Earticle

쓰시마(対馬)번은 히데요시(秀吉)나 임진왜란에 관한 기록을 남기지 않았다. 조선 과 통교를 하지 않으면 경제적 수단이 막혀버리는 쓰시마로서는, 히데요시나 임진 왜란에 관해 언급하는 것 자체가 피하고 싶은 일이었을 것이다. 이에야스(家康)가 쇼군(将軍)이 되고 조선과 통교를 재개하려 교섭을 하고 있었던 쓰시마 내부애서 는 ‘만약 조선이 통교 재개를 거부한다면, 이에야스도 또한 조선을 공격할 것이다’ 는 이야기가 전해지고 있었다. 이러한 사정 때문에 쓰시마에서는 히데요시의 조선 침략에 관한 비판이, 자칫하면 이에야스에 대한 비판으로 연결될 소지가 있었다. 쓰시마번은 히데요시가 남긴 “쓰시마는 나라의 변방”이라는 말을 내세우며, 바쿠 후(幕府)로부터 경제적인 양보를 이끌어 내기 위해 계략을 짜게 된다. 통교가 재개 되어진 초기에는 임진왜란의 여파가 있어, 조선은 쓰시마의 무리한 요구도 들어주 었지만, 그 여파가 점차 옅어짐에 따라 조선이 도리어 점차 무위를 뽐내게 되자, 통 교통상은 쓰시마가 원하는 대로 흘러가지 않게 되었다. 그래서 변방임을 내세우며 바쿠후로부터 경제적 지원을 이끌어내고, 조선이 기록을 정비하고 있는 것에 대항 하기 위해서, 통교에 관련된 자들의 교육에 대한 필요성이 강조되게 된다. 한편, 사 방이 바다로 둘러싸인 쓰시마이기에 타국의 해적선에 대한 대비도 필요하지만, 이 는 실제로 이루어지지는 않았다. 결국 쓰시마는 임진왜란에 관한 전승이나 옛날 필사본 등 기록을 모으기 시작한다. 『양국임진실기』는 이러한 분위기 가운데 편 술(編述)되어진 서적이다. 이 서적은 “히데요시가 조선을 침략한 것은 아무런 명분 도 없는 것이니, 교린을 맺을 수 있도록 교섭을 해라. 만약 조선이 이를 거부하며 무례하게 굴 때는, 내버려 두지 않고 이에야스 또한 조선을 침공할 것이다”와 같이 통교재개를 재촉하는 이야에스의 말로 그 끝을 맺고 있다. 일본측 문헌을 『懲毖 録』과 대조하며 기술한 야마자키 히사나가(山崎尚久) 역시 종래 쓰시마의 입장과 다를 바 없다. 마지막 번주였던 소 요시아키라(宗重達)는 가보에서 선조를 안토쿠( 安徳) 천황으로 삼은 다음, 쓰시마는 나라의 변방임을 메이지(明治) 정부에 주장했 다. 쓰시마의 확고한 위치를 다져놓으려 하기 위함이었을 것이다. 이것은 정한론( 征韓論)을 부르짖던 오시마 도모노조(大島友之允)의 생각에 이어지게 된다. 바쿠후 말기부터 메이지 유신까지, 히데요시는 다시금 그 권력을 되찾아간다. 호 코쿠샤(豊国社)도 재건되어진다. ‘쓰시마는 변방’이라는 논리는 쓰시마의 특수권 익을 확보한다는 단계를 넘어서, 결국에는 일본 전체를 연루시키게 된다.

Tsushima-ban didn’t leave the document about Hideyoshi and Imjin War. Tsusima would like to avoid to mention about Hideyoshi or Imjin War because Tsusima were badly fixed unless they diplomacy with Korea. After Ieyasu became Shogun and resumed the diplomacy with Korea, there were rumors in Tsusima that If Korea refuses to resume the diplomacy, Ieyasu will also attack Korea as Hideyoshi. Criticizing Hideyoshi’s invasion to Korea could be connected to the criticize of Ieyasu in some cases because of the rumor which were told in Tsusima that Ieyasu will attack Korea. Tsusima believed firmly to the fact that Ieyasu called Tsusima as the border area of the country, and conceived a plan to draw the economic concessions from the Bakuhu. At the beginning when both sides resumed the diplomacy after Imjin War, Korea all accepted to the strong demand of Japan because of the aftermath of Imjin War. But as the aftermath faded away and Korea rather became to show their power, the diplomacy went athwart Tsusima’s purpose. Consequently, appearing border area on the surface and drawing econimic concessions, “The need of education for the ones who are related to the diplomacy” was required to counter Korea, who were organizeing the documents. Meanwhile, Tsusima was a village surrounded by sea on all sides and they needed the prepatation for the invasion of pirates, but were not accomplished. When the negotiation about 12 second time Diplomatic corps were proceeding with difficulty, Tsusima started to collect the classics or documents about Imjin War. “Ryoukokujinshinjikki” is a book which was edited in such ambience. This book ends with the words of Ieyasu demanding the diplomacy to resume such as “Hideyoshi’s invasion to Korea wasn’t consistent with what is right, negotiate so that we can form a good-neighbor, but if Korea refuse to do so and shows ungracious behavior, Ieyasu won’t leave it at that, and will also invade Korea.” Yamamzaki Hisanaga, who compared and described “Chohiroku”and the document of Japan, had the same stance of traditional Tsusima. The last Lord of Tsushima clan Sou Yoshiakira made Antoku-Tennou as forefather in their genealogy, and Tsusima as the border area of the country. It was because the government of the Meiji Restoration wanted to take a stand about Tsusima. This was also the same idea of Ooshima Tomonozyouu who tried to protect the particular right and profit of Tsusima by advocating Conqueror Korea TheoryThroughout the last period of Bakufu to the Meiji Restoration, Hideyoshi was reinstated. Houkokusya was also restored. The logic so called “The border area Tsusima” went beyond the secure of particular right and profit of Tsusima and finally became to draw the entire Japan.

The book of tea quoted the essay in Japanese poetics written by a medieval poet, Teika. This essay was widely quoted by Rikyu, who was considered to complete the tea ceremony and by others in the later periods. To explain the tea ceremony form of wabi, Teika’s or other poets’ waka were used as an evidence. The quotations of the essay and waka, or their presentations as an evidence were largely attributable to participation of tea masters in the culture-based classical education system that was called as the secrets system of an art at that time. These were systematically initiated to the nobles while only fragmentary instruction was made to the middle classes, including tea masters and monks. Teika’s essay and a collection of waka poems were an essential subject in the instruction. Consequently, Teika’s waka and the waka that were shown in the collection appeared in various genres. In addition, a common aesthetic understanding was found across different genres. A typical example was “yuhyun”. Although its meaning had been subject to changes over time and across genres, it was regarded as an important sense of beauty. Another aesthetic sense called as “hie” was the same. It served as an important standard for traditional drama, “noh” and poetry series, “renga”. The tea ceremony shared this aesthetic sense, too. The fact that the sense of beauty was shared or borrowed in different genres implies that the world of waka was firmly established as cultural backgrounds. Supported by this development, the tea ceremony was able to create its own understanding of an aesthetic sense as a new cultural genre. Further, it attempted to build a theory of tea ceremony relying on waka’s prestige.

