․『Sejong record geography』. From those records we can say, people knew about two islanda in those days. But Japanese claim, Korean did not know about the existense of Dokdo until 1904, because there are different views about Ulrundo and Dokdo on Korean documents. However We can declare that their opinions is not true through the discovery of Japanese ancient document『The report on Takesima』. On this record, Korean knew about the exsistense of two islands Mugurusemu(Ulrundo) and Burunsemi(Dokdo) in The East Sea. These contents correspond with Korean records.

『高麗史地理志』․『世宗実録地理志』․『新増東国輿地勝覧』などの韓国の文献には欝陵島と独島に関する記録が残っており、当時の人たちが東海に二つの島が存在していたことを周知していたことが分かる。しかし、日本側では記録間の記述の違いを理由に朝鮮は1904年まで独島の存在事態も知らなかったと主張している。しかし日本側の記録である『竹島記事』が発見されることによってその主張は間違っていたことが明らかになったのである。そこには東海に二つの島が存在し、それが欝陵島(厶グルセム)と独島(ブルンセミ)であると記されている。それも欝陵島の東側にかすかに見えるのがブルんセミであるとの内容は、朝鮮側の記録と一致しており、1904年まで朝鮮側では独島に対する認識が欠けていたとの日本側の主張は根拠がないことを立証しているのである。

Takamanohara in <Kiki> does not simply mean upper region where gods dwell, but special holy region used in order to highlight the royal pedigree and stress the orthodoxy of Daiwa dynasty over long history under political intention. Th myth of Takamanohara based on this region is one that had changed from simple myths handed down among powerful clans or local provinces into representative one referring to the royal pedigree. In the myth of Tensonkorin showing dignity and orthodoxy of royal family, special expressions are used to describe the case where the god as a royal ancestor descended from Takamanohara to this world. While simple 'descend' is used to describe the descent of other gods, 'descend from Heaven' for that of the god as a royal ancestor. In other words, 'descend from Heaven' does not simply mean 'to descend from heaven to this world', but 'to descend in order for the god of royal ancestor to govern Ashiharanakatskuni. This is editorial intention of <Kiki> to stress the orthodoxy of Daiwa dynasty, which justifies the royal reign. So, the myth of Takamanohara is an example showing the process that myths of powerful clans or local myths had changed into that of royal family through political embellishment and revision.

『記紀』の高天原は単に天上または上界を意味するのではなく、万世一系の皇室の系譜を浮彫りにさせ、大和政権の正統性を強調するための政治的意図から作られた聖なる空間である。ここを舞台に繰り広げられている高天原神話は元々有力氏族または各地方に伝えられていた儀礼をはじめ、素朴な祖神に関する神話から、皇室の正統系譜を継ぐ中央神話と変わる。 その中でも特に、皇室の権威と正統性を劇的に見せている天孫降臨神話に至っては、皇祖神が高天原から地上に降臨する場合は「天降」という特定の表現を使っている。すなわち、皇室の直系ではない神が高天原から地上に降りる場合は「降」「自天降」「降到」「降来」などで表現している反面, 皇室の系譜を継ぐ皇祖神が降臨する場合は必ず「天降」という表現を使っている。これはすなわち「天降」のいうのが単純に上界から下界に降下する意味だけではなく、皇祖神の系譜を継ぐ存在が葦原沖国を統治するため降りてくる場合に限って使われた独特の表現であった。これは皇室の統治力の地上席捲という大和朝廷の正統性の象徴をより強調するための『記紀』の編輯意図がそのまま現われているものといえる。結論的に『記紀』の高天原神話はその他の神話よりも政治的な潤色、加筆、添削の過程を経て、高度化された王権神話の形に変貌していたのかを見せるくれる一例と言えよう。

Yamatotakeru who ventured to conquer western regions, as described in Historical Events, seemed to bear multifaceted characters, because a multitude of images were reflected on him. Especially his ferocity was a clear message that he could not succeed to his father, the emperor. Also it could be analysed in terms of a means to suppress those who disobeyed him. The ferocity had thus played an absolutely instrumental role in expanding the power of the Yamato regime. And his brutality appeared to show a role of punisher as he punished his brother who committed a grave sin to his father. In the long run, while he failed to succeed to the supreme power because of such brutality, later his son benefitted completely from his struggle for power. On the other hand, during his conquest of the west, femininity was manifested. It indicated a lot of courtesan- or female-shaman-like characters and implied a superstitious sense. He used alcohol or tricks to control rivals, and the red color was highlighted in the conquest of Izmotakeru. Marks of Ssanow could be traced from these. And some differences between Historical Events and Japanese Chronology are also discussed in this study.

