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How have Japanese people who have been suffering from incessant disasters accepted death and how have they overcome it mentally? An analysis and overview of changes in thought require a considerable amount of time. Through an analysis of Namazue right after the Ansei Great Earthquakes, the present study paid particular attention to the treatment of the deceased and the aspects of conflict and reconciliation between the living and the dead. The relationship between the living and the dead caused by a disaster is also closely linked to the funeral and the service for the repose of the deceased. So this paper explored problems concerning funerals at 3.11 Great East Japan Earthquake. Also, the 3.11 Earthquake prompted Japanese society to lively discussion on death as well as to reconsideration of the meaning of religion. How can religion and philosophy respond to the grief and pain that the survivors of a disaster encounter in the relationship with the deceased? It is the very task in thanatology. Before 3.11, the view of death and life was mainly approached from the viewpoint of decreasing children and aging society. But at least it seems certain that the post-3.11 view of death and life would see a sea change.

常に災害を経験してきた日本において、人々は死をいかに受け入れ、またそれを精神的に克服してきたのか。もちろん思想の変容に対する分析や展望には相当の時間を要する。本稿では、過去日本の大地震の中で、まず安政江戸地震の直後に流行った鯰絵の分析を通じて、死者への処遇及び生者と死者との葛藤や和解の様子などを抽出してみた。災害による生者と死者との関係は、葬儀や鎮魂供養にも密接にかかわっている。そこで関東大震災と阪神大震災の時の死体処理と火葬を参考にし、東日本大震災の時の葬儀について検討した。なお注目したのは、東日本大震災をきっかけとして、日本で死をめぐる議論が活発になり、宗教の意味についても真剣に問われることとなった点である。災害の中で生き残った人間が死者との関係の中で直面した悲しみや苦しみについて、果たして宗教や哲学の人文学はいかに対応できるだろうか。それはまさに死生学の課題に他ならない。3.11以前にはもっぱら少子化·高齢化社会の視点から死生観について考えてきたが、少なくともポスト3.11の死生観は大きく変わっていくだろう。

This study aims to reveal the relationship shogunate The Case of the syukou and rebuild process of Tokuyama clan. Tokuyama clan is one in four of subsidiary-clan of the Hagi clan. Disputes between subsidiary-clan and head-clan happened "Manyakusan incident" has become a beginning in 1716. After all tfeudal estate of Tokuyama-clan is refunded to head-clan by ruling of the shogunate and Mori Mototsugu was punished of ‘Onazuke’. Tokuyama clan was a abolition of clan. Direct causes of the dispute is a "Manyakusan incident" but, there is a more complex cause at its inner surface. There was a thing that was in the opposite Chofu-clan on the grounds that Mototsugu is a son of the concubine when the third feudal lord of Tokuyama-clan is the parties concerned in this case, Mori Mototsugu is inheriting the family estate. In addition, relationship of Tokuyama clan and Hagi-clan is also in a bad state from the lord of the Mori Yoshimoto entered the Hagi clan as adoptive from Chofu-clan there. I suspect this background also became the cause of this incident. After all, the territory of Tokuyama-clan is refund Hagi-clan, of the complaints from Hagi clan. However, it happened that petition movement of rebuild of the clan, such as farmer and townspeople of Tokuyama clan, and ‘Ikki’ is not endure. Here, rebuild movement of people was achieved a samurai original Tokuyama-clan centered on the ‘Nagoya satondo’. Rebuild of Tokuyama-clan was observed in 1719. At that time, shogunate have emphasize that permited the rebuild along the wishes of head-clan lord Yoshimoto. In order of between lords, the Shogunate is to show the position to respect the will of the head-clan in the dominant order on this.

本研究は、徳山藩の収公と再興過程を事例として幕藩関係を明らかにすることを目的とする。徳山藩は萩藩が持つ四つの支藩の中で一つである。1716年に｢万役山事件｣が発端になって宗藩と支藩の間の紛争が起った。結局のところ幕府の裁定によって支藩である徳山藩の領地は宗藩に還付され、藩主である毛利元次は預け処分を受け、廃藩となった。紛争になった直接的原因は｢万役山事件｣であるが、その内面ではもっと複雑な原因がある。萩藩の支藩の中では徳山藩以外にも三つの藩があるが、その中でも長府藩は徳山藩との関係が悪かった。この事例を当事者である徳山藩の3代藩主、毛利元次が家督を受継ぐときに元次が妾の子息であることを理由に長府藩で反対したことがあった。また、もう一つの当事者である萩藩の藩主、毛利吉元が長府藩から養子として萩藩に入ったことから長府藩と徳山藩だけではなく、萩藩と徳山藩の関係も悪い状態であった。このような背景もこの事件の原因になったと思われる。結局、萩藩からの訴えで幕府は支藩である徳山藩の領地は宗藩の還付し、元次に預けの処分を受けた。しかし、徳山藩の百姓や町人などの藩再興の請願運動、一揆などが耐えなく起った。ここで、奈古屋里人を中心とする元徳山藩の藩士であった人々の再興運動が実を結び、1719年徳山藩の再興が認められた。その時、幕府の言分は宗藩主吉元の願いに沿って再興を許可したとする。これは幕府が大名間の秩序特に宗・支藩の関係では、秩序上優位にある宗藩の意思を尊重する立場を示すことである。そのことによって、大名の自律性を認めていることを大名の認識させ、幕藩関係において｢和｣保ち、秩序を維持しようとする意図があったと思われる。

The seemingly self-evident concept of Zen culture and art is a modern product devised in the social situations faced by modern Japan. The Zen culture and art have developed as cultural nationalism in the magnetic field of modern Japanese Buddhist nationalism rather than a universal concept as the traditional Oriental heritage. In an effort to clearly trace the process of the Zen art theory being established, this study examined the history before Daisetsu in the literature about the Japanese history to figure out how the Muromachi culture was understood before Suzuki and others established the concept of Zen culture and art. There is extreme rarity in the understanding of Muromachi culture in relation with the religiosity of Zen in the literature before 1910. Muromachi culture is summarized as ① the extravagance of Yoshimasa and resulting development of various arts and crafts and ② the prosperity of Zen Buddhism by the support of shoguns and warriors including Yoshimasa and its influences on various types of culture. In the 1910s, Higashiyama culture attracted huge attention as the origin of modern culture thanks to the evaluation of Sasakawa Rinpu, thus exerting influences. Rinpu mentioned the tea ceremony and ink-and- wash paintings in relation to Zen and did not understand them as the expressions of realization, but his works offered a literature base for the concept of Zen culture and art later. During the similar period, Tsuda Sokichi regarded Zen's influence on Muromachi culture as the Chinese interest and argued that its essence lied in the classical interest of old times. While Rinpu placed some importance on the expressive patterns of culture and considered Higashiyama culture as a new culture distinguished from the previous times, Tsuda found the essence penetrating different appearances in the classical interest and understood Muromachi culture in the continuity with the previous times. In short, the interest in Muromachi culture was established as a general trend even though the literature about the Japanese history until the 1920s did not understand the culture as the expression of Zen realization.