茶書には中世の歌人定家の歌論書がよく引かれている。初期茶人から茶道を完成し たと云われる利休、そして後代に至るまで広くのところで引用されているのが容易く 見つかる。特に茶道の美意識の｢侘び｣を説明した部分で、定家の和歌を引用したり、 あるいは他の歌人の和歌を根拠として使用し、茶道に接する態度については『詠歌大 概』『近代秀歌』などの内容をアレンジして適用している。 このように茶書に歌論書と和歌が引かれるようになったのは、当時の韻文文学が文 化背景のバックボーンとして働いているからであろう。所謂古今伝授である。このシ ステムの中に茶人も参加しており、貴族階級は体系的で組織的に伝授されたが、僧侶 や茶人などの中流階級は短編的な知識にしか預かられていない。 この古今伝授の科目に必ず含まれているのが定家の歌論書と歌集であった。その結 果、後代の演劇や連歌などのジャンルにも定家の理論が取上げられるようになり、歌 集の歌が引かれるようになったのである。そしてジャンルは違うが、共通の美意識を 共有するようになった。代表的なものは｢幽玄｣である。たとえ、ジャンルによって、 または時代別に意味が多少変ったりしたが、重要な美意識として扱われているのは紛 れもない。｢冷え｣という美意識も同じである。能においても、連歌においても重要な 美的感覚として受止めている。茶道にもこれらを共有している。 以上のように美意識を共有したり、借用したりするのは韻文文学が文化背景として 根強く位置付けられているからである。これを基に新な文化ジャンルである茶道が自 分の美意識を創出していく土台にしたとも言える。それから和歌の権威に頼って茶道 の理論を立てようとした可能性も高い。

근세 츠시마후츄번(対馬府中藩)에 있어서 조선과의 관계는 운명적인 것이었다. 임진･정유 왜란으로부터 200년이 자나서, 왜관의 제일대관(一代官)이 되어 바다를 건넌 야마자키 히사 나카(山崎尚長)는 일본의 『朝鮮征伐記』와『朝鮮太平記』등 그리고 『징비록』을 기초로 하여 올바른 역사를 쓰겠다는 뜻을 가지고 그 임기 중에 『양국임진실기』를 펴냈다. 현존 하는 것은 셋 필사본이며, 『양국임진실기』 성립 약 60년 후에, 권지 제삼 도중까지가 『正 実 朝鮮征討始末記』으로 간행 되었다. 본고는, 야마자키 히사나가가 『양국임진실기』를 집필하면서 체류한 왜관의 당시 상황을 『館守日記』를 통하여 한가하지만 작은 이기심이 츠시마번에 여려움을 안겨줄 수도 있는 상황이었음을 보았다. 또 지금까지 언급 되지 않았던 나가사키 현립 츠시마 역사민속자료관 (長崎県立対馬歴史民俗資料館) 소장 필사본을 고찰함으로써 『양국임진실기』가 1796(寛 政8)년에 간행을 예정하여 表御書札方에서 필사 보관한 사실과 국립공문서관(国立公文書館 ) 소장 두 개의 필사본, 그리고 『실정 조선정토시말기』와의 비교를 통하여서, 지금까지 추 정 되어졌던 큰 수정작업이 없었음을 밝혔다. 그리고 마지막에 국사편찬위원회 소장 자료에, 히사나가의 또 다른 저서가 존재한 기록을 찾아낸 것을 밝히고 새로운 자료가 발굴되기를 기대하는 바 덧붙혔다.

For Tsushima Fuchu clan of the early modern period, relations with Korea were those fateful. After Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, when going through 200 years. Hisanaga Yamazaki stayed in the Wakan of Pusan as a 1st procurator, and wrote “Ryougoku jinsin jikki” based on “Cheosen seibatsuki”, “Cheosen taiheiki” and “Jingbi rok” so on, in order to write the true history. There are 3 manuscripts of “Ryougoku jinsin jikki”. In this paper, I described situation of the Wakan at that time when Hisanaga wrote “Ryougoku jinsin jikki”, based on “Kansyu nikki” of National Diet Library of Japan. Then, I understood that there were some possibility that a small guard and self-interest results in a difficulty to Tsusima clan. Hisanaga wrote “Ryougoku jinsin jikki” in 1796. After about 60 years, “Jissyou Cheosen seitou simatsuki” was published. Between During 1796 to 1802, people thought Hisanaga had been corrected to a large extent the document. But, through the comparison of the 3 manuscripts and “Jissyou Cheosen seitou simatsuki”, I could not find any facts to correct the document. At the end, I spoke that there is a record in the National Institute of Korean History to show existence of another book by Hisanaga. I hope to see new document.

『MINTO』, a quarterly literary magazine published by Zainichi literary persons, was first published in November, 1987 and finished as the tenth issue in March, 1990. As the title of it, ‘People’s Waves’, represents, from its first to last issues kept pursuing the goal of the magazine: ordinary Zainichi’ practicing of ‘people’s literary movement’ and becoming “a literary square for Zainichi”. 『MINTO』 has hardly been studied so far due to its limitation that it is regarded as a minor magazine among those that have been published by Zainichi Chosenjin. First of all, this study conducts bibliographic consideration on this magazine mainly and then reseaches the contents characteristics and pursuits of 『MINTO』. In detail, the study has researched 『MINTO』’s principles of edition and planning for special issues, practice of people’s cultural movement. Through this, 『MINTO』 valued ‘people’s literature’ not remaining as the space for discourse only intellectuals enjoyed. And 『MINTO』 attempted to highlight the new ‘independency of Zainichi’ centering around the advent of the third generation Koreans Residents in Japan.