西国征伐に出かける『古事記』の倭建には多面的な気質が窺えるが、これは倭建という一人に多数の映像が重層的に反映されているためであろう。特に彼の凶暴性は、父帝に継いで権座につけないという明確なメッセージであり、服従しない者を征伐するための強力な性格の付与という側面からアプローチしていく必要があろう。つまり、大和政権の支配力を拡張していく上で絶対に必要な腕力的な力として作用しているのである。また、彼の凶暴性には、父親の天皇に対して重罪を犯した兄の大碓を懲戒する処罰者としての役割が秘められている。結局、それらによって権力にはつけないが、彼の功績の代価は息子の仲哀にそっくりと渡されるのである。 一方、西国征伐の様相を概観すると、倭建に女性性が強調されているが、そこには遊女や巫女的な性格が濃厚であり、俗信的な意味合いが潜んでいるのであろう。また、酒や詭計をめぐらして強い相手を倒すところや、出雲国の肥河を背景にし、多岐に赤い色が浮彫りになっている出雲建制圧の所には、須佐之男の残影を確認することができる。その他、『日本書紀』の日本武尊に見られる倭建命との相違点については四章の所を読んでいただきたい。

본 논문은 히까루겐지의 성격을 호색성의 부정이란 측면에서 논한 것이다.『文選』「登徒子好色賦」에 등장하는 宋玉은, 히까루겐지의 모델이자「昔男」라 여겨지는 在原業平와 상통하는 인물로 알려져 있다. 宋玉과「昔男」, 그리고 히까루겐지는 자신의 호색성을 부정한다는 점에 있어서 유사하다. 그러나, 이야기의 주체가 귀족 남성과 女房인 여성, 호색한「버릇(癖)」의 전부정과 부분부정과 같이 각각 다르기때문에, 그 내용도 자연스럽게 달라진다. 히까루겐지의 독자적인 호색성은, 이야기나『文選』에 그려진「色好み」의 인물상과 부분적으로는 겹쳐지고 있지만, 일부에서는 다르다는 것을 보임으로써 만들어지고 있다. 히까루겐지이야기에 있어서, 인물의「本性」을 이야기꾼이 새삼스럽게 말하는 것은, 이후 이야기 전개나 결말을 필연화하기 위한 구상적 준비이며 장치이다. 똑같이 하하끼기마끼에서 이야기되는 히까루겐지의「本性」은, 히까루겐지의 많은 연애편력을 필연화하는 이야기의 구상이다. 또한 연애에 폭 빠져드는「버릇」이나 부적절한 연애소문의 실체와 같이, 히까루겐지에게 있어서 부정적 측면을 이야기꾼 스스로 인정하는 것은,「なよびかにをかしき」연애 편력이 없고,「あだめき」하며,「目馴れたる」하고,「うちつけのすきずきし」한 연애를 그다지 좋아하지 않는다고 주장한, 히까루겐지의 긍정적 측면의 신빙성을 만들어 내는 이야기의 방법이다. 하하끼기마끼의 약간 궤변에 가까운 이야기의 구조가, 보편적인「色」은 그다지 좋아하지 않는「本性」과, 정열적으로「色」을 구하는「버릇(癖)」을 모순적으로 껴안은, 히까루겐지의 특이한 연애이야기를 전개시키는 원동력이 되고 있다.

Sogyoku in Totosikosyokuhu, have been known for the model of Ariwaranonarihira who is the archetype of Hikarugenji. Sogyoku, Ariwaranonarihira & Hikarugenji, they have a similarity in negation of lasciviousness. But there is two diversity, the first - the narrator is different from nobleman to maidservant, the second - their passionate habit is different from complete negation to partial negation. The original lasciviousness of Hikarugenji, was made with according satyr - character at the tale of Heian years & Monzen, with differing from some items. In the tale of Genji, it makes the new twist or the ending necessary to talk about one's nature afresh. Similarly, it makes Hikarugenji's romance necessary to talk about Hikarugenji's nature afresh in Hahakigi-maki. And admitting the Hikarugenji's negative side, his habit to jump into the passionate or his unfavorable romance with a lot of woman, is the mathod of narrative that makes up the reliability of the Hikarugenji's positive side, to have no ladylike quaint romance and to dislike the flirtatious accustomed rash amorousness. The structure of sophistic pleading at Hahakigimaki, what paradoxically have the nature to dislike passonate & the habit to look for amorous passionately, is the motive power to unfold the romance of Hikarugenji.