一見、自明にみえる禅文化･禅芸術の概念は、近代日本がおかれた社会的状況のなかで考案された近代の産物 である。ここで構築された禅文化･禅芸術は東洋の伝統的遺産としての普遍的概念というよりは近代日本仏教 のナショナリズムの磁場のなかで文化ナショナリズムとして展開されてきた。これらの概念が構築されてい く過程を明確にするべく、本稿では鈴木大拙などによって禅文化･禅芸術の概念が構築される以前には室町文 化に対していかなる理解がなされたという鈴木大拙前史について日本史関連の文献を資料として考察した。 1910年代以前の文献では室町文化を禅の宗教性と結び付ける見方はきわめて稀であり、①義政の贅沢とそれ による様々な美術工芸の発達、②義政などの足利将軍と武士の禅宗後援による禅宗の隆盛とその文化的影響 、と要約される。1910年代、笹川臨風によって東山文化が近代文化の源流として注目されて影響を及ぼすよ うになった。臨風は茶道、墨画などを禅と関わらせながら語ったが、これらを悟りの表れとは言ってない。 が、臨風の作業はその後構築される禅文化･禅芸術の概念形成において文献的土台を提供することとなった。 一方、ほぼ同時期、津田左右吉は室町文化に対する禅の影響をただ中国趣味とみなしながら、その本質は古 来の古典趣味であると把握した。臨風は文化の外面に重きをおいて東山文化を前時代とは異なる新文化と捉 えたが、津田の場合は異なる外形を貫く本質を古典趣味におくことで前時代との連続性のなかで室町文化を 理解した。結論的に、1920年代までの日本史関連の文献においては室町文化を禅の悟りの表れとして理解し てないが、室町文化に対する関心は次第に強まっていった。

Tendency of affection with which Japaneses treat on small cute things has been well known, even through the book “Reduction-oriented Japanese (The compact culture)”. When Japaneses expose their feelings toward such ‘small’, ‘cute’, and so, ‘lovely’ objects, they will shout without hesitation ‘Kawaii~’. I will probe on this paper where the affection to ‘KAWAI’ originated from and has been inherited as an aesthetic sense. After, ‘Kawaii’-style aspects in modern Japanese pop culture and ‘Kawaii’-code as a cultural strategy towoard global-era world shall be discussed on. As a result, followings could be confirmed. Aesthetic ideas representing Japanese beauty from the ancient times being developed, Japan had a culture which appreciate positively small and immatured things and enjoy them. Such a peculiarity of Japanese culture acknowledged private values on small young things and continuously expanded the applicable range of ‘Kawaii’. Also, ‘Kawaii’ in the modern Japanese pop culture made people forget about their age and gender, and such a culture was recognized as giving consolations to the human mind. And Japanese government has been making strategically use of ‘Kawaii’ culture as a part of the ‘COOL JAPAN’ project to be a national-brand cultural goods.

日本人の小さくてかわいいものに対する愛着は『｢縮み｣志向の日本人』を通してもよく知られている。日本人はそのような‘小さくて’ ‘かわいくて’ ‘愛らしい’対象に向けて持つ感情を表すときに躊躇なく ‘カワイイ~’を叫ぶ。本稿では、そのような日本人の持っている‘カワイイ’ものに対する愛着がいつから始められ、どのように美意識として引き継がれていったかを調べ、現代日本の大衆文化の中に登場した‘カワイイ’スタイルの様子を整理し、グローバル時代における世界に向けた文化戦略として使わされている‘カワイイ’文化について論じてみた。その結果、日本には古代から日本的美を代表する観念を発展させてきており、その中には、小さいもの、未熟なものを肯定的に鑑賞する文化が存在していることがわかった。そして、そのような日本文化の特殊性は幼くて小さなものに対して私的な価値を認めており、次々と‘カワイイ’ものの適用範囲を拡大してきたのである。また、現代日本のポップカルチャーの中で‘カワイイ’はすべての人の年齢や性別を忘却させると同時に人々の心に慰めを与えてくれる文化として認識されている。そして、日本政府は‘クールジャパン’事業の一環として‘カワイイ’文化を積極的に活用し文化商品として戦略化していることを指摘した。

본 논문은『기타노텐진 엔기(北野天神縁起)』에 나타나 있는 덴진(天神)의 양상을 고찰한 것이다. 『기타노텐진엔기』에서 덴진(미치자네)은 우선 ｢권자(権者)｣로 나타나 미야코노 요시카(都良香)의 저택에서 활쏘기의 기량을 피로(披露)할 뿐만 아니라, 다치바나노 히로미(橘広相)를 다이고(醍醐)천황의 황자인 사가( 嵯峨)의 ｢은군자(隠君子)｣의 거처로 찾아가게 하여 관리임용시험인 샤사쿠(射策)의 정답을 전수시킨다. 또한, 덴진은 산 위에서 억울한 죄를 하늘에 기도하는 가운데 그대로 ｢덴마노 다이지자이텐진(天満大自在天神)｣이 되는데, 제석천(帝釈天)과 동등하게 그려져 한층 높아진 미치자네의 위상을 엿볼 수 있다. 『기타노텐진엔기』에는 엔쵸(延長) 8년(930) 6월 세이료덴(清涼殿)에 있었던 낙뢰가 ｢덴마노텐진(天満天 神)｣의 권속(眷属) 가라이카키도쿠오(火雷火気毒王)의 소행에 의한 것으로, 덴진은 16만 8천을 권속으로 거느 리는 덴마노텐진으로 묘사되어 있는데, 그것은 기타노(北野)에 예로부터 모셔진 호노이카즈치노카미(火雷神) 와 결부된 것으로 『도켄쇼닌 메이도키(道賢上人冥途記)』를 전거(典拠)로 서술함으로써 미치자네의 영위(霊 威)를 한층 부각시키고 있는 것이다. 미치자네의 영은 불길을 통하여 지벌을 내리는 등 원령으로서의 신격을 나타내는데 그렇기 때문에 달래어 모 셔지는 존재가 되기도 하였다. 또한,『기타노텐진엔기』는 후지와라노 도키히라의 자손이 40세가 이르기 전 에 사망하고 도미노코지(冨小路)인 우대신 아키타다(顕忠)만이 2위 대신(大臣)까지 승진한 이유로 덴진에 대 한 외경(畏敬)을 들고 있어서 원령으로서의 덴진이 외경의 대상으로 나타나 있음을 알 수 있다. 덴진은 도켄(道賢)의 입을 통하여｢다죠이토쿠텐(大政威徳天)｣으로 칭해지고 금강역사(金剛力士), 뇌신(雷神), 귀왕(鬼王), 야차(夜叉), 나찰(羅刹)과 같은 이형(異形)의 종자(従者)를 거느리는 초월적 존재로도 형용된다. 또한, 『기타노덴진엔기』에는 미치자네를 ｢가라이덴진(火雷天神)｣으로만 아니라 ｢십호세존(十号世尊)｣으로 비유되고 있어서 미치자네의 영위가 한층 존중되고 있음을 엿볼 수 있다. 이상으로 『기타노텐진엔기』 서문(序文)에서 수많은 왕성진호의 신들 중에서 특히 영험이 뚜렷한 국가의 신 이자, 민중의 신, 천황 행차의 대상으로, 또한 ｢권자(権者)의 화현(化現)｣으로 나타난 덴진은, 모노가타리의 전 개와 더불어 ｢권자｣ㆍ｢덴마노다이지자이텐진(天満大自在天神)｣ㆍ원령(怨霊)ㆍ｢다죠이토쿠텐(大政威徳天)｣으 로 다양하게 변용하고 있어서 이를 통하여 헤이안 말기 덴진신앙 양상의 일단(一端)을 엿볼 수 있다.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the aspects of Tenjin(天神) in “Kitano Tenjin Engi(北野天神縁起)”. Not only Tenjin(Michzane) appeared as “incarnation” at Yoshika Miyakono's house in the “Kitano Tenjin Engi” text, and showed Archery, but also let Hiromi Tachibanano come to “a hermit” of Saga who was a prince of the Emperor Daigo as the “behavior” and let it shot it and initiate him into the correct answer of the Syasak(射策). Tenjin also appears not only “Temmano Daijizai Tenjin(天満大自在天神)” but also the Sakra equally, it is respected as a very important god. “Kitano Tenjin Engi” describes that thunderbolt in the Emperor's residence in 930 caused by an act of the followers of of Temmano Tenjin who is called “Karai Kaki Dokuou(火雷火気毒王)”, and Tenjin appears as Temmano Tenjin accompanied by 168,000 as followers. As Tenjin cursed through flame, the soul of Michizane characterized as the vindictive spirit, but therefore soothe it and is presented. Furthermore, descendant of Tokihira Fujiwara does not reach 40 years old, and “Kitano Tenjin Engi” dies at time, and only Akitada Fujiwara raises awe to Tenjin as the reason that got promotion to a minister of the second place, and Tenjin presents an aspect as concerned with the object of the awe. It was called “Dajouitokuten(大政威徳天)” through a mouth of Doken(道賢), and Tenjin was described as existence of took Deva King, the god of thunder, Onio, a demon, the heteromorphic attendant like fiends and cannibals, transcending it. In addition, Michzane is compared to “ten Buddha” as well as “Karai Tenjin ” in “Kitano Tenjin Engi”, and the divine power of Michzane more respected, it also promises that will response for prayer from true heart. And causes of a series of revolts and great disaster are talked about with the conduct of followers of Tenjin, so that we can see divine power of Michzane named Daijouitokuten appears strongly. In conclusion, we can see Tenjin accomplishes various changes in the “Kitano Tenjin Engi” text. so that it is able to be to the index that recognition to what kind of Tenjin was carried out in the end of the Heian period.