在日文学者主体の文芸誌である『民涛』は1987年11月に創刊され、1990年3月、10号まで発行された季刊誌で、｢民衆の涛(People’s Waves)｣というその題名で標榜しているように、創刊から終刊まで一貫して在日一般大衆の｢民衆文芸運動｣の実践と、｢在日者のための文芸広場｣を設けるという雑誌の指向性を固守しようとした。これまで『民涛』は在日朝鮮人が発行した雑誌の系譜のなかでマイノリティに位置するところから来る制約のため、ほとんで研究されていない。本稿ではまずこの雑誌に対する書誌的な考察を中心に『民涛』の内容的特徴とその指向性を見てみた。具体的には編集方針と特集企画、民衆文化運動の実践、収録の文学作品などを検討することで、『民涛』が知識人たちのみが享有しやすい談論空間を越えて、｢民衆文芸｣を重んじ、在日3世代の登場を中心に新たな｢在日の独自性｣を浮彫りにしようとしたことを論じた。

This contemplation focuses on the aspects of narratives surrounding Japanese war hero models in earliar modern times as an ideological backgrounds of creation and modification of the hero models. The narrative of Saikaku, the representative writer of ukiyozōshi, a janre of civil literature at that time, hardly exposed distored understandings of Korean peninsular to estrange it as the other nor to exclude it, a bias descened from the ancient times. It can be said as a value neutral recoginition on the other, which is innated in the citizenship of most citizens in Japanese cities like Osaka in modern times. Through narratives of Saikaku, it can be found that the possibility for good neighborhood with the East Asia was inherent at least until earlier modern times, and such aspects can be confirmed though Japanese myths and its war hero models depicted in his narratives. Based on the achievements and maturiy of Genroku era established in the peaceful systemic order, the value-netural recognition of Saikaku to the self and to the others, as a citizen writer who spoke for the view of the world of chōnins, the major class in major cities like Edo or Osaka, internalized timid citzens' curiosities and the populistic tendency complying with political system's power, created an war hero narratives in the earlier modern times.

本考察では、近世前期における日本の戦争英雄像創出と変容の思想的背景として、同時期 の戦争英雄像をめぐるナラティブの様相に注目した。市民的文芸ジャンルの一つであった 浮世草子の代表的作家西鶴のナラティブには、古代以降の流れである、朝鮮半島を他者化 あるいは捨象する他者認識が殆んど表出されない。近世における江戸や大阪などの大多数 の市民意識が内在する価値中立的な他者認識といえるであろう。西鶴のナラティブを通し てみる限り、少なくとも近世前期には東アジアの他国との民衆レベルでの善隣友好の可能 性が内在していたことがわかるが、これは彼のナラティブに表われる神話への認識と戦争 英雄像を通してその様相を確認することができる。近世の江戸や大阪など大都市の主階層 であった町人たちの世界観を代弁する市民作家西鶴の価値中立的な他者認識は、小心翼翼 とした市民的好奇心、体制権力に順応する大衆追隨の傾向などを内在しつつ、平和的な体 制秩序の中で創出された元禄時代の文芸的達成と成熟をもとにした近世前期における日本 の戦争英雄像の一端を作り出した。

Dengu has taken different shapes and contained different characteristics according to the change of the times since it began to appear as mystified and imaginary figure with the form of a bird that flies using its wings. Such an image of Dengu was more concretely systematized in Gonjaku Monogatarishu, published during the Heian period. In the Middle Age of Japan, Dengu takes the form of a long and red nose pilgrim of the religious sect Shugendo.　Despite the evolution of the forms, it has one same pattern: it always flies using wings. Dengu refer to “monsters in the shape of a dog flying in the sky” that have been transformed from “winged lions.” Winged lions originated from West Asia have metamorphosed into different forms over the centuries such as those protecting tombs in Korea and China. Chinese stone lions exercised enormous effects on Korean stone lions and Japanese Gomainu. This study has examined that the form of Dengu is considered to have been created under the influence of the stone lions of China and Korea.

天狗は時代によって各々違う形態と性格を持つのが特徵で、はじめは羽で飛行する鳥の形の神秘化された妖怪であった。このような天狗のイメージは平安時代の『今昔物語集』で確認できる。中世には修驗道の行者の姿をして鼻が大きく赤い顔の天狗が現れた。このように時代によって天狗の形態が変化したが、背中に羽が生えており空を飛ぶという性格は一貫している。天狗は文字通り‘空を飛ぶ犬の形態の妖怪’という意味である。 すなわち ‘羽のある獅子’が變形したものと思われる。西アジアから傳來された羽のある獅子は時代が過ぎたことによって、様々な形態として變形した。これが中國、韓國では陵を守護する石獅子となり、更に日本の狛犬の形成に影響を与えた。この研究の成果は、日本の天狗の形態を、西アジアに廣がる羽のある獅子、あるいは中國、韓國の石獅子の影響を受けて生まれた妖怪だと指摘した點にある。

사전에 의하면, 나라시대부터 헤이안초기의 천황은 많이 일본식 시호를 칭했지만, 성무천황 이후는 한자 2글자가 된 한어 시호도 늘어났다고 설명한다. 또한 성무천황이전의 천황의 시호는 오오미노미후네에 의해 추호되었다고 기술되고 있다. 하지만 한어시호의 성립 시기나 범위 등은 반드시 명확한 것이 아니다. 본 논문은 우라베카네요시의 오오미노미후네에 의한 한어시호 찬정설을 기초로 하여 『회풍조』에 보이는 성덕태자・진공황후・문무천황의 시호에 관하여 검토한 것이다. 그 방법으로서는, 먼저 선행 문헌을 흐름을 파악한다. 특히 사카모토다로씨의 주장에 관해서는 많은 학자들이 지지했기 때문에 자세하게 분석한다. 이 선행 연구를 근거로 하여, 천황 시호의 찬정 시기보다도 먼저 존재하고 있었던 『회풍조』에 한어 시호가 사용되어 있는 것에 초점을 맞추고, 한어 시호 찬정자인 오오미노미후네와 『회풍조』의 편찬자가 동일인물이라고 하는 상관으로 말하고 싶다고 생각한다. 성덕태자의 시호에 관해서는 『령의해』 ｢공식령평출조천황시｣의 『고기』의 예시와 같이 이미 ｢성덕왕｣이라는 한자 표기의 시호를 근거로 하여 오오미노미후네가 성덕태자라고 부르기 시작했던 것 같다. 현재는 일반적으로 ｢성덕｣과 ｢태자｣의 조합으로 불리고 있으나, 살펴본 바와 같이 천평승보3년 『회풍조』에 보이는 첫 번째 자료와, 보귀6년 ｢대안사비문｣에 보이는 두 예 밖에 보이지 않고 있었기 때문이다. 다음으로 진공황후의 시호는 통설에 의한 오오미노미후네의 선정이라고 알려져 있는데, 그것은 중국대륙의 영향과 그 관련성이 있다고 보았다. 필자의 생각으로는, 무주시대의 연호인 진공을 참고로 하며 『고사기』의 묘사를 표상으로 진공라고 기록했다고 생각되어 진다. 오오미노미후네는 『회풍조』에 지통천황, ｢대안사비문｣에 제명천황 표기를 태후라고 존칭한 표기에서 찾을 수 있기 때문이다. 오오미노미후네는 그 시점에 있어서 여성 천황에 대해서 개념적인 사상에서 존칭에서만 표기하고 있었다. 따라서 서문에 보이는 진후의 호칭은 일제 찬정했을 때 붙여지지는 않았을 것이라고 생각 된다. 마지막으로, 문무천황에 있어서는 필자는 구로카와의 후지와라노후히토 한어시호 발의자에 동의한다. 자료상, 후지와라노후히토가 문무천황이라는 시호를 붙였다는 직접적인 증거는 없지만, 율령격식에 근거하여 제도를 만들었던 문무천황을 옹립한 성과와, 진귀5년 대학에 율령학자들을 양성하기 위한 기관을 만들어 제도개혁이 계속된 것은 간접적인 증거라고 생각 된다. 한어시호 찬정설 이전부터 『회풍조』이나 『무치마로전』과 같은 사서에 당나라의 조짐이 보이는 것은, 율령제도에 있어서의 대학에서의 명경 영향 때문이라고 생각된다.

