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It is absolutely impossible to know the historical object without archives. You need to read a record covered by the parties and witnesses who actually saw it. Therefore, a record does not provide the historical “truth”, for it is always based on some subjective witnesses. So, what does it mean to read archive? No doubt that it is nothing but true for those who recorded it. For those who read and believe his “story”, it allows them to form a unity, just like family ties is strengthened by their shared memories or reading the Bible strengthens the unity of Christian. Gunshin, Japanese Gods of War, appeared in the modern Japan, became a historical memory and unite the people of Japan. When the war began, a number of stories of the heroic deaths were appeared extensively across the front pages of newspapers and magazines at the time. Some of them became sensationally famous and were later called gunshin. In other words, Japanese people themselves created such kinds of gods. Gunshin can be roughly categorized into three types. The first gunshinappearedsoonaftertheRusso- JapaneseWarbeganin1904 (Meiji 37). One of them was Hirose Takeo, who was a naval commander and died while he tried to find his missing subordinate at the Battle of Port Arthur in March. Another is Lieutenant Colonel Tachibana, who died at the Battle of Liaoyang in August and whose death was received as a similar case to Hirose’s. The stories of these two were appeared on the government-designated textbooks and became familiar to the contemporary people. Then, Maresuke Nogi come to be understood as a gunshin for hisritual suicide after the　Meiji Emperor’s funeral. Nogi was a general in the army, prominent for his performance at the Siege of Port Arthur; in which a number of victims were died. Correspondingly, Admiral Heihachiro Togo, known as Nogi’s naval rival, died in 1934 (Showa 9), was also considered to be a gunshin. The shrines were built respectively for their memorial. The third type appeared in the middle of the Manchurian Incident in 1932 (Showa 7); Three Bomber Heroes. These young soldiers in group completed the operation successfully at the costs of their lives. Their case is different from the former types, in the way that these soldiers were not senior officers, while the first two types died thinking deep for their inferior at the moment of their deaths. Although the rank and file had no chance to make their own decisions under the military rule of absolute obedience to their superiors, national imagination created such a new type of gunshin. The third type was passed down to Kyugunshin(nine war of gods), the nine submariners who died at the Attack on the Pearl Harbor in 1941, and the Kamikazeattackersappearedafter1944 (Showa 19). The gunshins defines peculiar value to Japanese people in the sense not that it raised　morale, but that it moved many people to tears for the heroic deaths.

歴史を認識する場合、直接対象を分析することはできず、当事者や目撃者の記録を読んで想像するしかない。それは主観的なものに過ぎないし、記録のない事柄は知りようがない。それゆえ、歴史の｢真相｣にたどり着くことは絶対に不可能である。それでは史料を読むことに、どんな意味があるのか。間違いないことは、記録した人にとっては、それが真実だということである。そして、それを真実だと信じる人びとは、その｢物語｣を共有することで、まとまりを形作る。たとえば、家族は共通の思い出をたくさん持つが故にかけがえのない存在であるし、キリスト教徒は󰡔聖書󰡕の物語を信ずることで結束する。近代日本に登場した｢軍神｣は、日本国民を一体化させる歴史的な記憶となった。戦争が始まると、英雄的な死を遂げた軍人の美談が、新聞や雑誌で連日大々的に報道された。その中で、例外的に大きな反響を呼んだ軍人が、｢軍神｣と呼ばれるようになる。つまり、日本国民が｢軍神｣を生み出したといえるだろう。近代日本の軍神には、大きく三類型に分けることができる。最初の軍神が登場したのは、ロシアとの戦が始まった直後の明治三十七年(一九〇四)三月であった。旅順港口閉塞作戦の際に、行方不明になった部下を懸命に捜索した後に戦死した廣瀬武夫海軍中佐である。ついで、八月に遼陽大会戦で戦死した橘周太陸軍中佐が、廣瀬と似た軍人として意識され軍神に祭り上げられた。この二人は、これ以降敗戦にいたるまで、国定教科書などを通して、日本国民になじみある軍神であった。次に、戦時ではないが、旅順攻略という多数の犠牲者を出した作戦を遂行した乃木希典陸軍大将が、明治天皇に殉死した時、軍神とみなされるようになった。彼に準じて、昭和九年に死去した東郷平八郎海軍大将(日本海海戦を指揮)も軍神とみなされ、ともに、神社が創建された。三番目のタイプは、昭和七年(一九三二)満洲事変の最中に登場した爆弾三勇士である。若い兵卒だった彼らは、集団で自らの命と引き替えに作戦を遂行した。指揮官が部下に思いをかけながら死んでいくという明治の軍神とは異なるタイプの登場である。上官の命令が絶対服従の軍隊において、兵卒が志願して決死の行動を取ることはあり得ないのだが、国民の想像力がこうした新しい軍神を登場させている。このタイプは、｢九軍神｣と呼ばれた昭和十六年(一九四一)の真珠湾攻撃に特殊潜航艇で参加して戦死した将兵、そして昭和十九年(一九四四)以降に登場した特別攻撃隊へと継承されていく。これらの軍神の特徴は、敵に打ち勝ち戦意を昂揚させるというよりも、健気な死に方に皆が涙を流す存在であった点にある。そこに日本人特有の価値観を見出せるであろう。