I derived the characteristic of the genre of Kurohon concerned by will be discussed in more detail creative method circumstances to reverse the original is deployed in the center of the content based on “KanadehonTyusingura” nine-ten-eleven-stages on Kurohon　“ThyusinKananoKakizome(ToriiKiyomithu drew and wrote. year of publication 1765)”. First, it is a synopsis of the story. Yuranosuke visited KakogawaHonzo’s hideout in Kyotoyamasina, and watched sketch drawing of Iwanaga’s mansion. Gihei married Kanpei’s younger sister Okaru and ran by Maikoya, and carried by hiding Gishi(Ronin) in Nagamoti what is put the costume of Maiko on the banquet of Iwanaga’s mansion. Okakru and Konami who is the Rikiya’s fiancee, also to participate in the revenge.　While the stage show that was reversed while borrowing the phrase of the original, there is also one side immature as a novel called mismatch of text stories and screen. However, a novel idea of how to use the new Nagamoti, role of dialogue, Harugoma, dagger and SenzakiYagoro was grasp. Screen ability as Ukiyoe-painter is exerted is that of course, by using tried and format new text, the idea, in the place that played a role as a pioneer for deriving the golden age Kusazousi, there was a feature of the Kurohon.

鳥居清満画作黒本『忠臣仮名書初』(明和二<1765>年刊)の『仮名手本忠臣蔵』九・十・十一段に基づく内容を中心に、原作と逆転する立場や境遇が繰り広げられる創作法について詳細に分析・考察することで、当該黒本の様式的特色を抽出しようとした。先ず、ストーリーの梗概をみると、由良之介は京都山科の加古川本蔵の隠居先を訪ね、岩永館の図面を見る。義平は勘平の妹お軽を嫁に迎えて舞妓屋を営み、岩永館の宴会に、舞妓の衣裳を入れた長持に義士らを隠して運ぶ。お軽と、力弥の許嫁小浪も仇討ちに参加して心願叶う。創作方法を具体的にみていくと、原作の九段目文句を借用しつつ逆転された舞台と境遇を以て原作を変容させたり、十・十一段目関連部分においては画面と本文・ストーリーの不一致という小説として未成熟な一面もあるものの、新たな長持の使い方、及び台詞の役割、討入り場面に登場する春駒・九寸五分の短刀・千崎弥五郎、という斬新な趣向が見て取れた。講釈や黄表紙の先駆的手法も駆使され、専門浮世絵師として鳥居清満の力量が発揮される画面は勿論のこと、更に草創期<忠臣蔵物>草双紙として新しい文章と形式、趣向を試みたことで、最盛期草双紙を導き出す魁としての役割を果たしたところに当該黒本の特色があった。

본 논문은 에도(江戸)시대의 극작가 지카마쓰 몬자에몬(近松門左衛門)의 대만을 소재로 한 조루리를 분석한 것이다. 지카마쓰는 대만에서 일어난 주일귀(朱一貴)의 난을 『도센바나시이마코쿠센야(唐船噺今国性爺)』 로 작품화하였다. 지카마쓰가 난의 발발 후 즉시 작품화했다는 점에 주목하여 에도시대의 문헌에서 대만에 대 한 정보가 어떻게 다루어지고 있었는지, 그리고 지카마쓰는 어떤 이유로 주일귀의 난을 작품화했는지 그 배경 과 의도, 특징에 대해 밝히고자 했다. 에도시대에는 18세기를 전후로 하여 세계지리서와 지도, 백화사전류 등 외국에 대한 정보를 기록한 서적들이 집중해서 성립되었다. 또한 당시 막부에서는 무역선을 통해 해외정보를 체계적으로 수집하고 ‘풍설서’를 편찬 하였다. 지카마쓰는 이들 서적을 통해 얻은 대만에 대한 기초적 정보를 작품 내에서 대만을 소개하는 데에 이용하였고 , 풍설을 통해 대만의 현상을 그려내면서 금은의 해외유출문제라는 동시대 일본의 문제를 부각시키고 있었다. 『도센바나시이마코쿠센야』는 외국에 대한 관심과 막부에 대한 비판정신이 고조되던 때에 만들어진 작품이 다. 지카마쓰는 해외에서 발발한 반란에 재빨리 주목하여 극 중에서 성공한 반란으로 재현함으로써 막부에 대 한 충고를 하고 있다. 여기에 지카마쓰 만년 작품의 큰 특징을 발견할 수 있다.

Chikamatsu Monzaemon was a famous Japanese dramatist of the Jōruri style, which involved a dramatic narrative chanted to the accompaniment of a shamisen. The shamisen is traditional three stringed instrument. The Jōruri style was most prevalent among the common people in the Edo period (1603–1867). Chikamatsu wrote numerous plays based on Japanese historical tales. In his later years, he wrote several plays based on historical tales from various Asian countries, including Korea, Taiwan, China, and India. Although many scholars have extensively analyzed the plays that Chikamatsu wrote based on Japanese and Korean tales, few scholars have explored his plays on Taiwan. The crucial question remains of why Chikamatsu wrote plays about Taiwanese affairs. In this paper, I analyze Tosen Banashi Ima Kokusenya, or the Hero Story of Chinese military leader and the Chinese Vessels (hereafter, Hero Story), one of a few plays by Chikamatsu on the topic of Taiwanese affairs. Hero Story portrays the development of the Zhu Yigui Rebellion in 1721 in Taiwan. Herein, by analyzing this story, I focus on the following three aspects: First, how did the common people during the Edo period acquire information concerning Taiwan and what kind of information on Taiwan was conveyed to them? Second, how did Chikamatsu use the information that he was able to gather about Taiwan in composing Hero Story? Third, why did Chikamatsu choose the rebellion as a motif for Hero Story?By addressing these questions, I will illuminate fresh aspects of the dramatic works of Chikamatsu written during the final years of his life. Also, these insights will help readers to gain a significantly stronger understanding of the works of Chikamatsu.