가시와기 모노가타리에는 고(古)주석서 이래로『이세모노가타리（伊勢物語)』의 나리히라(業平)와 니조노키사키（二条后)의 밀통이 인용되고 있다고 지적되어 왔다. 그러나 그 표현의 대부분은『이세모노가타리』의 특정 부분을 직접 인용한 것이 아니라 「帝の御妻をも過つたぐひ(천황의 부인을 범하는 예)」라고 하는 식으로 나리히라와 니조노키사키의 밀통과 유사한 예로서 표현되어 있다. 이 점에 착목하여 본고에서는 이「帝の御妻をも過つたぐひ」라는 관념을 중심으로『겐지모노가타리（源氏物語)』 제2부의 구조를 파악하고 있다. 제1장에서는「帝の御妻をも過つたぐひ」라는 관념이 각각의 등장인물, 즉 가시와기와 히카루겐지（光源氏）의 내면에 작용하고 있는 것을 고찰하고 있는데, 특히 가시와기（柏木）의 경우, 이 관념이 그의 내면에서는 온나산노미야（女三宮）에게 접근하는 논리가 되고 있으면서도 모노가타리의 차원에서는 히카루겐지에 대한 가시와기의 공포를 부각시키고 있다는 점을 밝히고 있다. 제2장에서는 선행연구의 주장하고 대로「帝の御妻をも過つたぐひ」라는 표현이『이세모노가타리』를 인용한 것인지, 그리고 가시와기가 나리히라의 사랑을 의식하고 있는 것을 이 관념이 나타내고 있는지에 대해서 검토하고 있다.「帝の御妻をも過つたぐひ」가 독자로 하여금 나리히라를 연상시키고 있는 것은 부정할 수 없지만, 그러나『겐지모노가타리』에 쓰이고 있는 이 「帝の御妻をも過つたぐひ」라는 표현은 남성의 침범을 강조하는 문맥이 아니라 남성과 접하는 여성의 마음을 그려나가는 데에 쓰이고 있다는 것에 주목해야 할 것이다. 이러한 점에서 볼 때,「帝の御妻をも過つたぐひ」라는 표현과 그것을 계속 상기하고 있는 가시와기의 의식이『이세모노가타리』의 나리히라 상(像)을 완전히 배제하고 있는 것은 아니지만, 결코 양자가 일치하는 것도 아니며, 이 관념은 히카루겐지 모노가타리를 위해서 재구성된 것임을 논하고 있다. 제3장에서는「帝の御妻をも過つたぐひ」의 표현이 히카루겐지의 고유의 사랑방식과 그 인물상을 부각시키기 위한 것임을 밝히고 있다. 이「帝の御妻をも過つたぐひ」라는 표현은 그 자체가 밀통의 의미를 내포하고 있어서 독자에게 과거의 히카루 겐지와 후지쓰보（藤壷）의 밀통을 의식하게 한다. 그러나 본고의 주안점은 그러한 단순한 사실을 지적하는 것에 있는 것이 아니라, 이 관념을 중심으로 형성된 서술에는 남성에게 마음을 주는 여성 쪽의 심정이 그려져 있으며, 이것이 여성의 마음을 차지하며 많은 여성과 접해 온 히카루겐지의 고유의 사랑방식을 상기시키고, 그로 인해 끝내 온나산노미야의 마음을 얻지 못하고 자멸해 간 가시와기와 대조를 이루고 있음을 논하고 있다.

It has been indicated that the story of Kasiwagi（柏木物語）has quoted the adultery between Narihira(業平) and Nijonokisaki(二条后) of The Tales of Ise (伊勢物語）since the old commentaries, but the quotations are mostly put in The Tales of Ise, as a similar example of Narihira and Nijonokisaki a method like "the sort of people who fall in love with the emperor's wives（帝の御妻をも過つたぐひ）", not with direct quotation of the specific parts of The Tales of Ise. With this view, in this thesis is grasped the second structure of The Tale of Genji（源氏物語）centering on the notion of "the sort of people who fall in love with the emperor's wives". First chapter deals with considering how the notion of "the sort of people who fall in love with the emperor's wives" works to each character, to the inner processes of Kasiwagi（柏木）and Hikarugenji(光源氏). especially for Kasiwagi, this notion in his inside contribute as a good reason approaching to Onnasannomiya(女三宮), and Monogatari（物語） makes it clear giving prominence to his fear of Hikarugenji. Next chapter, following the preceding study, deals with considering if the expression, "the sort of people who fall in love with the emperor's wives" quote The Tales of Ise and if Kasiwagi is aware of Narihira's love We cannot deny that the phrase reminds readers of Narihira, but we have to pay attention that the focus of the phrase written in The Tale of Genji is not on man's invasion, but on drawing of an woman's heart approaching a man. When we put it on this issue, It is studied about that the phrase "the sort of people who fall in love with the emperor's wives" and Kasiwagi recollecting it continuously don't totally exclude the Narihira's image of The Tales of Ise, but they are not in agreement and restructured it for Hikarugenji Monogatari. Last chapter is focused on standing out the proper love formula of Hikarugenji and his character. This phrase, "the sort of people who fall in love with the emperor's wives", in itself connotes adultery, so it remind readers of the adultery of Hikarugenji and Hujitsubo. But the essential point is not on simply pointing it out, but on the woman's affection giving her heart to a man, and this reminds of Hikarugenji's proper love formula who occupying women's mind and having intercourse with many women, and contrasting to Kasiwagi who to the end couldn't get Onnasannomiya's heart and lead to self-destruction.