This study is an attempt to examine changes in the process of embodying national heroes based on the evolutionary recognition, with its focus on Shin Chae-ho's novels. Before Korea was colonized, Shin recorded Korean history based on the evolutionary recognition. In his history, the conqueror status was specifically embodied as a national hero. However, his attempt to overcome the hard reality by remembering winners was undermined by the colonized reality. The fact that the national hero presented in "Choidotongjeon(최도통전)" was not a winner but a loser is a reflection of the reality, and at the same time, Shin's pessimism about the evolutionary recognition by admitting the reality as a loser. His quest into the evolutionary recognition was strengthened after his exile. Shin's criticism about Goong-ye, who suppressed his people despite the national hero status, demonstrated that his concept of national hero had been changed. In particular, his displaying heroins rather than heros, and highlighting ordinary people who were discriminated showed that his concepts of heros or heroins were no longer based on the evolutionary competition. The aforementioned discussion is expected to contribute to diversifying thoughts about Shin before 1920s, which have been uniformly based on the evolutionary recognition.

本稿では、申采浩の小説を対象に、進化論的な認識に基づく民族英雄の形象化過程の変貌について考察する。植民地化される前、申采浩は、進化論的な認識に基づいて歴史を執筆した。この過程で、他の種族を征服した勝者としての民族の地位は、民族英雄によって具体化された。しかし、勝者の記憶を通して現在を克服しようとした申采浩の民族英雄の企ては、植民地化という現実によって次第に亀裂を呈した。󰡔崔都統伝󰡕で形象化された民族英雄が勝者ではなく敗者であるということは、植民地化された現実の反映であると同時に、敗者としての現実を認めさせる進化論的な認識そのものに対する懐疑につながっている。進化論的な世界認識に対する申采浩の疑問は、亡命後に書いた複数の作品で本格化している。民族英雄的な面貌を持ちながらも民を弾圧する弓裔に対する批判は、申采浩の進化論的な世界認識に基づく民族英雄の企てが変化したことを示している。特に、男性の英雄ではなく女性の英雄の形象化と民族内部の不平等な構成員である民衆に対する視点は、申采浩の民族英雄の企てが、もはや進化論的な競争に基づく民族主義によって形象化されたものではないということを示している。以上の議論は、進化論的な認識で画一化されている1920年代以前の申采浩に対する思惟の多様化に貢献するものと考えられる。

While the goal of early Meiji education including shōka education lay on founding common national ideology as formation of national polity and on making loyal subjects, after mid-Meiji era, that is the first Sino-Japanese War period, going through some wars, loyalty and patriotism appearing in texts for shōka education shows that shōka was used as the psychological and emotional tool to spread stories of militarism and loyal courage for enhancing loyal and patriotic ideology and fighting spirit. Also, shōka education took important roles not only in-class education through textbooks but also in various sites for enhancing fighting spirit and patriotism, such as militaristic exercise, athletic meeting, and so on. The original goal for which shōka was adopted into modern Japanese education system was to have perceptional feeling vigorous and mind delighted, to move mind happy, and to brace up good nature. However, shōka education in Meiji era was shifted from the early period for moral education focussing on emotional purity to the late period for educational tool to enhance loyalty, patriotism and fighting spirit. Needless to say, such a trend till the war defeat in 1945 became more severe with new media like radio broadcast and record distribution. This article, limiting its objective within Meiji era and mostly concerning shōka education, examines how education, especially shōka education, was related to establishing Japan's ideological identity in the early 20th century in which imperialism and militarism soared.

唱歌教育を含めた明治前期の学校教育が、天皇を中心とする国体の形成という国民の共通するイデオロギーの創出と、忠実な臣民づくりを目的にしていたとすれば、明治中期以降、即ち日淸戦争や日露戦争を境に、忠軍愛国の思想や戦意高揚を目的に創作された唱歌が唱歌教育のためのテキストに多数登場するのは、唱歌が幾度の戦争を経ながら、忠軍愛国の思想や戦意高揚のための、軍国·忠勇美談を説破する心理的·情緒的手段として積極的に利用されたことを、如実に示していると言えよう。また、教科書を利用した教室内の教育もさることながら、兵式体操、運動会など、戦意高揚や愛国心発揚のために設けられた様々な現場においても、唱歌は重要な役割をもって歌われた。 近代日本の教育に唱歌を導入した当初の目的は、｢精神ニ娯楽ヲ与ヘ運動ハ支體ニ快楽ヲ与フ此二者ハ並ヒ行レテ偏廃ス可ラサルモノトス而シテ運動ニ数種アリ方今体操ヲ以テ一般必行ノモノト定ム然レトモ年歯幼弱筋骨軟柔ノ幼生ヲシテ支體ヲ激動セシム｣ことにあった。しかし、明治期の唱歌教育は、前期の情操を中心とする徳目教育から後期になるにつれ、忠君愛國や戰意高揚のための道具へと変質していった。言うまでもなく1945年の敗戦に至るまで、このような現象はラジオ放送の開始とレコード音盤の流通という、新しい器材の出現とともにその度合いを増していく。本論文は、その時期を明治期に限定し、主に唱歌教育を対象にして帝国主義、軍国主義へとひた走る20世紀初期の、日本の思想的主体性の確立に教育、特に唱歌教育がいかに関わり、展開していったかを考察してみたものである。