The study of Chinese posthumous title selection, a theory Urabe Kanekata period and the end of that was Emperor Jinmu heaven uniform selection is Omino Mifune in the “Shakunihongi” became the first look. Seen preface deployment by new theory and the old theory, but Omino Mifune theory was established theory of the selection of Chinese who posthumous title. However, it is referred to as Tenpyo year reputedly being the unknown yet respect the emperor was selected and established selected date. Posthumous title of Shotokutaishi, Empress Jingu, Monmu Emperor, that is Chinese posthumous title of Prince, Emperor, Empress is used for the “Kaifuso”. The editors is a Omino Mifune the same person as the selection’s posthumous name. That the Chinese posthumous title of Emperor Monmu first appears earlier than the established time of posthumous selection of commonly accepted theory has been writing in 751 years “Kaifuso” is presented as an issue. First, posthumous title of Shotokutaishi revealed evidence has been presented for example the posthumous title of Chinese, by way of example, in “Ryonoge” of “Kusiki heishutuzho Emperor’s Chinese posthumous title” and “Koki”. In addition, Empress Jingu is referred Omino Mifune has been selected originally, but by focusing on the relevance of money or the name of the era due to the influence of China and title of other looks “Kaifuso”, the era Bushu was analogy did you representation a representation of “Kojiki” in reference to “Jingu” is the year also is. Finally, leading in the direction that you accept the Chinese initiative’s posthumous title of Fujiwarano Fuhito by Kurokawa For Monmu Emperor.

The book 『Kokinsyu』 describes the affaires of human and natural using the verb ｢うつろふ｣ which means the change and extinction. The change in the affaires of natural depicts the autumn scenery by the poem about spring and fall in which portrays not only the decline but also the fall foliage. That is to be able to say that it s affected by thought recognizing after 『Kokinsyu』 considering the putting on autumnal tints as the weakening of life which are plants and trees. The change of the affaires of human describes the change of mental state between a man and woman where it shows special feature that a feeling of love is expressed step by step with the poetic representation of colors such as ｢色なし｣, ｢染む｣ and ｢うつろふ｣. Meanwhile the verb ｢うつろふ｣ of the extinction express the affaires of natural by describing plants and trees, it also expresses the new concept that the reflection of plants and trees on the surface of the water is regarded as the decline. The verb ｢うつろふ｣ of 『Kokinsyu』 is recited with keeping to a cadence of the poetry due to the distinct image of instant representation. However, it is tend to show the feature that the rhetorical changes are remarkable.

『古今集』の｢うつろふ｣は’変化’と’消滅’という意味として自然事と人間事を詠っている。自然事の変化は春歌・秋歌として、主に秋の情景を描写しているが、衰微への変化だけではなく、美しく色付く紅葉をも描写している。これは、紅葉が色付くことも草木という生命の衰微としてみた『古今集』以後の認識からきたのだと思われる。人間事の変化は変心という男女間の心境変化を詠っているが、｢色なし｣｢染む｣｢うつろふ｣みたいな色彩に係わる歌語を使って、恋という感情を段階別に詠った特徴がある。消滅の｢うつろふ｣は草木の凋落を描写し自然事を詠った一方、’影’という人間事の経験を通じて、川の水面に映す草木の姿を凋落としてみる新しい発想を詠ったりもした。『古今集』の｢うつろふ｣は歌語の持っている固有なイメージがあって、『万葉集』の詠法からあまり外れないで詠まれた。ところが、斬新な認識への変化と新しい泳法を試みて、修辞的な変化が目立った特徴がみられる。

본고에서는 『겐지 모노가타리』의 기리쓰보권을 중심으로 기리쓰보 천황의 히카루 겐지 교육에 대해서 살펴 보았다. 특히, 제2황자에게 겐지라는 성을 주어 황실의 신하가 되게 하는 한편, 정치적으로는 다소 약한 입지에 있는 아들을 교육시켜 실력을 갖추게 하는 아버지로서의 기리쓰보 천황의 모습에 주목했다. 첫 번째로 그 과정에 그려지는 겐지의 학습시작의식인 후미하지메, 발해사신으로 추정되는 고려인 관상가의 예언, 신적강하라는 일련의 사건이 어떻게 연결되어 있는지 살펴보았다. 겐지모노가타리의 후미하지메에 관해서 이전의 선행연구에서는 자세하게 고찰되지 않았는데, 본고에서는 역사학, 교육학의 선행연구의 성과를 참고로 하여 『어주효경』과의 관련을 지적했다. 두 번째로, 겐지와 비슷한 역사의 예로 이치조 천황 때의 후지와라노 데이시(定子)의 아들 아쓰야스 친황의 예를 『마쿠라노소시』, 『에이가 모노가타리』, 『오카가미』등의 문학 작품을 통해 검토하였다. 또한 『쇼유키』, 『곤키』, 『미도간파쿠키』에 나타난 중궁 쇼시(彰子)의 양육태도 등, 동궁 지정문제를 둘러싼 이야기를 검토하여, 후견인이 없는 황자의 어린 시절에 관해서도 분석했다. 세 번째로, 고려인 관상가의 예언에 대해서는, 모노가타리 구조론의 입장에서 주제와의 연관이 기존연구에서 규명되어 왔으나, 본고에서는 ‘문체’라는 측면에서 예언의 문맥을 확인하고, 한문 훈독체가 갖는 의미에 대해 고찰하여, 겐지에게 유학(儒學)의 정신과 교양을 심어주는 기리쓰보의 교육방침이 나타나 있음을 확인했다.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the education Emperor Kiristsubo provides to his son Hikaru Genji in The Tale of Genji in terms of the influence of Confucianism. First, I focus on the ceremony of starting reading books, “fumihajime” for Genji. Guided by the previous studies, I checked the historical records about the ceremony and the Confucian texts used in specific cases. Second, I look at the example of Prince Atsuyasu, whose circumstances are similar to Genji. The prince’s situation shows us the difficulty of his life without a proper tutelage. In this sense, we can see that Genji’s education gives him the ability to compete with political opponents in his weak political position. Third, the prophecy by Komaudo is analyzed. Previous studies have concentrated on the prophecy’s function as a preparation in the story. However, the present paper focuses instead on the style of the prophecy. Its structure shows us the Japanese way of reading Chinese classics. In conclusion, through the chapter “Kiritsubo” we can see the efforts of father to educate his son.