There are 43 rengas in HYAKUNINISSHU. There is no huge difference compared to the previous collection of waka poems, however, it could be considered as the result of TEIKA‘s aesthetic consciousness. TEIKA selected poems based on esthetic ideology, YOUEN, and a renga was the final choice. Rengas in another collection of waka poems, were evaluated as 'all the four poems are YOUEN' and 'all the five poems are YOUEN' and YOUEN in love poems exhibits aesthetic consciousness. Another characteristic is that there are many poems used JOSI rhetoric. Especially, there are 14 peoms used JOSI rhetoric out of 43 rengas. It is considered as suggestion of one's heartless and one-sided love. Finally, it is actively accepting the new presentation as shown in selection of poems with new poetic diction and new interpretation.

定家の秀歌撰には『定家八代抄』『近代秀歌』『秀歌躰大略』『八代集秀逸』『百人一首』などがあるが、この研究においては『百人一首』を中心に、和歌に対する定家の態度、美意識、撰歌基準などを考察した。まず、『百人一首』には恋歌が43首も収録されている。恋歌が多いということは以前の勅撰集と比べてそれほど大きな特徴とは言えないが、43%をも占めているということは、定家の歌観の働きによる結果だと言えるだろう。定家は「妖艶」という美意識に基づいて歌を選別していた。その結果、恋歌が多くなったと察する。『順徳院百首』においても恋部立の評価において「四首皆妖艶美麗候」「五首一一に妖艶」と一括して「妖艶」と評したことから、特に恋歌に妖艶美を感じたのである。もう一つ、序詞を利用した歌が多いという点である。特に恋歌43首の中、14首に序詞が利用され、風物のイメージによって切なさ、相手の無情さ、絶望的な片想いが暗示されるようになったのは、視覚的映像性に富んだ比喩の助詞こそつらい恋を表現するに適切な手段であったからである。最後に新しい表現を積極的に取り入れようとする傾向が読み取れる。「秋の夕暮れ」「秋風ぞ吹く」などの表現は定家時代に流行った歌語であるし、4番と17番歌から歌意を新たに解釈しているのが伺える。

By this report, I examined the way of discipline for Buddhist doctrine from "quietness" in "Essays in Idleness". "Essays in Idleness" basically puts emphasis on "quietness" in the ascetic practices environment. This is not close to the theory that qualified disciplinants can train themselves in the city. They can not be influenced by their environment because they have a strong mind. And calm environment for their discipline is required. This is basic policy of "Essays in Idleness". But a purpose for Buddhist discipline which "Essays in Idleness" argued is not "quietness" itself. "Quietness" is only means but not end. "Essays in Idleness" has a strong idea that the mind is controlled by environment. This is the core thought of "Essays in Idleness". "Quietness" is needed for a pearson who wants to go to heaven by praying for Amida.

本稿では、『徒然草』の仏道修行論を、「閑か」という側面から検討してきた。基本的に『徒然草』は、修行環境における「閑か」さを重視する。これは、「大隠朝市」という出家者の理想とは、少し距離がある。「大隠朝市」とは、優れた修行者は、人が多い場所でも仏教修行は可能であるという考え方だ。そこには、環境に左右されない精神性が求められている。しかし、『徒然草』は、基本的に人間の精神は環境に左右されるしかないという立場だ。だから、修行のためには「閑か」という環境が求められる。しかし、『徒然草』の仏教修行論の目的は、この「閑か」にあるわけではない。やはり最終的な目標は往生に向かっている。心は環境に左右されるというのが兼好の思想の核心であり、「閑か」は、往生へ向かうために心を安定させる必須の要素だったと考えられる。

This paper is consideration of the patriotism that consistently flows in Miyosi-Tatsuji for the war period and the defeat through the analysis and the contrast of "Nihonginnokyousyu" "Natsukasiinihon" In the war period, Miyoshi was recognized that the nature, the history, and the tradition influenced a national morality in patriotism. And, it has been understood to have thought about the imperial household's existence so in the root. However, to recover people's moralities after war, he demanded the emperor's abdication. It is different like this in the war period. Structural order of the patriotism of Miyosi that appears through his paper after the defeat was in the priority of morality more than imperial household.