This paper is to verify the consciousness of Japanese in Joseon of the time through the classical Chinese poems published in Hanbando(『韓半島』), a all-round magazine, which was begun in November, 1903 by the Japanese community in Joseon. While Hanbando was published within only 5 issues from November, 1903 to June, 1909, it has a notable meaning as the first all-round magazine published by Japanese residing in Joseon. Hanbando was issued 5 times in total, and had 200 some pages per an issue in average. Within its character of an all-round magazine, it included informative articles such as historical geography, customs and manners, industry, and transportation, educative and enlightening articles such as editorials, opinions, and statements, as well as literary pieces such as novels, literatures, novel-kinds(小說雜爼), literature-kinds(文藝雜爼), and literary world(文苑). Among the literary pieces published in Hanbando the most are classical Chinese poems, 77 poems under 49 titles. Although it is hard to define the characters and the contents of these poems, the most poems are to expose the will to be loyal to Japan and to administer Joseon. The second most poems are poetically describing the personal feelings in private level such as nostalgia, grief, and reminiscence. The fact that the classical Chinese poems of Japanese in Joseon contain private feelings shows that it was hard for them to endure sentiments arising in Joseon, that is a foreign country to them, no matter how strong aim and will they had. Through the examination of such classical Chinese poems in Hanbando, it can be analogized that Japanese in Joseon of the time lay in different situation and had different awareness from Japanese migrating to Joseon during the period of Japanese occupation by force. It can be said that the equivocal characters seen from the classical Chinese poems by Japanese in Joseon of the time means those Japanese lay in diverse chaos. Thus more concretely detailed researches regarding them are required. Unless various complex situations of Japanese in Joseon of the time are considered, it is hard not only to clarify the substantive figures of them but also to understand Japan and Japanese in present, who still hold on imperialistic ideology. More systematic and diverse researches by more researchers are necessary.

この論文は1903年11月、在朝鮮日本人社会で創刊された最初の総合雑誌である『韓半島』に収録されている漢詩を分析し、当時在朝鮮日本人のもっていた意識を確認することを目的とした。『韓半島』は1903年11月から1906年６月まで、わずか五号分のみ発刊された雑誌であるが、当時朝鮮に居住していた日本人によって初めて発刊された総合雑誌という点で大変大きな意義をもつ雑誌である。『韓半島』は総五回刊行され、その平均面数は約200ページであった。総合雑誌という特性により史傳地理, 人情風俗、実業、交通案內、近事要件(錄)のような情報蘭や、論說、 社說、論壇、 談話のような教育․啓蒙蘭と共に小說、文學、小說雜爼、文藝雜爼、文苑のような文学蘭を一緒に設けていた。この『韓半島』に収録されている文学作品のなか一番多くの数をしめているのが漢詩で、全部で49題77首がのっている。これら漢詩の性格と内容をひとことで規定することは難しいことであるが、一番多く見られるのは日本に対する忠誠を誓い、朝鮮を経営しようとする意志を表すものである。次に多いのは客愁や 哀傷、もしくは懷古の情緖のような個人的感想を表したものである。この時期在朝鮮日本人の漢詩から個人的感想を確認できるのは、彼らがいくら堅い目的意識と意志をもっていたとしても朝鮮という他郷から與えられる感傷を振り切れなかったためであろう。このように『韓半島』所載の漢詩を見ると、当時の在朝鮮日本人たちは植民地時代以後朝鮮に移住してきた日本人たちとは異なった状況におり、異なった意識をもっていたと推定される。この時期在朝鮮日本人の漢詩が見せる二重的姿は当時の在朝鮮日本人が様々な混乱のなかにおかれていたことを意味する。したがって、今後はこれらをもっと具体的に細分して考察する必要があると思う。当時、複雑であった在朝鮮日本人の多様なる状況を考慮しなければ、彼らの実際の姿を確認することが難しいし、なお、当時をベースにしてこれまで帝国主義的な発想を手放せない現在の日本と日本人を正しく把握することは難しいからである。今後もっと多くの研究者たちの体系的かつ多様なる研究が望ましい。

일제식민지시기에 조선에 살았던 일본인이 발행한 대표적인 잡지로서 ｢조선 공론｣이 있다. 그 잡지의 문예란 에는 경성(京城)에서 창작된 다수의 괴담을 발견할 수 있다. 본고는 그 괴담 속의 한 작품인 "봄 괴담 : 경성의 야밤중"을 식민지의 특이한 사회양상을 중심으로 분석한 것이다. 괴담이라는 것은 대부분의 경우 오락을 목적으로 읽히고, 기분전환의 역할을 하고 있다. 당시 조선에 건너온 재조일본인도 이처럼 잡지 문예란의 괴담을 읽고 즐기면서 소비의 대상으로 삼고 있었다. 야밤중에 나막신 소 리를 울리게 하며 거리를 헤매는 여자귀신이나, 밤마다 떡을 사러 다니고 공동묘지로 사라지는 여자귀신들이 경성의 일본인 마을에 나타난다. 이 여자귀신 이야기는 언뜻 보면 옛날 귀신이야기다. 그러나 여기에 그려진 일본인들의 일상은 식민지사회의 신분제도, 또한 이민마을이라는 특수한 빈곤농민의 여성을 그리는 것으로서 식민지의 중심인 경성의 특이한 사회상을 부각 시키고 있다. 본고는 이러한 괴담에 비추어졌던 사회상으로부 터 재조일본인의 정체성의 한 측면을 고찰하고자 한다.

There is a magazine called "JoSeon Kong Ron " which was written by the Japanese living in Korea in the Korean colonial period. In the literature and arts column of this magazine you can find many ghost stories that were created in the capital city of Keijo. This paper is an analysis of one of these ghost stories, " Spring Ghost Story: At Midnight in Keijo" centered on the specific social aspects of this colonial period. Ghost stories are read for the purpose of entertainment in most cases, and it plays the role of recreation. The Japanese who immigrated to Korea at that time also read ghost stories of this magazine column for the same reason, and it was the subject of consumption while having fun. Ghost wandering the streets while resounding the sound of clogs late at night and the ghost of a woman who comes to buy rice cake every night and then disappears into the cemetery appears in the Japanese town in Keijo. This woman ghost story is in a way, an old ghost story. But, The daily life of the Japanese described here represents the unusual social image of Keijo, which was the center of the colony, by describing the poor farmer women of an emigrant village and the class system in the colonial society. This paper discusses the identity of Japanese in Korea from the aspect of society that is projected by these ghost stories.