교쿠테이 바킨은 중화한자문화권에 속한 일본을 중국과 대등한 나라로 위치시킴으로, 중화/ 이적, 또는 중심/주변이라는 구조적 차별을 극복하려 하였다. 또한 중화＝중국이라는 전통 적 관념을 떨쳐내고, ｢중화｣를 추상적으로 고차원의 문화가치로 상승시킴으로, 그 고차원적 가치 아래서 탈중심화, 즉 상대화를 꾀했다. 그것을 통하여, 일본을 중국과 대등한 문화적 중심이라고 논하며 바킨은 전통적 세계관을 극복하려고 하였다. 그러나 이러한 탈중심화의 논리는 일본이 가지고 있던 특유성의 관점에서 보면, 매우 철저 하지 못했다. 중화한자문화권 내부에 있어서의 차별의 관념을 적극적으로 부정하려 했으나, 그 외부에는 중화/이적이라는 구조적 차별관이 존재 하고 있기 때문이다. 그러한 세계관은 다다노 마쿠즈와는 매우 다르게 나타나고 있다. 마쿠즈는 ｢국가의 전체｣라는 관념을 통하여 세계관의 동일성과 그 차이를 중국을 통해서가 아닌 이국과의 대등함에서 찾고 있다. 마쿠 즈는 평등한 일원적 세계관을 목적으로 하고 있으나, 바킨의 경우는 일본이라고 하는 ｢국가 의 전체｣가 야만적인 서양보다 우월하다는 가치기준이 우선시 되고 있다. 이것은 일본이 중 국과 함께 중화문화권을 주체적으로 지탱하고 있다는 강렬한 자부심이 바킨의 이국 이해의 중심을 이루고 있기 때문이다. 바킨은 마쿠즈의 새로운 지리적 세계관을 접했을 때, 자신의 전통적 세계관과는 전혀 다른 지식에 충격을 받았을 것이다. 바킨은 마쿠즈의 지리적 세계관이 가지고 있던 선진성에 자 극을 받지 않을 수 없었다. 이러한 자극에 의해 바킨은 그 자신의 전통적 세계관과 이국인식 에 수정을 가하게 된 것이다. 하지만 바킨은 서양에 대해 우월 의식을 표현하며 서양의 위협 에 대해서는 전통적 세계관을 통하여 극복하려 하였다.

Kyokutei Bakin tried to overcome structural discrimination of China/Barbarians or Center/Periphery by locating Japan belonging to Sinocentric East Asian cultural sphere to a country comparable with China. In addition, breaking away from the traditional idea of center＝China and raising the center as an abstractly high dimensional cultural value, he attempted decentering, that is, relativization under the high dimensional value. Through that, discussing Japan as a cultural center comparable with China, Bakin tried to overcome the traditional world-view. However, this logic of decentering was not very thorough from the perspective of peculiarity of Japan. In the Sinocentric East Asian cultural sphere, he tried to actively deny the notion of discrimination, but from outside, there was a concept of structural discrimination of Center/Barbarian. That world-view is quite different from Tadano Makuzu. Makuzu finds the sameness and difference of world-view through equality with foreign countries not through China based on the idea of ‘the whole country.’ Makuzu aims at equal unitary world-view while Bakin prioritizes the value base that ‘the whole country’ of Japan is superior to uncivilized Western. This is because the intense pride that Japan independently supports the Sinocentric cultural sphere with China forms the center of Bakin’s understanding of foreign countries. Bakin might be shocked by the knowledge totally different from his traditional world-view when he encountered Makuzu’s new geographical world-view. Bakin could not but be stimulated by the advancement of Makuzu’s geographical world-view. By this stimulation, Bakin modified his own traditional world-view and recognition of foreign countries. However, Bakin expressed consciousness of superiority to the Western and tried to overcome the traditional world-view regarding the threat of the Western.

Tamenaga Shunsui assumed a young woman as main readers on writing Ninjobon and seemed to be convinced when they had the characteristic that was easy to get tired of the act of reading. Syunsui devised various ideas to solve this problem. Foreshadowing can be mentioned as one of the method. How to use as a foreshadowing to let around the scene is one in which it was shared with Ninjobon other writers, such as Syoutei kinsui. Also, Shunsui had adopted the idea to use a foreshadowing techniques common to fiction of the time to achieve the resolution of the case illogical using the scene of a dream. Besides that, it had taken the idea to use the hint using the divination is depicted in the novel.　It was also used as a hint to pick up the contents of the fortune to direct the idea.　Then, it was used as a foreshadowing using Tsujiura as the lyrics of musical performance that has been used in order to adjust the emotion of the scene or depiction of the fashion at the time.　Syunsui let the story that an assistant author wrote disintegrate intentionally and sustained the story by a foreshadowing. And therefore Syunsui did not cut down on the interest of the reader while many products did a full-length novel. It may be said that the trial of such a spring stream expresses the ability as the producer of Syunsui.