한국에 있어서 서커스는 고도경제성장기까지는 대중오락의 중심에 있었다. 그 당시 서커스단은 사람들에게 비일상적인 시간을 줄 스타적인 존재였지만, 한국의 경제력이 올라가, 오락이 다양화해지고 증가한 상황은 서커스를 크게 쇠퇴시켰고, 사람들의 관심이 멀어져버렸다. 그러나 다시 근년에 들어서 서커스에 관심이 늘어나는 기운이 보이게 되었다. 이렇게 우여곡절을 겪어 한국에 뿌리내린 서커스이지만, 서양에서 발전한 흥행 형태가 일본을 통해서 들어왔기 때문에 일본과의 관련도 많이 보인다. 그러기 때문에 “국산”으로 안 보이는 뿐만 아니라, 일정한 가치를 보는 “서양”이라는 이미지조차 없고, 단지 나쁜 일본의 잔재라는 평가를 받았다. 한국 사회에 있어서 가치를 두어지는 존재가 될 수 없고, 전통예능으로서 보호될 일도 없었다. 또, 이 것은 식민지기의 이미지로서 현대에 있어서 언급되는 “지배-피지배”라는 구도로 사로잡을 수 있기 쉬운 것과 관계되어 있다. 특히, 지금까지 언론 수준으로 언급되어 온 한일관계가 그대로 투영되고 있다. 일본의 “지배” 아래로 두어진 한국 서커스는, 당연히 “전통”으로부터 격리되어, 한국인들의 관심이 멀어지게 된 것이다. 식민지기에는, 부조리한 “지배-피지배”관계가 기층에 있었지만, 일반적으로 여겨지고 있는 만큼, 흔들리기 어려운, 확고한 관계가 아니지 않았나. 한국 서커스의 각 사례에 초점을 맞춰 보았을 때, 사실 단원들은 “일본”을 자신형편에 맞게 이용했다는 것이다. 그들은 항상 “피지배”측에 머물고 있었던 것이 아니라, 때로는 “지배”측에 설 일도 있었고, 요즘에는 그러한 관계과 무연이라고 할 수 있다. 여기서는, 한국 서커스와 일본과의 관계에 초점을 맞추고, 거기서 보여진 관계성이 반드시 “지배-피지배”라는 일방적이고 단락적인 관계가 아닌 것을 지적했다. 또, 한국 서커스는 일본의 잔재나 앞잡이가 아닌 것은 물론, 가치가 없는 것도 아니었다. 식민지기를 보았을 때, 확실히 한일간에서 일본을 우위로 삼은 “지배-피지배”관계가 큰 테두리에서 존재했고, 그 것에 따라 “일본인”이 더 쉽게 지배적인 입장에 자리잡을 수 있었던 것은 사실이다. 그러나, 모든 국면에서 일본이 한국/조선보다 우위했던 것은 아니다. 일반사람들이 사는 모습을 꼼꼼히 주워가는 것으로 “지배-피지배”관계는 상호 교차하여 복잡하게 얽히고 있어, 반드시 “일본”을 우위로 할 수는 없다. 강하게 우위를 유지한 한국/조선인들은 많이 있었고, “지배-피지배”관계는 결코 “국적”에 매이는 것도 아니었다. 모둔 상황을 “국적”을 가지고 이항대립(二項對立)식으로 보는 것은, 일본과 관계된 것은 다 없애야 할 일본의 잔재라고 해서 묻어버리는 결과를 만들게 마련이고, 거기서 볼 수 있었던 사람들의 강함까지 주울 수 없을 것을 지적했다.