The purpose of this study is to compare and analyze the works, the Kousyoku of Akutagawa and the Humikonoashi of Tanizaki focusing on the succubism in both novels. While Tanizaki, through his uniquely literary characteristics of Female-body worshipping, displayed a tendency toward on succubism in his various works, Akutagawa showed little inclination on it except his novel, Kousyoku. In this respect, the fact that Akutagawa sought after the subject of succubism and completed the Kousyoku has a distinct meaning from other works. The result of comparison and analysis on both works is as follows. At first, the main character in the Kousyoku, it was succubism which Heichu has been obsessed with the excrement of a chamberlain that is corresponding to ‘ideal substructure B’. This succubism in the Kousyoku was chosen to overcome the despair of Heichu, after he had found his helplessness and limitation in front of ideal figure of a chamberlain. However, the succubism, rather than relieved him, led him to self-destruction, and Heichu ended up kneeling in front of her without getting over this ideal of a chamberlain. In the novel of Humikonoashi, both Inkyo and Unokichi showed the aspect of succubism in love triangle between Inkyo and Unokichi surrounding Humiko. This was the succubism of ‘physical substructure’that they craved for being under her feet. In the analysis of the work, it was identified that Inkyo and Unokichi were projected characters of Tanizaki himself, and they are double images that are shown in the other novels of Tanizaki. It is said that the characteristics of early works of Tanizaki were condensed into Humikonoashi, and he reflected the modernized image of Tokyo in his characters. In addition, the succubism of Inkyo and Unokichi in Humikonoashi was an internal desire toward his modernization. The appearance of Inkyo who died under the feet of Humiko, also, was a projected image of modernized Japan.

本稿では、芥川龍之介の『好色』と谷崎潤一郎の『富美子の足』をスクビズム様相を中心に比較考察した。 谷崎の場合、女体崇拝という彼だけの独得な文学的特徴として多くの作品でスクビズム的傾向が現れるが、 芥川の場合、『好色』以外にはそのような作品は数少ない。そういう面で芥川が原典である『今昔物語』か らスクビズム的素材を探し、『好色を』を完成したといにことは、彼の他の作品とは区切られるべきであろ う。本稿で両作品をスクビズム的様相を通して比較考察した結果は次のようである。まず『好色』で、主人 公の平中が侍從のマリ(糞)に執着したのはスクビズムの<観念的下部B>であった。『好色』でのこのような スクビズムは侍從という理想の前で自らの無力と限界を悟り、絶望からの克服のために選択した方法であっ た。しかし、平中は侍從という理想を克服することが出来ないまま、その前で跪いて破滅を向かう結果にな ってしまった。そして『富美子の足』では、富美子を取り巻く隠居と宇之吉という三角関係の中で、隠居と 宇之吉の両者共にスクビズム的様相が現れた。それは<肉体的下部>のスクビズムであった。作品分析の結果 、隠居と宇之吉は作者の谷崎が投影された人物であり、登場人物の全てが彼の他の作品のキャラクタと重な る人物であることが分かった。これは谷崎の初期作品の特徴が『富美子の足』に凝縮され、近代化していた 東京のイメージが登場人物たちに反映されたことであるといえよう。そして『富美子の足』での隠居と宇之 吉から現れるスクビズムは谷崎の近代化に対する熱望が内在していることであった。ちなみに、富美子の足 のしたから死にかけていた隠居の姿は近代化していた日本のイメージが投影されたことであった。

This paper examines organization of 'Sintomi-za', policy for drama improvement' and their effects on establishment of 'Kabuki-za', the modern Kabuki theater. First, it is thought that although the number of 'Sintomi-za' audiences was decreased due to radical reformation of it which was driven into a corner in terms of management because of its dept, their favors for 'high-class society' and status of theater are consequently increased, so it came to be perceived as superior to other theaters. Second, from Club for Theater Improvement's involvement in Kabuki, which was founded principally by politics, economics, media and academics, realized the theater as 'the ideal of middle-class society'. Therefore, construction of the Western-style theater and improvement of actors'/actresses' behaviors were promoted. There seemed no substantial performances from improvements of play and theatergoing method, but the improvements might have a significant effect on change of Kabuki by realizing 'Cheonnam-Kabuki' which meant that Japanese emperor went to see the Kabuki. Third, the 'Kabuki-za' founded by a member of Club of Theater Improvement began with the purpose of 'moderate improvement'. It is supposed that the direction of improvement was changed toward modern theater with commercial by individual investors, due to concerns about low box office record because of drastic reformation. In conclusion, the opening of 'Sintomi-za' and the Club of Theater Improvement's involvement in Kabuki seemed to play a significant role in establishing the modern Kabuki theater as they induced an enhancement of Kabuki which had been underestimated until then, with a view to realizing the theater as 'the ideal of middle-class society'

本稿では明治時代の｢新富座｣の成立から演劇改良の為の政策と、それが近代的歌舞伎劇場の｢歌舞伎座｣の確立に及ぼした影響について考察した。第一は、｢新富座｣は急進的な改革によって一般の観客は減り負債の為に経営面で窮地に立つことになる不作用もあったが、結果的に｢上等社会｣の愛顧や劇場の地位が高くなり他の劇場より格の高い劇場として認識されたと考えられる。第二に、政治、経済、言論、学界などが主体となり設立された｢演劇改良会｣の歌舞伎への関与は、｢中等社会以上｣へ演劇を実現することであった。その為に西洋風の劇場建築と俳優品行等の改良の為の活動を追求することになる。脚本、観劇方法の改良等に実質的な成果は得られなかったと思われるが、結果的に天皇が歌舞伎を観劇するという｢天覧歌舞伎｣を実現することになり、以後の歌舞伎に重大な役割を果たしたと思われる。第三に、演劇改良会の一員によって設立した｢歌舞伎座｣は｢漸進的な改良｣を目標として出発した。これは急進的な改良による興行成績の不振に対する懸念と個人投資家による商業性を持った近代的劇場へと改良の方向性が変化したと考えられる。結局、新富座の開場と演劇改良会の歌舞伎への関与は｢中等社会以上｣へ演劇を実現するという目的のもと、下位視されていた歌舞伎の地位向上へと繋がり近代的歌舞伎劇場の確立に大きな役割を果たしたと思われる。

｢하치(ハチ)｣는 1920년대부터 1930년대의 일본에 실존했던 개로, 죽어서 돌아오지 않는 주인의 귀가를 10년간 계속하여 역 앞에서 기다린 것으로 인해 ｢충견 하치코(忠犬ハチ公)｣로서 유명해지고, 그 후 동경의 시부야역 하치코 출구 앞의 광장에는 하치코의 동상이 설치되었다. 하치코가 세상에 널리 알려지게 된 것은 『동경아사히신문(東京朝日新聞)』에 소개된 것이 계기가 되었지만, 그 이면에는 일본견의 부흥을 호소하는 ｢일본견보존회(日本犬保存會)｣와 군국주의하의 황국사관(皇國史觀) 에 기초한 신민교육(臣民敎育)에 힘쓰고 있던 일본정부의 의도와 같이, 당시의 사회정세와 깊이 연관된 부분 도 감추어져 있었다. 당시 이와 같은 국민의 신민화교육(臣民化敎育)에서의 이용을 목적으로 기념되어진 또 하나의 대표적인 대상 이 바로 충신 구스노키 마사시게(楠正成)였다. 마사시게전설의 충효이야기는 말하자면 천황에 대한 충성을 국 민들에게 시각적으로 가시화하는 교재로서 이용되어 민관합동으로 대대적으로 마사시게기념사업이 전개하게 된다. 1930년대의 충견 하치코에 대한 ｢충｣의 이미지의 형성도 마사시게전설과 깊은 연관성을 가지고 있었다고 볼 수 있다. 시부야역 앞에 충견 하치코의 동상이 건립되고, 국민적인 관심 아래 기념되었던 1930년대는 군국주 의의 영향 하에서 난코육백년기념제(楠公六百年記念祭)가 대대적으로 행해진 시기와 겹치고 있고, 마사시게 를 둘러싼 충효이야기와 같이 하치코의 일화도 교과서의 교재로서 다루어지는 등 신민으로서 천황에 대한 절 대적인 충성을 강조하고 국민통합을 목표로 한 교육에 이용되고 있었다. 그러나 전후 오랜 기간 동안 평화를 지켜온 현재의 일본에 유포되어 있는 충견 하치코의 이야기로부터는 군국 주의의 면모는 자취를 감추고, 일반인들이 하치코의 이야기로부터 마사시게의 충효이야기를 생각해 내기는 어려울 것이다. 즉 현대의 일본인이 생각하는 ｢충｣의 이미지는 보답을 바라지 않는 무조건적인 사랑이라고 하 는 하치코의 마음과 같은 순수한 것으로 재구성되어 있다고 볼 수 있다.