為永春水は、人情本を執筆するにあたって、若い女性を主な読者層として想定しており、彼女らは読書という行為に飽きやすい特徴を持っていると確信していたようである。したがって、新しい流行に敏感で飽きやすいという難しい読者を、どうすれば最後まで作品を読み続けさせるかが、春水の喫緊の問題であった。この問題を解決するために、春水は様々な趣向を工夫していた。その工夫の一つとして伏線があげられる。場面を前後させて伏線として使う方法は、松亭金水などの他の人情本作家と共有していたものである。また、春水は、夢の場面を使って非論理的な事件の解決を図る当時の戯作にありふれた技法を、伏線として使う趣向を取り入れていた。そのほかにも、作品に描写されている占いを利用して伏線として使う趣向を取り入れていた。また、その趣向も直に御籤の内容を取り上げ、伏線として使う方法もあり、当時の流行の描写や場面の情緒を整えるために使っていた音曲の歌詞を辻占として用い、伏線として使ったりしたのである。このような春水の試みは、協業システムで作られていた春水人情本の特徴から考えてみると、多くの助作者が書いた各々のストーリーを意図的に分解させ、その破片的なストーリーを伏線で繋いで行き、長編小説を多作しながらも読者の興味を落とさなかった春水のプロデューサーとしての力量をあらわしているといえよう。

This study tried to clarify the character of ‘Yeono and Seo’ in the period of Japanese occupation, focusing on “Joseon fairy tales” written by Ryohei Nakamura. First, from ancient times to 19th Century, development of ‘Yeono and Seo’ was considered. Secondly, check the features “Joseon fairy tales” as compared to the 2nd term school textbooks in the period of Japanese occupation. As a result, I was able to confirm the relevance between the Japanese mythology and ‘Yeono and Seo’. These embellishments are considered to have been added so that the Japanese in mainland might feel Korea closer. The ‘Yeono and Seo’ is a special case which has been actively utilized in Japan than Korea to justify Japanese Imperialism.

<延烏細烏神話>は、日帝强占期に再照明されて、日本語で刊行された朝鮮説話集に多く採録された話であることから、注目に値する作品といえる。しかし、今までは、古代の民族移動による地理的・歴史的な面からの研究が主流を成し、日帝强占期の<延烏細烏神話>は、日鮮同祖論研究の一環として取り上げられる程度であった。本稿では、中村亮平の『朝鮮童話集』に収録話を中心に、<延烏細烏神話>の展開様相およびその特徴と意義について考察を行った。まず、<延烏細烏神話>の展開を古代から通史的に検討し、日帝强占期における展開様相の特徴(日鮮同祖論と優越意識の影響)を確認した。そして、第二期『普通學校國語讀本』との比較を通して、『朝鮮童話集』の改作様相を確認し、その原因の究明を試みた。『朝鮮童話集』には、<天の岩戸神話>のような日本神話を連想させる表現が數箇所にみられる。これは、内地の日本人が朝鮮を身近に感じるように加えられたと考えられる。日帝强占期には、古代日韓交流の内容を持つ神話が日鮮同祖論の根拠として利用された。<延烏細烏神話>も例外でなかったが、朝鮮よりも内地で積極的に活用された点に特徴があり、そこに意義を求めることができる。

This paper studied a special case that Rakugo ｢Sibahama｣ was adapted to Korea by Baeknam Yun in Japanese colonial era and accepted in two different forms, a short story ｢Monggeum｣ and a historical romance 『Monggeum』. When comparing between Rakugo ｢Sibahama｣ and a short story ｢Monggeum｣, a significant difference is that the subject has been changed through character modeling and changes in temporal background. ｢Sibahama｣ is Ninjyobanasi(人情噺) that shows conjugal affection after coming over family crisis by a wise wife’s wit and it tries to impress the audience. Ninjyobanasi ｢Sibahama｣ is reborn to a short story ｢Monggeum｣ with lessons which emphasize the virtues of thrift and hard work through adaptation process. In a historical romance 『Monggeum』, influence of Rakugo when it comes to contents and techniques can be found.

本稿では、落語｢芝浜｣が植民地時代に尹白南によって韓国に流入され、短編小説｢夢金｣と野談『夢金』として翻訳された特殊な事例について考察した。｢芝浜｣と短編小説｢夢金｣は、人物の造型、背景、構成、主題等の点において差が見られる。人情噺｢芝浜｣が翻訳を経て訓話調の短編小説｢夢金｣として生れ変わったのである。一方、野談『夢金』は、内容と技法において落語｢芝浜｣との類似性が際立ち、落語からの影響が認められる。

본고는 브라질 일본계사회의 각 세대에 대하여 2언어 사용을 동적으로 분석함으로써 일본계 사회의 언어생활의 실태를 밝히고자 한 것이다. 이를 위하여 성격이 다른 두 지역, 즉 오지 농촌지역과 도시근교농촌지역의 일본계사회를 대상으로 하여 각 도메인의 언어사용 실태를 대조적으로 분석하였다. 각 세대의 도메인 간 일본어와 포르투갈어의 사용 실태를 고찰한 결과, 해당 일본계사회의 언어적 변용은 다음과 같이 정리할 수 있다. (1) 먼저 ‘1세 성인 이민’은 가정 도메인뿐만 아니라 가정외 도메인에서도 일본어를 사용한 다. 직장에서는 포르투갈어도 사용하고 브라질의 텔레비전도 시청하지만, 신문은 일본어로 쓰인 것만을 읽는다. 이는 포르투갈어의 읽기능력에 비해 듣기능력이 상대적으로 높은 것과 관련이 있다. (2) 다음으로 ‘1세 아이 이민’에 대해서는 기본적으로 1세 성인 이민과 동일한 특징을 찾아볼 수 있지만, 직장에서의 포르투갈어 사용 정도 및 브라질의 미디어 이용 정도는 도시근교농 촌이라고 하는 사회적 환경에 영향을 받아 스자노시후쿠하쿠마을 쪽이 높다. (3) ‘2세’에 있어서, 일본어는 ‘가정내 사용’이라는 한정화가 진행되지만 일부는 가정외 도메 인에서도 사용된다. 즉 친구 사이에서는 일본어가 우세하지만 직장에서는 포르투갈어가 우 세하게 사용되고, 또 일본의 NHK는 시청하지만 일본어 신문을 읽는 경우는 적다. 이로써 말 하기-듣기능력에 비해 읽기능력의 쇠퇴가 빠름을 알 수 있다. (4) ‘3세’가 되면 일본어로부터 포르투갈어로의 전환이 완성되는 단계이지만, 윗세대 특히 ‘ 조부모(1세)’가 있을 경우에 그들과의 회화에서 일본어를 사용한다. 이는 일본어가 일정한 도메인에서 기능하지 않는다는 것을 의미하는 것이다.