In Korea, circus troupes were in the center of the public amusement until a High economic growth period. At that time, circus troupes were the existence like a star which gives extraordinary time to people. But when Korea had affluence, entertainments in Korea diversified and increased. And so circus troupes were declined very much, and the interest of the people has been estranged. But, recently people have begun to have the interest in a circus again. Korean circuses become established through much difficulty, and have many common points with Japan, because circus system developed at Western countries and came in Korea through Japan. Therefore Korean circus troupes were regarded as hateful vestiges of Japan. These weren't regarded as "Korean" images, and "Occidental" images which have special appreciation. Korean circus troupes didn't get a value and weren't protected as traditional performing arts in Korean society. This is easily related with the way of thinking as ‘domination = subordination' about which today will be also told about as an image in a colonial period. The Japan and Korea relations told by the mass communication up to now are reflected onto this way of thinking just as it is. Korean circuses under the Japanese ‘rule’ were separated from ‘tradition’, and of course Korean people lost the interest about Korean circuses. Certainly, there was an absurd ‘domination = subordination' relation in a colonial period, but it wouldn't be a firm relation for which it's difficult to sway so that that is generally considered. When seeing each case of a Korean circus, we notice circus people are conveniently using 'Japan'. They didn't be demand that they're always on the subordination side. They were sometimes on the domination side, and on today they are irrelevant to such relation. In this article, I focused on the relation of Korean circuses and Japan, and pointed out that relation always aren't a one-sided relation such as ‘domination = subordination' and aren't a simple relation. Korean circuses weren't vestiges or tools of Japan, and of course those weren't worthless. In a colonial period, There was a ‘domination = subordination' relation which ‘Japanese' have advantages between Japan and Korea certainly, and Japanese have arrived at the dominant position easily for it. But Japan didn't have advantages over Korea to all. By a detailed survey to people's life, we find out that the human relations are complicatedly, and 'Japan' always isn't on domination side. Korean peoples who were shrewdly and strongly domination side aren't rare, and a ‘domination = subordination' relation wasn't specified by the 'nationality'. If we judge everything by a dichotomy caused by the 'nationality', we would easily decide that something related to Japan are always hateful vestiges of Japan. And so we may not understand consideration, feeling or wish of people who live in there.

대마번은 통신사가 대마도에 도착한 후 강정 운용에 관해 한문과 구두로 자세하게 전하였다. 크게 네 가지였는데 그 중 두 번째가 통신사 수행원들의 밀무역 금지에 관한 것으로 통신사는 스스로 물품을 발견하여 이를 미연에 예방하였다. 세 번째는 통신사에 수행하는 자들이 일본국내에서의 난폭한 행위를 금하는 것이었다. 대마번측에서는 난폭한 행동을 했을 경우 이번에는 일본인들이 인내를 하지 않을 것이라 했다. 교토에서 동쪽 지역에 거주하고 있는 사람들은 성격이 급해서 난폭한 행동을 당하면 조선인을 죽일지도 모른다고 하였다. 그러나 정작 대마번 가신 무사들에게 명령한 사료에는, 참을 수 없는 치욕을 받았을 경우 조선인을 죽이라고 되어있었다. 난폭한 행위를 목숨 걸고 막겠다는 것이 대마번의 방침이었다. 1682년의 통신사 사행에서 사건은 거의 일어나지 않았다. 이 요구들을 대부분 받아들인 통신사는 장군에게 국서를 전달하는 것 외에 다른 큰 사명이 있었는데, 그것은 1683년에 발효되어졌던, 대마도와의 교역 및 왜관을 둘러싼 새로운 조약의 체결을 위해서였다. 이 계해약조를 대마번측에 수락시키기 위해서 통신사는 임술 사행에 관한 여러 요구들을 받아들인 것 같다.

The Souke document also contains the actual condition about how they made use of the prior consultation. By confirming the fact, we become to have an understanding about the detailed contents and the actual conditions of the management of the prior consultation.　After the diplomatic mission reached Tsushima, there was a full discussion between the two. There are four essential particulars. Second of all, Tsushimahan will not give permission to the illegal import of the diplomatic mission. This seemed to be realized. The third is that the diplomatic mission must not take violent behavior in Japan. Tsushimahan said that one could be murdered If one shows some kind of violent action. There is a record about a command in Souke document, which is When an unbearable dishonor is given, kill the person who gave oneself dishonor. Few trouble occurred in 1682 because of the strict regulation. However, for the diplomatic mission, they did not only have a mission to convey the letter from the King to the Shogun, but also had entrusted with some different important mission. It was to sign a new treaty with Tsushimahan about trade and the Japanese residential ristrict in Busan. They seemed to accept all the demands of Tsushimahan in order to make the new treaty granted.

As Lee Mun-Jang maintained, he is presumed to be a Imcheon's Confucian scholar closely related to Lee San-Hae. Apparently, he inherited an academic instruction from Lee Ji-Ham(Lee San-Hae's uncle) under the guidance of Seo Kyong-Deok. Chosun's historical record offers a negative evaluation about Lee Mun-Jang, that is, a traitor to support Japan's invasion into CheJu Island and to serve the interest of the enemy. Contrary to this, Japan's history shows that it was not true, but he was a Confucian scholar well versed in the art of divination living on learning. Any physical evidence which he was implicated in a plot cannot be found. In view of the state of things at the times, he is supposed to have been a scholar leading a campaign of enlightenment providing the bridge of communication for Chosun's Confucianism and Japan's Buddhism. The fact that Lee Mun-Jang is recorded in Tokugawa Jikki and Jitsuroku, The True Tokugawa Record about Tokugawa shogunate serves to prove Tokugawa shogunate's recognition that Imjinwaeran was a war of aggression against Busido(Samurai Laws).