Hachi was a dog that lived in Japan in the 1920s and 30s, and became famous as the “faithful dog Hachiko ” for continuing to wait for his owner’s return at the train station for 10 years after his death. Later, a bronze statue of Hachiko was erected in the square in front of Shibuya Station in Tokyo. Hachiko came to be known widely throughout Japan after his story ran in Tokyo Asahi Shimbun. Behind this newspaper article, however, various pressures reflecting the social conditions of the day were at play. Through the dissemination of the story of Hachiko, the Society for the Preservation of Japanese Dogs wished to strengthen their call for a revival of native Japanese dogs, and the Japanese government sought to bolster the creation of loyal subjects under imperial and militaristic rule. The story of Kusunoki Masashige, a well-known historical figure, was another vehicle through which the edification of loyal subjects took place at around the same time. Both the general public and the Japanese government enthusiastically celebrated Masashige, also known as the loyal vassal Nanko, as an epitome of loyalty to the emperor. In terms of how the idea of loyalty was formed and propagated, the legends of Hachiko and Masashige were not completely unrelated. The statue of Hachiko was built in the 1930s, which was also when a grand, militaristic ceremony commemorating the 600th anniversary of Masashige took place. School textbooks at the time included the stories of both figures with the goal of educating students to become loyal subjects of the emperor and the nation. The story of Hachiko as it is known today in contemporary Japan has lost the militaristic overtones it once had, and it is no longer obvious for most Japanese that the story of Hachiko bears some relations to the legend of Masashige. In sum, the contemporary Japanese idea of loyalty has shifted to an image of selfless, unconditional love as represented by Hachiko the dog.

Kim Dal-su was a Korean Japanese novelist who wrote his novel works such as “January 1963”, “The Reunion of Seoul” and “Memorial Service” in 1963. In those works, he employed inner world, South Korea and Japan as the place of narrative fiction, seeking to find out his identity between Korea - a divided fatherland - and Japan. The year 1963 in which Kim finished writing “Stowaway”, a full-length novel corresponds to a state of contemporary affairs such as ‘repatriation to the North Korea’, 4・19 Revolution, 5・16 Coup d'état and resumption of Korean-Japanese Conference. In the “Stowaway”, Chapter 6 (Epilogue) was written during the same period of Kim's three short stories as introduced above. Based on those works, this study sought to examine imagined geography of Kim as Korean Japanese regarding his fatherland. In particular, the emblem of Seoul illustrated through his imagination of ‘(re)stowing away’ from Japan toward South Korea was a true representation of his own memories about Seoul in colonized Korea that he experienced in past. And Huh Ung, a character of “the Reunion of Seoul” was the result of embodiment as ‘the displaced’ who disguises himself with the design and language of Japanese colonialism. This way, Kim's image of stateless person and his imagination of ‘(re)stowing away’ created a character of ‘stateless person’(Huh Ung) who wanders between his fatherland and Japan.

1963年の金達壽｣は｢一九六三年一月｣、｢ソウルの邂逅｣、｢慰靈祭｣といった作品をとおして、內面(日記)-南韓-日本をストーリの場所とし、分斷された祖國(南北)と日本の間での自己分裂的な同一化を図った。その年に脫稿した長篇『密航者』の執筆期間はいわゆる｢北送｣といわれる祖國歸還運動と4・19革命、5・16クーデター、韓日會談の再開などのような情勢の推移と重なっている。その『密航者』のなか、エピロ―グにあたる六章が短篇である三つの小説と同時期に書かれた部分である。この論文ではこれらの作品をテキストとして在日朝鮮人金達壽の祖國にたいする心象地理を考察した。とくに、南韓社会への｢(逆)密航｣の想像力を通じて描いたソウル表象は、彼自身がかつて經驗した植民地ソウルの記憶を充實に再現したことでもあった。そして｢ソウルの邂逅｣のなかの登場人物である許雄は帝國主義の擬裝=言語で僞裝した｢流民｣として形象化した結果でもある。このように彼の無國籍者の心象と｢(逆)密航｣の想像力が｢玄海灘｣をわたって｢流民｣(許雄)として祖國と日本の間を漂っている人物像を描いたのである。

The signals of connecting and stopping are necessary to make a successful communication. In case of Japanese sentence, many signals of connecting and stopping are appeared. we can use Chinese characters and Kana of Hagyou. In case of ancient Japanese we also use many signals to show connecting and stopping. For example we use different Kana, it depends on spelling location and we also use Sumitugi. In Japanese inscription signal of first spelling are appeared as well as those of non-first spelling. In modern Japanese we usually use Dakuon, TYouon, Sokuon and Haneruon as signals of connecting. they have a important role to show connecting. In case of ancient Japanede some Kana should appear only after first spelling. and Renmen shows as non-first spelling, too.

効率的な意思伝達のために、音声言語のレベルだけでなく、文字言語のレベルでも段落と結合を表す指標が必要であることは言うまでもない。日本語でも表記上、段落と結合を表すため、様々な指標が使用されている。文節の語頭の表示の代表的なものとしては漢字表記をあげることができるし、ほかにもハ行仮名表記も部分的でありながら、語頭表示の役割を果たしていると言える。このように漢字の表記やハ行仮名表記が主に現代語で語頭表示の役割を示しているが、語頭表示の指標が現代語にだけ限るものではない。古語でもやはり語頭表示の指標が現れている。例をあげると、仮名の用字法で、語頭であるのか非語頭であるかによって、異なる仮名を使っていたり、あるいは変態仮名文の中でいわゆる墨継ぎのようなものがそれに当たると言えよう。以上触れてきたように様々な方法を使って、文節の語頭を表しているが、これは言い換えれば、必要であれば選択的にそこに段落を置くことができるということであり、これらが断の指標として機能していると言える。日本語の表記には以上触れてきたような語頭の指標だけでなく非語頭を表す指標も幾つか現れている。非語頭表示というのは結果的にその前の部分といつもつながっていることを示しているものであるからいわば続の指標であると言える。現代語で続を表すものとして濁音表示が代表的であり。ほかにも長音や促音、撥音も連続を表す役割を果たしている。また発音と表記の異なる助詞｢は、へ、を｣も前の部分との連続と、次の部分との選択的な段落表示の機能をしている。また、古語では非語頭専用の仮名やいわゆる連綿のような表記方法も続の指標として役割をしていると言えよう。