This paper analyses the dynamic aspects of language use by each generation of Japanese Brazilian speakers (issei, nissei, sansei) in two different communities in Brazil, Aliança and Fukuhaku Mura (city of Suzano), the first in the interior of Brazil and the second in the surroundings of an urban center. It shows how language is used in different domains comparing the two communities. The following results were found:(1) First generation speakers use Japanese not only within the family domain but also outside it. They use Portuguese at work and watch Brazilian TV programs, but they only read newspapers written in Japanese. It shows that they have a higher level in listening skill compared to reading skill. (2) First generation speakers who immigrated in an early age have the same tendency as adult immigrants. However, in Fukuhakumura they seem to have more contact with Brazilian media and use more Portuguese at the workplace than the speakers in Aliança. (3) The use of Japanese language by second generation speakers is basically limited to the family domain, although it is still used in some domains outside home. These speakers showed a preference to Japanese when talking with friends. At workplace, Portuguese is more used than Japanese. As for the media domain, the second generation speakers watch NHK programs but rarely read Japanese newspapers. This shows that the reading proficiency declines fast in the process of language shift. (4) The language shift process from Japanese to Portuguese is completed in the third generation, except in the case where the speakers live with the grandparents. In this case they acquire Japanese at home.

There are the degree adverb features of meaning and sentence structure by reality application. First of all, the degree adverb shows the level of statement, feeling, perceptivity level according to the relationship with co-occurrence fact and the quantity of main subject, quantity of subject or the rate of operation besides the [strength of a degree] synonym meanings. For this, the evaluation of degree adverb is related to co-occurrnce of command, request and negation. Therefore, ‘Sukoshi(少し)’ and ‘Chotto(ちょっと)’ have a remarkable evaluation because they have comparatively less influenced on a co- occurrence. Also generally the co-occurrence with degree adverb and interrogative sentence is restrictive but it is possible in co-occurrence with agreement or consultation what is on the assumption of realization. Next, qualitative degree adverb has many co-occurrences with adjective, however quantitative degree adverb has similar function to quantitative adverb which comes with co-occurrence of action verb and substantive modification with attended ‘No(の)’. Lastly degree adverb in appearance aspect of subordinate clause has shown high appearance rate in reason･cause ‘Node(ので), Te(て3), Kara(から)’ and an opposite cause sentence ‘Ga(が), Keredo(けれど)’ of mostly B and C. That is, degree adverb is used to sentence for showing decision･result for [reason, cause of objective situation], also it is more declarative than condition adverb. Degree adverb is located in middle position that has more propositional feature than declarative adverb.

運用実態に基づいた程度副詞の意味素性と構文的特徴は次のようである。まず、程度副詞は[程度の大]という類型的意味以外に共起する要素との有機的関係により状態、感情、知覚等の程度性と主体或は対象の数量、動作量などの量性を表わす。これと共に程度副詞の評価性は命令、依頼、疑問、否定等の共起と関わり、これにより比較的共起制限が緩い｢少し｣と｢ちょっと｣は評価性があまり濃くないことが分かる。また一般的に程度副詞と疑問文との共起は制限的であるが、既実現を前提とした同意や自問との共起は可能である。次に、程度性(質的程度)の程度副詞は形容詞との共起が多く、これに対し量性(量的程度)の程度副詞は動作性動作との共起及び｢の｣を伴う連体修飾等、量副詞と類似の機能があることが分かる。最後に、従属句における出現様相で程度副詞は主にBとC類、特に理由･原因の｢~ので、て3｣｢から｣と逆原因文｢~が、けれど｣においての出現比率が高く現れた。即ち程度副詞は主に[客観的事態(事実的事態)の原因･理由]による判断･結果を表わす文において発生し、事柄的な状態副詞と陳述的な陳述副詞との中間的位置に立つ二重的副詞であることが分かる。

외국어교육 과정에서collocation을 구사할 수 있는가 없는가 하는 것은 해당 외국어를 모어 화자처럼 구사할 수 있는가 없는가에 달려있다고 생각한다. 본 고에서는 일본어교육에 입각 하여 현대일본어의 collocation을 중심으로 일본어 비 모어화자의collocation의 의사(擬似) 오용과 일본어교육에 있어서의 표현의 일반성 등의 문제를 둘러싸고 코퍼스를 이용하여 정 리한 결과 다음과 같은 결론에 이르렀다. (1) 일본어교육에서collocation 의 도입은 아주 중요한데 이는 최근에 들어서 개발된 코퍼스 가 없다면 불가능하다. (2) collocation 의 정의와 범위에 대해서는 두 개 이상의 독립어와 독립어의 결합이라는 견 해와 두 개 이상의 결합하기 쉬운 단어로서 “통사적으로도 의미론적으로도 어떤 언어에서 반복적으로 나타나는 결합 관계”라는 두 가지 견해가 있는데 이에 대해서는 앞으로 좀 더 깊 은 검토가 필요하다. (3) 하나의 언어 표현, 특히 collocation에 대한 바른 사용과 오용의 판단은 아주 어렵지만 코 퍼스를 통해 어느 정도로 그 여부를 판단할 수 있으나 코퍼스는 만능이 아니기 때문에 우선 “현실세계와의 조합이 가능한collocation위반”과 어떤 언어 내부의 문법적 오류를 오용, 문 법적으로는 틀리지 않지만 코퍼스에 나타나지 않는collocation을 “의사 오용”으로 나누어 생각할 수 있다. (4) 현실 세계에서 어떤 사물에 대한 언어 표현은 매우 다양하다. 어떤 표현을 선택하는가 하는 것은 화자 또는 논자의 자유이지만 비 모어 화자는 이에 대한 판단 능력이 없기 때문에 언어교육에 있어서는 “표현의 일반성”이 필요하다. 단 어느 단계까지 “표현의 일반성”으로 볼 것인가 하는 것은 앞으로의 과제이다.

In foreign language education process, it is said that mastering collocation is related to the problem of whether someone is able to use the language like a native speaker or not. In this article, I, basing on Japanese education, focusing on collocation, organized and described my opinions about suspected but uncertain misuses of collocation from non-native Japanese speakers and generality of expression in Japanese education using Corpus. And the conclusions are as follows. (1) In Japanese education, introduction of collocation is quite important. While, it would not have been possible without the development of Corpus in recent years. (2) In matters of definition and scope of collocation, there are two different opinions. One is that there should be two or more content free morphemes and it is a combination of two or more content free morphemes with grammatical morphemes; the other one is that it is two or more combinative words which is “of a combination relation that repeatedly appears in one language both syntactically and semantically”. But this opinion needs a deeper consideration in the future. (3) An expression, especially judging the correct uses and misuses of collocation is quite difficult. Though we can judge from Corpus to some extent, it’s not omnipotent. So, we might firstly divide “suspected but uncertain misuses of collocation” into “violation of collocation that is combinative with actual world” and misuse of grammatical errors in one language that is grammatically true but not appearing in Corpus. (4) In actual world, there are a great diversity of expressions for an object, and it’s up to the speaker or author to choose any of them. But non-native speakers do not have such ability to perceive, and that’s why “generality of expression” is needed in language education. While, to what stage can be seen as “generality of expression”, is a problem to be solved.