李文長は自ら主張している通り李山海と関係が有る林川の儒学者だと思われる。李山海の叔父である李知菡は徐敬德の門下で韓国で尤も著名な易者である。理気一元的な徐敬德の学問の世界が李知菡を通して李文長へ引きつがれているといえよう。李文長の学問は、日本に大きな影響を与えたと云われている李退渓の学問とは異なるもので、日本の近世初期を考える上で注目すべき流れである。朝鮮時代の文献では李文長を利敵活動家として捉える向きがあるが日本側の諸資料でそのような活動を確認するのは困難である。李文長の人物像は学問を通して一家を支える生活人であり易学に通じている儒学者の姿である。彼は󰡔清水物語󰡕に登場する翁のように朝鮮の性理学と日本の仏教とを一元に捉えながら一般の人に意見を提示する儒学に基づいた啓蒙主義者として評価できるのではないかと思われる。日本で多様な活動を行った李文長が徳川幕府の正史である󰡔徳川実記󰡕と各種の実録物、諸記録に登場するのは意義深いことである。壬辰倭亂(文禄慶長の役)が武士道に反する侵略戦争であるとの徳川幕府の認識と李文長の活動とは密接な関わりがあると推論されるのである。

This study focused on the fact that the Empire of Japan created war heroes in order to mobilize people to send the Pacific War; especially, as the war of aggression expanded, war heroes who committed suicide attacks appeared in Korea as well, which was the colony of Japan. The concept of war heroes who devoted their own lives to the Japanese empire and the emperor was utilized by the Japanese Government-General of Korea and its army for the sake of elevating the war morale and exploiting the human and material resources from Korea. For the purpose of idolizing Matsui Hideo (Korean name: In Jae-woong), who participated in the Kamikaze mission and was killed in action of the Battle of Leyte Gulf, the Japanese Government-General of Korea and its army tried all the way to mobilize writers, intellectuals, artists, youths, children, Koreans living in China and the Korea living in Japan. One daily newspaper in Korea(󰡔毎日新報󰡕) continually highlighted the death of Matsui everyday and encouraged people to follow the spirit of Matsui by the ways such as volunteering the army, volunteering the comfort women, offering cereals, achieving the goal of savings and increasing the products. However, revering Matsui as a war hero just 3 days after he had died was not enough to idolize him; moreover, there was a risk of facing criticism that Japan did let the young man dead. Therefore, the Empire of Japan, which was preparing for the Battle of Okinawa, needed to create a better war hero. Kiyohara (Korean name: Han Jeong-sil) graduated from the Japanese Army Youth Aviation Corps with very good performance. He was considered as one of whom internalizes the ideology of the Japanese empire so perfectly. The diary of Kiyohara released in a daily newspaper showed his resolutions to use Japanese every day, follow the empire’s rules, and shoot down the big battleship for the Empire’s sake. According to the diary, he was very touched with Abe Nobuhiro, who took part in special unit as the son of the Japanese Government-General of Korea and had willingness to commit a suicide attack for the Japanese empire. As the war situation was worsened with Okinawa fallen and Germany surrendering, the Empire of Japan confronted the last battle. It installed the branch of Kamikaze headquarters in Korea in order to mobilize more young Koreans into the war. The empire desperately needed the 2nd or 3rd Kiyohara who could help himself to follow the Empire.

本論文は、第二次世界大戦末期における朝鮮人特攻隊を事例として、戦争継続のために朝鮮人の人的資源と物的資源が動員され、収奪されたことを論じる。侵略戦争が拡大するに従い、植民地朝鮮でも戦争英雄あるいは自殺肉弾攻撃で戦死する軍神が登場した。この事実は注目に値する。なぜなら、動員された朝鮮人の実際の内面とは別に、象徴化の過程からは朝鮮総督府・朝鮮軍の意図を知ることができるからである。動員の目的とは、すなわち朝鮮人特攻隊兵士を帝国日本と天皇のために命を捧げたものとして、戦争英雄や軍神として敬うことで、その他の朝鮮に住む国民全てを戦争へ協力させることにあった。レイテ湾戦闘における朝鮮人神風特別攻撃隊の戦死者である松井秀雄を顕彰するために朝鮮総督府と朝鮮軍は文人、知識人、芸術家、青少年、子供、在満朝鮮人、在日朝鮮人などを総動員した。󰡔毎日新報󰡕も松井の戦死を連日取り上げ、松井の尽忠精神にならって志願兵支援、女子挺身隊支援、糧穀供出、貯蓄目標達成、増産へまい進するように促した。だが、松井は戦死してわずか3日後に特別な準備もなく軍神としてあがめられたために、その死は実際にはあまりにも平凡で、ともすると若い青年を死に追いやったに過ぎないという批判を招きかねないものだった。拙速の軍神化からは、沖縄上陸作戦で本土決戦を控えている帝国日本としては朝鮮でもより模範的で皇軍としても模範的な軍神を作り出さなければならなかったという事情がうかがえる。韓鼎実(清原鼎実)は陸軍少年飛行隊で航空総監賞と軍司令官賞を受賞するほど優秀な成績で卒業した。また彼は皇国臣民、内鮮一体を内面化した人物でもあった。󰡔毎日新報󰡕に公開された清原の日記は、日本語常用を実践されている。その内容からは、日本の息子であることを誇り、天皇と帝国日本のために大きな艦船を撃墜させることを誓う皇国臣民の姿を見ることができる。また、清原は、九軍神と朝鮮総督の息子として特攻隊に参加した阿部信弘の戦功に深く感銘し、帝国日本のために自殺攻撃を拒まない軍国青年の姿を表象している。沖縄が陥落してドイツが降参するなど、戦況がより一層悪化して本土決戦を目前に控えている状況で、帝国日本は朝鮮青年たちを露骨に自殺特攻隊へ追い込むために神風特功後続隊総本部朝鮮支部を設置した。皇国臣民、内鮮一体を内面化して帝国日本と運命をともにする数多くの第2、第3の清原達が切望されていたのである。