本稿は戦争期間中に発表された「日本人の郷愁」と敗戦直後、発表された「なつかしき日本」の分析及び対照を通じて三好達治の内面に一貫して流れている愛国心に対して考察したものである。戦争期間中、愛国心と係わって三好は、自然及び歴史と伝統が国民的な道徳風土に影響を及ぼすと認識していた。そしてその根源に皇室の存在を置いていた。ところが、彼は敗戦後、国民の道徳を立てるために天皇の退位を要求した。このように戦争期間中と違い、敗戦直後の彼の文章を通じて現われた三好の愛国心の構造的秩序は、皇室より道徳的価値を優先視するものであった。

This study focuses on the awareness of the conflict between trust and distrust at the end of colonial Chosen, how it originated, and how it progressed. Amongst other nations, through the first half of‘Overseas Literature’of the 1940's that professed humanistic exchange, an emerging substance of trust and distrust is observed. We introduce the highlights of this error, where the virtual image of‘Overseas Literature’leads humanity and the integration of people through the anthropomorphosis of the spirit. Throughout the development of this study, the main texts that are mainly discussed are Yagi Yoshinori(八木義徳)'s Ryukkwanghu(劉広福, 1944) and Obi Jyujo(小尾十三)'s Climbing(登攀, 1944). This study review also focuses on the portrait of modern Japanese literature produced through its relationship with other people from other locations. As we observed, the Japanese speaker view of the foreigner bridges trust and distrust, where the Japanese believe themselves to be transcendental, though this actually developed through the consciousness of the Other

本稿は信と不信との葛藤が植民地末期の朝鮮では何に因り、如何に展開されたかという問題意識に基づいている。他民族間の「人間的」な交流を標榜した1940年代前半期の外地文学を通じて、その中に現れた信と不信の内実を明かし、神の擬人化をもって人間愛と国民の統合を図った外地文学の誤謬と虚像を浮彫りにした。本稿の議論を進める上で主に扱ったテクストは八木義徳の「劉広福」(1944)と小尾十三の「登攀」(1944)である。本稿の検討はまた、近代日本の文学と自画像が外地「他者」との関係を通じて制作されていく過程を見てみることに繋がる。「外地人」を眺める日本人話者の視線が信と不信との間を行き来する様子を検討しながら、自ら先験的だと信じている「日本人」という自画像が実は対他意識を通じて成形されていく様相の一端を見てみた。

In 1950s, a documentary movement stood up greatly in Postwar Japanese literature. I researched the reason why the postwar literature which was performed in various forms rushed the documentary movement, and inspected mainly on the origin and the issue of the documentary movement through chapter 1 and 2.　The debate on documentary literature was relatied with the debate on national literature which intended to create "the nation" through "Hanbei" or the anti-Americanism. I made clear that the documentary movement was deeply concerned with the actuality in that times. In Chapter 3, I reserched the two different flow of the documentary movement focused on Abe Kobo. I made sure it on the focus of the period of "Genzai no Kai" that considered the "reportage" as the Record. In Chapter 4, I reviewed the meaning of that time why the word of "reportage" changed with "documentary" at the next "Kiroku Geijutsu no Kai" period. I considered the connection between documentary and the mass. Conclusively, postwar documentary movement was not only the issue of expression but also the engagement of politics of the 1950s. Finally, I want to clarified that there were two sides of continuation and break for documentary movement in 1950s.

1950年代戦後日本文学は記録文学運動が大きく起きた。戦後文学が<記録>へ走った理由について本稿は考察してみた。　1、2章では記録文学運動の起源と争点を中心に考察してみた。それによって、当時の記録文学論が ｢反米」を通じた「国民」の創出という国民文学的母体から由来しており、それゆえ「国民的」アイデンティティを高揚させようとした時代のアクチュアリティと深く関わっていたことがわかった。3章では「現在の会」時代を中心に生活作文レベルの記録を否定し、ルポルタージュに記録を求めた時期の意味を『国民」の創出という角度から分析した。さらに、戦後アバンギャルドド運動とコミュニズムに関わった作家の安部公房（1924-1993)を中心に、記録文学論の相違なる流れについて考察した。4章では「記録芸術の会」時代を中心にダキュメンタリーに記録を求めた時期の意味を分析し、大衆社会化の進展という局面から「大衆」とマスメディアとの関連を考察してみた。　結論的に戦後記録文学運動は単なる表現の問題だけではなく、時代的要請に積極的に応じ、連続と断絶の側面があったことを明らかにしてみた。

In this study, I have taken into consideration of method of Gobayashi Hideo criticism which has been appraised as a real critic at the beginning of modern Japan critic. In particular, I have explored an internal logic structure of his criticism through such keywords as <a poem><self-consciousness><language> targeting at early criticism based upon 『various thoughts』. Gobayashi's criticism is closely related to a <poem>. The criticism that Gobayashi pursued of as a realistic object is a poetic prose that he would like to express <the world before conception> as a language, not concept nor object through poetic intuition. In addition, such criticism doesn't belong either to <dream> or <incredulity>, instead it is an action of practice that aims at putting both on a maximized state in a dialectical way of thesis-antithesis-synthesis. Core curriculum that supports this type of criticism is, most of all, critic's own <self-consciousness>. According to Gobayashi, self-consciousness is conscious ness of era, and that of goal. In other words, Gobayashi's bold practice of criticism is based upon confirmation about his or her own <self-consciousness> that makes himself or herself conscious of object. Accordingly, regardless of antisocial and humanitarian criticism about that of Gobayashi, such criticism centered upon a critic's self-consciousness cannot but comprize ideational and vague expression. Therefore, judgment about such criticism is not a matter of "should or must", but that of "select". In this sense, what seems the most important, once again, cannot but recur to the issue of thesis-synthesis of internal logic of Gobayashi's criticism.