본고는 『捷解新語』의 일본어 청음과 탁음의 한글음주인 단자음과 중자음 용례를 중심으로 조사・고찰한 것 이다. 청음과 탁음의 개별적조사만이 아니라 『捷解新語』전체를 체계적이고 종합적인 관점에서 분석하여 다 음과 같은 결과를 도출하였다. ① 청음의 한글음주가 원간본에서 중간본에 걸쳐 어중・어말 환경에서 중자음을 유지하는 것은 조선어 어중의 무성자음이 유성자음이 되어 탁음의 단자음과 혼동하는 것을 최소화하기 위함이다. ② 원간본에 주로 사용된 한글음주 ㄸ(tt)를 개수본 이후 ㄷ(t)으로 통일함으로서 촉음과 그 밖의 청음표기인 ㄸ(tt)와 혼동을 해소하여, 한글음주로 양자를 역할 분담시켜 일본어학습에 도움이 되도록 하였다. ③ 탁음의 한글음주에는 비음적 요소 또는 단자음이 사용되고 청음의 한글음주에는 단자음 또는 중자음이 사 용되고 있다. 특히, 탁음과 청음의 구별에서 가장 혼동하기 쉬운 ダ行音・タ行音의 경우, ダ行音의 한글음주로 t가 사용되고 タ行音의 ｢た｣｢て｣에는 중자음이, 促音｢つ｣는 선행음절에 -t가 사용되어 양자를 한글음주로서 변 별하고 있다. ④ 원간본에서 중간본까지 탁음의 중자음 36용례 중에서 30예가 タ行의 濁音이다. 그 이유로 ガ行의 ㄲ(kk)과 ㅇㄱ(ŋk)의 표기는 구별하기 쉬운데 비해, ダ行의 ㄸ(tt)과 ㄴㄷ(nt)은 구별하기 어려워 ㄴㄷ(nt)을 ㄸ(tt)으로 잘못 표기한 결과라고 생각한다.

This paper researches both Voiceless consonants and Voiced consonants based on practical examples in the Japanese language. We analyze them independently as well as integrally and draw some conclusions as follows. ① The reason that Transcriptions of Hangul of Voiceless consonants keep the Germination in the middle or in the end of words throughout both ‘GENKANBON’(原刊本) and ‘JYŪKANBON’(重刊本) is to minimize the confusion between the Lax consonants of Voiceless consonants and the Voiced consonants inflected from Voiceless consonants of the Korean language. ② Standardizing tt of Transcriptions of Hangul mainly used in ‘GENKANBON’(原刊本) to t used since then, we resolve the confusion between ‘Soku-on’(促音) and tt of other notations. Japanese learning can take advantage of using this standardization along with replacing both for Transcriptions of Hangul. ③ Nasal character or Lax consonants have been used in the Voiced consonant of Transcriptions of Hangul, and Lax consonants or Germinations have been used in the Voiceless consonant of Transcriptions of Hangul. In especially differentiating between Voiced consonants and Voiceless consonants, we draw a line using t mainly used as Transcriptions of Hangul in the most confusing case of ‘Dagyō-on’(ダ行音)・‘Tagyō-on’(タ行音), Germinations in ‘Ta’｢た｣ and ‘Te’｢て｣ of ‘Tagyō-on’(タ行音), and -t in Consonant in a Preceding Syllable of ‘Soku-on’(促音)｢つ｣. ④ Thirty examples are Voiced consonants of ‘Tagyō’(タ行) among thirty six examples of Voiced Germinations from ‘GENKANBON’(原刊本) to ‘JYŪKANBON’(重刊本). We think that ㄴㄷ(nt) is marked wrongly as ㄸ(tt) because it is too hard to distinguish ㄸ(tt) with ㄴㄷ(nt), while the notation of both ㄲ(kk) and ㅇㄱ(ŋk) is easily recognized.

In this study, we analyzed the use of ‘o/go’ in natural conversations between friends and between first meeting people, and in Japanese intermediate textbooks. Results are summarized as follows. There was no difference between men and women in natural conversations, while men used ‘o/go’ more than women in Japanese intermediate textbooks. For the form of ‘o/go’, simple form was used more than complicated form both in natural conversations and Japanese intermediate textbooks. But, complicated form was is proportional to the age of the talking partners in natural conversations. For the function of ‘o/go’, women had a tendency to use ‘o/go’ as ‘respectful word’ while men had a tendency to use ‘o/go’ as ‘humble word’ in natural conversations between first meeting people. And in the use of ‘o/go’ as ‘beautified word’, there was no difference between men and women. However, in natural conversations between friends, women had a tendency to use ‘o/go’ as ‘beautified word’ while men had a tendency to use ‘o/go’ as ‘respectful word’. In other words, the use of ‘o/go’ is influenced by the age of both speaker and talking partner, the sex of speaker, and the degree od intimacy between speaker and talking partner, etc. But, in Japanese intermediate textbooks, we could not investigate effects of the use of ‘o/go’ because of no showing attribute of the conversation.

本稿では、実際コミュニケーションに表われる｢お/ご｣の使用様相を調べ、それを中級教材にどの程度反映しているのかを考察すべく、年上、同年、年下の男女同士の初対面および友達同士の会話の録音資料と中級教材を分析資料とした。考察の結果、社会人の初対面および友達同士の自然会話の中で ｢お/ご｣の使用の割合に男女の差はほぼ見られなかった。その反面、中級教材においては女性話者に比べ、男性話者の方が｢お/ご｣を用いる比率が高く、形態面では、自然会話と中級教材ともに複合形より単独形の使用割合が高かった。ただ、自然会話では年下の相手より年上の相手に対して相対的に複合形の使用割合が高かった。機能面では、初対面の自然会話の場合、女性同士では尊敬語が、男性同士では謙譲語の使用比率が高く、美化語は男女ともに２９％と同様な割合を見せた。一方、友達同士の会話では、女性同士の場合は美化語が、男性同士の場合は尊敬語の使用頻度が高かった。すなわち、｢お/ご｣の使用において、話者の年齢および性別、会話相手の年齢差、親疎など様々な要因が影響していることがのぞかれる。ところが、中級教材の場合、会話参加者の属性を具体的に提示していないものが多く、会話参加者の年齢による｢お/ご｣の使用様相は考察できなかった。今回の考察結果に基づき、｢お/ご｣の使用特徴をより客観的で総合的に把握するためには自然会話の場面をより多様化し、それを比較考察することにより、中級教材が実際の談話の特徴を反映しているかどうか結論づけることができると判断され、それは今後の課題にしたい。

본 연구는 한국어의 동사<살다>와 형용사<좋다>를 포함한 절 또는 문장이 일본어 번역텍스트에서 어떻게 번 역 되어 있는지를 고찰한 것이다. 3편의 한국문학작품에서 추출된 용례들은 일본어텍스트에서는 명시화 또는 비명시화로 번역된다. 전자는 ST의 대응어가 TT에서 보이는 것을 말하며 후자는 분명한 대응어를 찾지 못하 되 문장 또는 단락레벨에서 등가관계가 있는 경우를 말한다. 고찰의 결과 의미영역이 넓은 <좋다>가 <살다>보다 비명시화의 비율이 높았고, 비명시화율이 높은 의미에서 는 공기명사/부사를 동반한 관용표현들이 많았다. 또 어떤 의미에 있어서는 일본어번역 텍스트에서 고정된 구 문의 사용을 확인할 수 있다. 이러한 고찰결과에서 봤을 때 단어의 의미영역과 비명시화율에 어떠한 관계가 있는지 더 알아볼 필요가 있다. 또 단어의 의미에 따라서는 문화적 요소가 높은 표현이 있고 그러한 표현일수록 비명시화율이 높아지는 것으로 보인다.