Nowadays, an official gazette plays an important role as a mass media which announces and advertises laws and regulation to the people. The publishing process of an official gazette in Asia means Modernization and it is based on political systemization, the completion of postal organization, and the development of newspapers. An official gazette in Meiji Japan was formulated to announce the government’s laws and advertise the government’s policies directly and indirectly. Japanese official gazette published in July 2, 1983 contributed the centralization (unification) of law announcing system and institution of laws. Korea which was opened by Japan planned to publish newspapers for the modernization and civilization. In this process, they were under the influence of Japan. Korea's first modern newspaper was committed the nature of an official gazette because it transferred government’s intent to the people and centralized the delivery system of legislation. However, when Korean government published the official gazette in 1894, they used the system of Meiji Japan’s gazette directly and indirectly and it was also succeeded to the gazette by colonial Governor-General of Korea.

官報は政府が法令を公示し国民に政府の政策を広報する重要な手段である。官報の発行過程は近代化を意味するが、政治制度の整備、郵便制度の発達などを前提にする。明治日本で官報は自由民権運動の渦中で政府の政策を直接的に広報する必要から構想された。一八八三年七月二日創刊された日本の󰡔官報󰡕は法令公布制度を一元化し、法令の制度化に貢献した。日本によって開港された朝鮮は近代化と文明化の一環で新聞の発行を計画したが、日本の影響を直接的にうけた。韓国最初の近代的新聞は政府が発行し政府の趣旨を国民に伝え、法令公布体系を一元化した点で官報的な性格をもつことになった。しかし、一八九四年発刊された『官報』は日本の『官報』の体制を受け入れ、『朝鮮総督府官報』につながることになった。　

Between 1607 to 1811, during the latter part of the Joseon dynasty, there were a total of 12 diplomatic Tongshinsa. When arranging and viewing the stage arts performances and the number of times they were performed at an event or banquet, the Kemari(蹴鞠) was performed twice, the Wonhee(猿戯) twice, the Sarukaku(猿楽) three times, the Kabuki(歌舞伎) twice, the Ningyoyoruri(人形浄瑠璃) twice, the Japhee(雑戯) twice, the Chakgyungzihi(捉鯨之戱) twice and the Bugaku(舞楽) once. Among these, all fall under the category of "play." Thus, it can be said that the Japanese shogunate government placed "play" at the center of the Joseon Tongshinsa receptions and this can be a key point in the comparative study of the ceremonial culture of both the countries of Korea and Japan. The reception for the first delegation that was dispatched after the friendly relations were recovered was a Kemari. Kemari was a very ceremonial and stylish game conducted in a formalized location where trees were planted on all sides. Rather than to decide on a winner and loser, it was very peaceful in that balls were kicked around and the arts were enjoyed in and of themselves. There were many instances when the games were conducted with implications of The Peace of the World, The Abundance of Five Grains and Domestic Stability with prayers for these values to come to pass. Kemari that began in the beginning as play or what was ordinary for those who had low social status was reborn as a highly dignified game using a ball with as it proceeded to be ceremonialized with the active participation of the noble class and the emperor along with the opportunity given to raise one's social status. It can be said that a significant characteristic of Japanese traditional entertainment is that particular entertainment became ceremonialized and changed from "the ordinary" to "refined" with the participation of the upper class. The direction and the characteristics of the development of traditional entertainment can be transformed greatly based who leads and how the leading is conducted. In other words, the aspects could be different based on the cultural power structure that lead the development. In the case of Japan, the cultural power structure and the development of the arts was centered on Imperial household and the noble class during ancient times, the shogunate government and the warrior class during the middle ages and the working class during modern times. It appears that there needs to be a study conducted on the similarities and differences formed in the traditional arts based on the role that the cultural power structure had on the development of both countries.