本稿は日本近代における最初の本格的な批評家として評価される小林秀雄の批評の方法について考察した論考である。とりわけ『様々なる意匠』を中心とした初期批評に視点を絞って<詩><自意識><言語>などのキーワードを話頭として小林批評の内的論理の構造を追求しようとした。 小林の批評は<詩>と密接な関係にある。小林が理想とした批評は、詩的直観を持って概念でも対象でもない<概念以前の世界>を言語として表現しようとした詩的散文である。また、その批評は<夢>と<懐疑>の両者のある一方に帰属されることなく、両者を正反合の弁証法的方法として極大化した次元を志すものでもある。そして、こうした批評を支える根元的な中核はなによりも批評家自身の<自意識>である。小林によれば、自意識は時代意識であり、また目的意識でもある。すなわち、小林の大胆な批評的実践は対象を認識する自らの<自意識>に対する確信に基づいているのだ。　したがって、小林批評に対する反社会的․人間論的などの批判にもかかわらず、批評家の<自意識>に基づくその批評は確信犯的に観念的で曖昧な表現にならざるを得ない。だからこそ、その批評に対する判断は当為の問題ではなく、選択の問題であるのだ。その意味で最も重要な問題は、あらためて小林批評の内的論理の整合性の問題に回帰するといえよう。

Throughout this article, I was going to look at the contents and peculiarities of Hyukju Jang's『Han & Wae』. From his own view of ancient history of Korea and Japan, I affirmed a writer's intention which renewed relations of the ancient three countries(Goguryeo, Baekjae and Sinla), Gaya and Japan. In『Han & Wae』, Hyukju Jang emphasized that Baekjae, Gaya and Japan's Yamato regime originated from the same race so they had an intimate relationship like they were one country. Also, he insisted that after the Josun dynasty, the Han people were formed so he tried not empephasize the classifications of Korean and Japanese. It seems that this kind of attitude was aroused to block his pro-japanese past such as a cooperation of Japanese nationalism of Koreans, and gave up Korean citizenship and expatriated to Japan so people would not consider him a traitor of his own people. It can also tell us that this is another form of opportunistic writing.

本稿では、張赫宙の『韓と倭』に対する考察を通じて、その内容と特徴を確認し、韓·日古代史に関する独自な解釈で、朝鮮半島の古代三国及び伽倻と日本列島政権との関係を書き上げた作家的姿勢の検討を試みた。そして、張赫宙が日本に帰化する前の執筆活動を「初期の民族的執筆期」「過渡期的執筆期」「国策迎合的執筆期」 「ヒューマニズム的執筆期」に分けて、各時期の作品とその特徴を確認してみた。また、民族を素材にして執筆した背景とその問題点についても検討した。　『韓と倭』をつうじて張赫宙が訴えようとしているところは、百済と伽倻、そして日本の大和政権が、倭という同じ人種を土台にして、一つの国家のように親密な関係を維持していたことである。そして、現在のような韓民族が形成されたのは朝鮮時代に入ってからのことだと主張して、韓·日両民族の区分に意義を置かない態度をとる。　このような作家的姿勢は、日本帝国末期の朝鮮人の皇国臣民化に協力した行跡と、韓国人になることを拒み日本に帰化した自分の行為が、民族の裏切り者と認識されることを防ぎたいとの意識から生じたものと思われるが、これもまた違った意味での日和見主義的態度と言える。