This research refers to the semantic domain of <salda> and <cohta> appeared in three translated texts in Japanese from Korean novels. Especially, we focused on the explicitaion and the implicitation of these words in translated texts. The result of the analysis shows that the examples of <cohta> have more implicit expressions than those of <salda>. And the implicit expressions in Japanese texts include more idiomatic phrases in ST. There are also some fixed syntactic forms in TT on certain meanings. After the analysis, we verified a certain phenomenon of the proportional relationship between the semantic domain and the rate of the implicitation on translated text. And we think that the more the expressions in TT are implicit, the more these expressions in ST involve the cultural factors.

The purpose of this manuscript is to examine previous research and to suggest areas for future research on Japanese grammar education in Japan, according to the changed Japanese language education in this multi-cultural and multi-language society. As a result of investigation upon expert journals on Japanese language and Japanese pedagogy, it is known that research on Japanese grammar education has changed according to the needs of the times. Future research needs to focus on flexibly re-defining grammar education in Japanese language study, re-selecting and re-categorizing grammatical features to be educated, and improvements in teaching methods and textbooks based on reviewing the past and the present.

本稿の目的は、多文化と多言語社会で、今までの日本語教育における文法研究とその歴史を調べることで、日本における日本語教育の文法研究に関する今後の研究の展望を提案することである。日本語学と日本語教育学に関連する学術誌の調査の結果、日本語の文法教育に関する研究は、時代のニーズに応じて変化していることがわかった。そこから、今後の研究は、日本語学習者や教育者によって再定義、再選択、再分類され、過去と現在を見直していく必要がある。それに基づき、教授法と教科書の改善も重要と思われる。

본고에서는 일본어와 한국어의 ‘활용형 부정의문문’을 대상으로 하여 다음과 같은 점을 밝혔다. (1) 일본어와 한국어의 ‘활용형 부정의문문’을 ｢전제｣의 관점에서 우선 ｢중립적인 활용형 부정의문문｣과 ｢전제 를 가지는 활용형 부정의문 문｣으로 나누고, 나아가 후자를 ｢전제를 가지는 분석적인 부정의문문｣과 ｢전제를 가지는 비분석적인 부정의문문｣으로 분류할 수 있다. (2) ｢전제를 가지는 분석적인 부정의문문｣과 ｢전제를 가지는 비분석적인 부정의 문문｣는 ｢화자의 판단상태｣의 면에서 뉘앙스의 차이가 있어, 전자에서는 ‘해당사태에 대해서 진위 판단을 보류하’는 상태인데 반해, 후자에 서는 ‘해당사태에 대해서 불확실하지만 진이라고 판단하고 있는’ 상태이다.

This paper studies the meaning and function of "inflection-type" negative questions in Japanese. Analysis results are as follows. (1) From the perspective of the ‘bias’, "inflection-type" negative questions are subdivided into ‘neutral "inflection-type" negative questions’ and ‘biased "inflection-type" negative questions’. and the latter type are subdivided into ‘biased analytic negative questions’ and ‘biased unanalytic negative questions’. (2) ‘biased analytic negative questions’ and ‘biased unanalytic negative questions’ are different in the judgement state of the speaker. The former is in the judgement state that the speaker suspend judgement of the proposition and the latter is in the judgement state that the speaker give a judgement of truth about proposition, though the result of the judgement is uncertain.

According to the college students surveyed for this research, it was revealed that the rate of enrolling Japanese courses is higher than any other foreign language courses among second foreign language classes. For the most helpful method for supporting learning, they responded that utilizing visual written words and sign language interpretation is the most effective way. In the result of t-test, the satisfaction level was low in ‘an instructor's manner of lecturing’, ‘an instructor's evaluation method’, ‘an instructor's lecture contents’ and ‘teaching material(textbook)’. As these parts are directly relevant to ‘instructor’, every Japanese instructor should pay special attention to hearing impaired students if they do register their classes. Although the undergraduates with hearing disorder generally have a strong desire for learning and they are already aware of the need to learn foreign language, it turned out that the satisfaction level was quite low in the section of environment for learning foreign language and learning support system provided by university.

本硏究の對象者は大學進學後、第２外國語の講座の中で日本語を受講する比率がほかの外国語に比べ、高い方であった。學習支援の方法としては｢手話通譯｣及び視覺的な文字言語を活用する學習支援方法がもっとも效果があると認識していた。さらに、t-testを行った結果、｢教師の講義方法｣や｢教師の評價方法｣、｢教師の講義內容｣、｢授業資料(教材)｣の項目で滿足度が低かった。特に、これらの項目は全部｢教師｣と直接的な関連があるだけに、日本語の講師は聴覚障害をもつ大學生が講義をうける場合、これらの項目に特に注意する必要があろう。また、聴覚障害をもつ大學生は全般的に外国語学習の必要性や学習慾求が高い方だが、大学内の外国語学習環境及び学習支援に関しては滿足度が低いと判斷できた。

This thesis studied the relationships between ｢Joy｣ and the ｢Body parts｣ in Korean and Japanese language and compared them. It covered the subordinate meanings of ｢Joy｣, such as ｢fun｣, ｢pleasure｣, ｢satisfaction｣, ｢happiness｣, ｢auspiciousness｣,｢excitement｣, and ｢impression｣. In general, both Korean and Japanese have similar patterns, yet Korean has more expressions regarding ｢excitement｣.Categorizing the body parts as a ｢head｣, a ｢torso｣ and an ｢entire body｣, this study has discovered that ｢Joy｣ can be expressed by ｢eyes｣, a ｢chest｣, or a ｢whole body｣ in both languages. In case of ｢physiological phenomenon｣, they use ｢tears｣frequently in order to show ｢Joy｣. Additionally, in Japanese, there are numbers of the ｢usages of eyes; the condition of fine muscle movement｣. There are various usages of a ｢mouth｣ in Korean language. Further studies are planned to define the relationships between ｢Emotion｣ and the ｢Patterns of the Body parts｣in both languages.

本研究では、日․韓両言語の｢喜｣の感情と｢身体部位｣との関連様相について対照考察を試みた。｢喜｣のバリエーションとしては、｢楽しさ・愉快・満足・幸せ・めでたいこと・陽気さ・感動｣などの範疇をとりあげてみたが、｢興｣の感情では韓国語の方がより充実していると思われることを除けば、類似した様相を呈している。｢身体部位｣に関する両言語の様相は、｢頭部｣の場合｢目｣、｢胴体部｣の場合｢胸｣、｢全身部｣の場合｢からだ全体｣、そして｢生理現象｣の場合｢涙｣が最も活性化されているということが明らかになった。その中でも日本語の場合｢目｣などの｢筋肉の細かい動きの様相｣を媒介とする用例が多数みつかり、韓国語の場合｢口｣を媒介とする多様な様相の用例がみつかった。　今後もさらに研究を重ね、両言語の｢感情｣や｢身体部位様相｣の関わりを明らかにしていきたいと思う。