1607年から1811年まで朝鮮通信使は12回派遣された。朝鮮通信使のために日本は規例に合わせて接待を行った。それぞれ派遣された通信使のために行われた接待の際、公演された舞台芸術を整理してみると蹴鞠が2回、猿戯が2回、猿楽が3回、歌舞伎が2回、人形浄瑠璃が2回、雑戯が2回、捉鯨戯が2回、舞楽が1回公演された。この中でも、歌舞伎、人形浄瑠璃、舞楽以外のものは‘戯’に属する。よって日本幕府は朝鮮通信使の接待に‘戯’をその中心に置いたということになるが、これは韓日両国の儀典文化を比較研究することにおいて重要なキーポイントになると考えられる。通交回復後、最初に派遣された通信使の接待には蹴鞠が行われた。日本の蹴鞠は四方に木が植えられ格式化された場所で行われる非常に儀式的で格調高い遊戯である。勝敗を分けるよりはボールを蹴ってその技芸を楽しむ非常に平和的な遊戯である。よって、天下泰平や、五穀豊穣、家の安寧など平和や和平等を祈るために行われる場合が多かった。蹴鞠は本来社会的な身分が低い人によって行われた遊びで‘俗’から出発した。が、貴族や天皇などの積極的な参加により社会的な地位が上昇するとともに儀式化が進行され格調高い球技遊戯に生まれ変わった。身分の高い階層の参加などにより儀式化されて‘俗’から‘雅’への変化を成し遂げていくのは日本伝統芸能の大きな特徴であるといえる。 伝統芸能の発展はそれを誰がどのように導いていくかによってその方向性や性格などが大きく変わる。言い替えれば時代別に文化や芸能を導いていくいわゆる文化権力層の役割によってそれらの発展様相が変わるということである。日本の場合、古代には皇室と貴族、中世には幕府と武士、近世には庶民中心の文化権力層が形成されて芸能の発展を導いていった。韓国も同じように時代別文化権力層を中心にその発展を遂げていった。今後、両国文化権力層が各国の伝統芸能発展にいかなる役割をはたし、それをもとに形成した伝統芸能は果たしていかなる共通点や相違点をもっているのかに関する研究が行わなければならないと考える。

"Nihonsyoki" is a first history book in which we can find out a name of Nichira, who is a child of Japanese bureaucrat despatched to Baekje. "Nihonsyoki" says that he was invited to Japan to advise foreign affairs such as a conflict in Garak(Minama) but assassinated by a Baekje person. Shotoku Taishi did not hold reigns of government as regency at that time, so "Nihonsyoki" does not have an article that shows a relation between Nichira and him. But "Shotoku Taishi Denryaku", a biography whose original text was considered to have been edited in about 10th century, says that Nichira met Shotoku Taishi. So there is a considerable difference between "Nihonsyoki" and "Shotoku Taishi Denryaku". "Shotoku Taishi Denryaku" says that Nichira and Shotoku Taishi had met at China in a past existence, and that Nichira implied that Shotoku Taishi would try hard to make Buddhism prevalent in Japan. Such contents of "Shotoku Taishi Denryaku" are amplified more in "Shoborinzo", which is a biography of Shotoku Taishi edited in the Middle Ages. "Shoborinzo" alleged that Nichira had been an monk and come from Goguryeo, emphasizing the encounter of the two persons resulting from a cause and effect in the past. Like "Shoborinzo", "Taishiden" which is categorized as the enlarged versions of biographies of Shotoku Taishi describes the assassination of Nichira caused by a Baekje person as a punitive justice. These biographies don't keep the original form which "Nihonsyoki" had shown any more, going so far as changing the contents of "Shotoku Taishi Denryaku", which had been mainly referred to when writing a biography of Shotoku Taishi until 20th century. These instances suggest that the writers of the biographies of Shotoku Taishi in the Middle Ages could add new elements to original forms according to their thoughts instead of seeking exactitude.

日羅は『日本書紀』敏達天皇一二年の記事にはじめてその名が見え、百済に渡った日本人官僚の子として登場する。紛糾する任那問題を解決すべく日本に招かれ、外交政策について朝廷に政策の助言を行ったが、百済の策略で暗殺されたとされる。この時、厩戸皇子、すなわち聖徳太子はまだ摂政には就任しておらず、『日本書紀』では両者の接点は一切記されていない。しかし、10世紀頃には原型ができあがっていた『聖徳太子伝暦』では、日羅が聖徳太子と出会ったという記事が現れる。ただしその内容は、『日本書紀』とは大きく異なっていた。聖徳太子が仏法流布に尽力すると日羅が暗示したというのだ。この『聖徳太子伝暦』の内容は、中世に編纂された『聖法輪蔵』で更に増幅され、日羅は高句麗の僧侶として登場するようになり、過去の因縁を通した二人の出会いが強調されるようになる。また、増補系太子伝の一つである『太子伝』でもこの傾向は続き、日羅殺害の原因までもが過去の因縁であると説明されるようになる。もはや『日本書紀』の原型はほとんど残されておらず、聖徳太子伝の規範であった『聖徳太子伝暦』の内容までどんどん変更されている。こうした事例から、聖徳太子伝の編纂は、先行文献を単純に踏襲されたのではなく、次々に新しい要素が加えられていたことがわかる。