The following is the conclusion of the observation about each form of conditional expression in Chöphaeshinö. 「たらば」was used more than「たれば」as time went by, so I can't find the examples of「たれば」in later edo language. However, there were few examples in which「たれば」was changed to「たらば」. And when I saw these examples based on genkannboN, if there was「たらば」in genkannboN, there was the same example in kaisyuboN and zyukannboN. But when I saw these based on kaisyuboN, I could find out that there was only one example,「たらば」in kaisyuboN which was expressed as various forms in genkannboN. 「ずば」had declining tendency after muromachi period. As I could find only five examples in genkannboN, one in kaisyuboN, and nothing in zyukannboN, I could find out that the flow of times were reflected in Chöphaeshinö. Also, in the case of「ねば」, the expression used in genkannboN was used as it was except for the one example which had no information. In the case of the conditional expression, the process of change from later muromachi period to edo period is reflected well in the three Chöphaeshinö books. That is, the three books showed that「とも」asthe conditional expression　was changing into「ても」 and「ども」was changing into「けれども」. However, I could find out that「とも」and「ども」 didn't decline totally but they coexisted with「ても」 and「けれども」. In conclusion, the conditional expression in Chöphaeshinö sometimes reflected the flow of times well but sometimes didn't. In addition, I could find some expressions that ran counter to the flow of times. However, when I take it into consideration that it is hard to draw a boundary line on language, I cannot conclude that the expressions in Chöphaeshinö did not follow the change of times. Therefore, I can conclude that the conditional expressions in Chöphaeshinö reflected the transitional changes of times to the modern language. If I can complement the Korean part and the comparison part with other information that I could not handle deeply, I think I will be able to solve the ambiguity of the conditional expression in Chöphaeshinö. I am planning to solve this task based on this research. 조회수 2

以上のように『捷解新語』に現れる條件表現について調査してみた。各々の形式について調査したことを整理してみると、次のようである。 「たらば」は時代が移りながらかえって「たれば」より多く使われ、後期江戶語では「たれば」　の用例をさがすことができなくなるという。 「ずば」「ねば」は否定の助動詞活用と関連があるものとして「ずば」は室町時代以後に衰退する傾向をみせるのだが、『捷解新語』でも原刊本で5例、改修本で1例、重刊本では1例もみられないように時代的な変遷が反映されていることがわかった。また「ねば」の場合にも資料がないひとつの例を除けば原刊本での表現がそのまま使われていた。　逆接の條件表現においては室町時代末期から江戸時代にかける変化の過程が『捷解新語』三本によく反映されていることがわかった。即ち、逆接の條件表現の「とも」が「ても」へ変化していて、「ども」が「けれども」へ変化していくことがわっかた。しかし、「とも」と「ども」が完全に衰退することではなく、「ても」、「けれども」と共に共存している。　このように『捷解新語』の條件表現について調べてみた。時代的な流れがよく反映された表現もあったし、時代的な流れが反映されずにそのまま使われている表現もあった。また、時代的な流れに逆行したと見ることのできる表現もあった。しかし、言語というものがある一時点まで使われ、ある一時点から消滅するものではないゆえ、その境界線を引くのが難しいという事実を考えてみる時、『捷解新語』に現れている條件表現が時代的な変遷に合っていないと言い切ることはできないようだ。したがって、『捷解新語』の條件表現のおいても近代語に移り行く過渡期的な時代の変遷が槪してよくあらわれていると言えるでしょう。本考にて深く取り扱わなかった韓國語の部分と他の資料との比較部分を補完するならば、『捷解新語』にあらわれる條件表現の曖昧な部分を解決することができそうだ。今度の研究をもとにこれからの課題として解いていきたいと思う。

This paper is concerned with construction of Japanese corpus in Korea. Academic communities in many countries have been eager to build natural language corpus for language research and education. For example, Brown Corpus in the U. S., British National Corpus World Education, Bank of English, and Comtemporary Japanese Corpus are some of the good examples. I argue for the necessity of Japanese corpus built in Korea and propose methods of how to utilize it. In this paper, I have laid out several idea that I have had for the types of Japanese corpus and its representitiveness. Given the fact that Korea is the country that the largest number of Japanese language learners and researchers study the language, I believe that Japanese corpus would contribute to Japanese language and education.

本稿は韓國において日本語のコ-パスを作る問題について考えてみたものである。今日世界のいろいろな國では力を入れて言語の硏究や敎育に使うコーパスを作る作業をしている。アメリカのブラウンコーパス（Brown University Standard Corpus of Present-day American English）やイギリスのBNCコーパス(British National Corpus World Edition）, BE(Bank of English),また日本の國立國語硏究所の「現代日本語書き言葉均衡コーパス」などがその例である。筆者は最近韓國においても日本語コーパスの必要性を痛感しており、今回の論文を通して日本語のコーパスの必要性や作り方の基本的な構想などを明らかにしようと思っている。　本稿では、これから作る日本語のコーパスの類型や規模、代表性の問題などに触れ、また實際のコーパスの作り方についても普段考えているアイデアを重心に述べることにする。韓國は日本語の學習者や硏究者がもっとも多い國であり、日本または日本語についての關心も高い。もし、韓國の日本語學界でだれでも自由に使えるコーパスが計畵通りに作られるようになったら、韓國の日本語硏究や敎育に大きく寄与できると思われる。