본고는 현대 일본어 공통어에 나타나는 모음축약을 최적성이론에 기반하여 분석하여 제약의 상호작용을 밝히는 것을 목적으로 한다. 孫(2009)은 품사 범주의 차이로 인한 모음축약의 적용여부를 명사에 특화된 충실성을 바탕으로 논하였지만, 본고는 형태적 도출성에 의한 축약의 적용여부(孫2012b)를 바탕으로 한 충실성제약에 기반하여 분석하였다. 또한 모음융합이 저지되는 일부의 형용사는 어간에 명사성이 강하다는 특징이 나타나는데 본고는 이를 명사에 특화된 충실성을 바탕으로 설명하였다. 그리고 종래의 일본어 음운론에서 중시되지 않았던 모음의 원순성([±round])은 모음축약을 설명하기 위해서 반드시 필요하다는 것을 논의하였다.

This paper examines asymmetric vowel coalescences (Casali 1996) in Tokyo Japanese under the framework of Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004, McCarthy and Prince 1999). Son (2009) generalized the condition of coalescence according to part of speech; vowels coalesce in non-noun word but do not coalesce in noun. Son (2009) argued that blocking coalescence is due to higher ranked noun faithfulness. I will, however, argue that condition of coalescence depends on the morphologically (un)derived environment. The V1V2 in derived environment can be coalesced but coalescence is blocked in nonderived environment. The nonderived environment blocking for coalescence is accounted for by relativized faithfulness (i.e., Uniformitystem) which is proposed by Burzio (2001). I will account for the systematic blocking for coalescence in some adjective classes (e.g., color adjective etc.) with relativized noun faithfulness. I also argue that roundness (i.e., [±round]), which is not considered in Japanese phonology, is an important feature specification for predicting correct pattern of coalesced vowel in Tokyo Japanese.

This paper looked at speech level shifts which appear at sentence-ends in discourse from the Japanese dubbed version of Winter Sonata, a South Korean television drama series as well as how the use of shifts differ between Korean and Japanese versions depending on drama characters’ gender. Speech levels at sentence-ends, which alter in the development of discourse, reflect speakers’ politeness. Previous studies have shown the difference in basic speech levels and the ways they shift between Korean and Japanese conversations. This study tried to examine how gender is engaged in speech level shifts depending on characters’ emotional distance based on previous studies. This study found that speech levels, characters’ emotional distance, and their age are all interconnected in both Korean and Japanese conversations. In both situations, characters of the same age in close relationship used non-polite form as their basic speech level while they used polite form when their relationship is not intimate. Even though basic speech levels were the same between Korean and Japanese versions, speech levels were changed more frequently in the Japanese dubbed version. In the Japanese version, both male and female characters were found to be shifting their speech levels more freely when changes in their emotional distance were observed. Specifically, male characters altered their speech levels more frequently when they felt detached from their counterparts while female characters did so in intimate relationships.

本稿では、韓国ドラマ『冬のソナタ』の日本語ダビング版を分析対象に、主人公ら(ジュンサンとユジン)の会話の文末におけるスピーチレベルシフト(speech level shift)と韓-日翻訳の様相を性差の観点から考察した。スピーチレベルシフトとは、文末において待遇の役割を担う文体、つまり、スピーチレベルが発話の展開中にシフトされることを意味する。しかし、日韓の会話では話者の基本スピーチレベルとスピーチレベルシフトの運用に差が見られることが指摘されてきた。本稿では、これまでの先行研究の結果を踏まえ、とりわけ、人物の性差がスピーチレベルシフトの運用にどのように介入しているのかをドラマの展開における人物間の心的距離の伸び縮みとの関連から考察した。分析結果、韓日の会話両方で年齢差のない対等な関係で親密度の高い人物間だという設定下では普通体(常体)が、そして、心的距離が伸び新密度がゼロから再スタートするという区間では、丁寧体(敬体)が基本スピーチレベルし設定され、スピーチレベルと人物の心的距離、年齢などの条件が連動していることが窺える。つまり、韓国語と日本語の基本スピーチレベルに差はなかったが、日本語版でスピーチレベルシフトがより活発に発生していることに違いがある。相手への心的距離に変化が見られる場面で男女話者両方の日本語の会話でスピーチレベルシフトがより頻繁に発生していた。性差による運用の違いとしては、男性話者は心的距離が伸びている場面でのシフトの運用に積極的だった一方、女性話者は高い親密感が前提された状況でよりシフトをダイナミックに運用していることを指摘できる。

본고에서는 현대 일본어 조수사 ｢-試合｣의 의미를 아사히신문 1년 분에서 얻은 용례를 주된 데이터로 하여, 유의 조수사 ｢-戦｣과 비교, 분석하였다. 그 결과, ｢-試合｣ 및 ｢-戦｣에 대해 이하 3가지가 명백해졌다. ① ｢-試合｣｢-戦｣은 둘 다 ‘Event’를 세는 조수사이다. ② ｢-試合｣은 바둑, 장기(｢対局｣)나 스모(｢取組｣), 경마나 F1(｢race｣)등, 그 승부를 ｢試合｣이 외로 지시하는 경기에는 쓰일 수 없다. ③ ｢-戦｣은 문맥상, 승패를 정하는 것을 목적으로 하지 않는 뜻이 포함되면 쓰이기 어렵다. 조수사 ｢-試合｣은 동사 ｢為合う｣의 연용형으로부터 명사 ｢仕合｣ 혹은 ｢試合｣을 거쳐 성립한 희소한 조수사이다. 앞으로 명사｢試合｣이 어떠한 과정 또는 요인에 인해 조수사로 변화해 가 는지, 즉, 통시적인 측면에 대해 분석해 나갈 필요가 있다.

This paper analyzes the semantic features of the Japanese auxiliary numeral “-shiai” by investigating example sentences collected mainly from Asahi newspaper over a period of one year, and carrying out a comparative study with the synonymous auxiliary numeral, “ -sen”. The main results are as follows. ① Both “-shiai” and “-sen” are used to count events. ② The auxiliary numeral “-shiai” cannot be used for games or sports such as Go, Shogi (Japanese chess), sumo wrestling, horse racing, F1 motor racing etc. where terms other than “-shiai” are used to referred to the match. ③ The auxiliary numeral “-sen” cannot be used in cases where determining the winner is not the implied aim. “-shiai” is a rare auxiliary numeral that originated from the verb “為合う” (shiau) and whose conjunctive form transformed into “仕合” (shiai) or “試合” (shiai); eventually emerging as the auxiliary numeral “-shiai”. Further research into the diachronic aspect of how the noun “shiai” (match) evolved into the present auxiliary numeral and the factors that contributed to this process is necessary.