The purpose of this study was to consider that the feature and use of back-channel by the difference of situation, of mother tongue and contact, and the difference of learners and speakers, of Korean and Japanese. And, it focused on to took the frequency, form, function of back-channel from used back-channel in conversation between Korean native speakers(KNS) and Japanese Korean learners(JKL), Japanese native speakers(JNS) and Korean Japanese learners(KJL). Preferentially, Japanese speakers accomplished a role of hearer more positively than KNS and KJL in contact situation that native speaker or target language learner make conversation. And, Korean speakers used more back-channel as native speaker in contact situation than native speakers in mother tongue situation, when they make conversation. But, back-channel in case of target language learner is decreased more than native speakers in mother tongue situation. It was appeared to both the situation of hearer and frequency of back-channel, Japanese speakers used back-channel plentifully in any cases. Next, the form of back-channel, which native speaker and target language learner of both nations used plentifully, is the aizuchishi, and the rate was higher in Japanese speaker. And, KNS and KJL used more back-channel which the sign of agreement and understanding function than JNS and JKL. But, JNS and JKL was more higher continuous rate than KNS and KJL.

本研究では、韓国語母語話者と日本人学習者、日本語母語話者と韓国人学習者の会話で使用されたあいづちを資料とし、あいづちの頻度、あいづちの表現形式、あいづちの機能に焦点を合わせて、韓国語話者と日本語話者、韓国人学習者と日本人学習者の違い、母語場面と接触場面など場面の差によるあいづちの使用とその特徴について考察した。　まず、日本語話者は接触場面で母語話者または目標言語学習者として会話に参加する場合、韓国語話者あるいは韓国人学習者より豊かなあいづち表現を混ぜながら頻繁にあいづちを使用し、聞き手の役割を積極的に果たした。また韓国語話者は接触場面で母語話者として会話に参加する時は母語場面の母語話者よりあいづちの使用が増えたが、目標言語学習者である場合は母語場面の母語話者よりあいづちの使用が減少するなど、聞き手が置かれた状況やその役割によりあいづちの頻度に差がみられたが、日本語話者はどの場合もあいづちを多用していた。次に両国の母語話者および目標言語学習者が一番多く用いたあいづちの形式はあいづち詞であるが、その割合は日本語話者のほうがずっと高かった。そして韓国語話者、韓国人学習者は日本語話者、日本人学習者より同意表示と理解機能のあいづちを多く使用したが、日本語話者、日本人学習者は韓国語話者、韓国人学習者に比べ継続機能の比率が高かった。

본 논문에서는 질문지법을 이용하여 대학에서 일본어를 배우고 있는 한국인 학습자 100명을 대상으로 한자 학습에 관한 신념과 한자 학습 전략의 사용에 관해서 조사하였다. 그 결과를 정리하면 다음과 같다. 1) 한국인 일본어학습자는 한자 학습은 중요하며 한자의 의미나 읽는 방법을 이해하는 것이 중요하다고 생각하고 있다. 또한 한자 학습은 어려우나 한자를 쓸 수 있도록 학습해야 하며 일본어 학습 초기부터 일본어의 문자를 도입할 필요가 있다고 인식하고 있다. 한편, 일본어의 한자를 공부할 경우, 그 한자의 한국어의 발음을 아는 것이 도움이 된다고 생각하는 학습자가 많다. 이에 반해서 한자의 부수나 획순에 관한 지식이 도움이 된다고 생각하지 않는 학습자가 많다. 2) 한국인 일본어학습자의 경우, 한자를 외울 때 한자를 반복해서 써 보거나 한자의 의미와 읽는 법을 동시에 암기하는 전략을 많이 사용한다. 또한, 한자를 외울 때 한자의 의미 뿐 만 아니라 글자의 형태나 읽는 방법 등에 주의를 기울이는 경향이 있다. 3) 한국인 일본어학습자의 학년별 한자 학습 전략을 비교한 결과, 양자 간에 커다란 차이점은 없었다.

This study examines Korean JFL student’s belief in Kanji learning and Kanji Learning Strategies. 100 Korean JFL student’s completed both a belief questionnaire(14-items) and a 40-item questionnaire to assess their Kanji learning strategies. The results are explained below. 1) Korean JFL students consider learning Kanji as important factor in Japanese study. Also they believe that understanding meanings and reading methods are the essential parts as well. Despite of its level of difficulty, students agree that they need to be capable of writing in Kanji, therefore they understand that using Japanese letter should be applied from the beginning of studying Japanese. When students learn a certain Kanji letter in Japanese, they feel that they need a korean pronunciation of that specific letter in order to clearly understand the concept. On the other hand, parts and stroke counts of the letters are not considered as important as the other categories.. 2) Korean JFL learners prefer writing and reading letters repeatedly and memorizing definitions as they study strategies. Also, the students tend to focus on the structure of letter and the reading methods. 3) Comparing the Japanese studying strategies, there were no significant differences among different grades.