고대 일본에서는 중국 한시의 영향을 받아 봄과 가을 중에서 어느 쪽을 좋아하는지를 가리는 춘추우열론은 귀족들 사이에서 풍류적인 놀이로 유행하였다. 그 전개 양상은 시대와 작품에 따라서 조금씩 다르게 나타나지만, 봄과 가을에 대한 기본적인 미의식은 <봄-꽃, 가을-단풍>이었다. 춘추우열론이 『만요슈』의 누카타노 오키미의 노래를 원류로 하여 이후 각종 우타아와세에서 주제가 되었는데 그것을 산문 세계에 적용하여 발전시킨 것이 『겐지 이야기』이다. 즉, 봄꽃과 가을단풍의 미에 겨울 달의 미가 추가되어 삼계절 정립(鼎立)이 이루어졌고 음악을 통한 계절미가 새롭게 부각되었다. 그 흐름을 받아 『사라시나 일기』에서는 <봄 달>의 미를 새롭게 제시하면서 실제 있었던 감동적인 경험담으로 <겨울 달>의 정취를 재발견하고 아울러 <비오는 겨울밤>의 특별함을 제안한다. 겨울밤의 미는 그 때까지 쌓인 흰 눈 위에 달빛이 비치는 정경으로만 형상화되었던 것이다. 이로써 작자 다카스에의 딸이 자신의 궁중 출사 기록으로서 귀공자 스케미치와의 추억담을 왜 그렇게 많은 지면을 할애해서 쓰고 있는지 그 이유가 명백해진다.

In ancient Japan, which was a agricultural society, shunju(spring and autumn) was most important season. Among the nobility, the determination of superiority of shunju had been popular. Depending on age, its pattern had changed. In The Diary of Lady Sarashina, Lady Sarashina presented the beauty of ‘spring moon’, and confirm the mood of ‘winter moon’ by telling touching episode. Above all, her new idea was about the special flavor of rainy winter’s night(winter’s night of shigure). Because they had praised only snowy winter’s night in other monogatari and diary until then.

야쓰하시(八橋)는 가집인 『고킹와카슈(古今和歌集)』에 읊혀 진 이후, 주로 “이것저것 생각에 잠기는” 풍류의 장소로서 인식되었다. 사선집(私撰集)과 사가집(私歌集)을 중심으로 읊어진 야쓰하시는 원정기(院政期)에 들어와 단풍이나 벚꽃, 버드나무등과 어우러져 서경가로서도 읊어지게 되었다. 또한 야쓰하시는 『이세모노가타리』서술과 이미지를 바탕으로 연자화(杜若)에 주목받아, 망향이나 『이세모노가타리』의 모습 등을 환기시키는 노래가 읊어져, 연자화에 사이사이를 갈라놓는 이미지가 만들어졌다. 이러한 표현사를 지닌 야쓰하시는 다른 우타마쿠라와 함께 도카이도(東海道)를 여정으로 하는 기행문에 반드시 서술되었으며, 그 표현을 통하여 각각의 작품의 특성을 엿볼 수 있다. 『가이도기(海道記)』는 야쓰하시의 실제 풍경을 와카와 한시문의 발상과 표현을 바탕으로, 반복적인 수사법을 적절하게 구사하여, 비로소 자신만의 표현기법을 만들어 내었다. 이에 비해, 『도칸키코(東関紀行)』는 우타마쿠라의 전통과는 다른 실제 풍경의 괴리감과 단절을 초월하여, 어떻게 해서든 옛날과 현재를 연결시키려고 시도하였다. 『도칸키코』보다 훨씬 나중에 쓰여 진 아부쓰니(阿佛尼)의 『이자요이닛키(十六夜日記)』는, 우타마쿠라와는 다른 야쓰하시의 실제 풍경을 서술하기보다는 전통적인 가어(歌語)를 토대로 자신의 생각을 와카에 도입하였다.

YATSUHASI is recognized as a place for “Utamakura”- a place for thinking and composing poems, once it was written in The Tales of Ise. This was used in scenery poems with other poetic topics such as maple tree, cherry blossom, weeping willow trees in the middle age. Among those, iris laevigate reflect the images of The Tales of Ise. So was an image of the flower at iris lavigate which means, dividing each other. We can find some expression features of Yatsuhasi in the middle age travel literatures about traveling Tokaido. There are three examples. First is Kaidoki, an anonymous literature work. It used a Waka type of expression along with the influence of Chines poems, and therefore made possible to express repetitive patterns with deep emotions-a fundamental features of Kaidoki. Second is Tokan Kiko, another anonymous literature in that time, which has its significance on using careful descriptions and images that were from the contents of The Tales of Ise. The last example is Izayoi Nikki written by Abutsuni that has traditional expressions of a Waka and distinctive characteristics in using songs regarding his thinking at the travel site.

이 논문에서는 근세의 다이코기물・조선군기물이 “근대화”하는 과정을 검토한다. 근세의 다이코기물・조선군기물은 임진왜란을 주제로 하는 조선군기물과 임진왜란을 제외한 히데요시의 전기인 협의의 다이코기물, 그리고 양쪽을 포함하는 광의의 다이코기물로 나뉜다. 근대가 되자 󰡔다이코기󰡕󰡔에혼 다이코기󰡕등의 문헌은 오랜 변천을 거쳐 번각본으로 정착한다. 한편, 근대 이후에도 새로운 다이코기물이 다수 집필된다. 역사소설에서는 와타나베 가테이 등이 광의의 다이코기물을 집필하였고, 그 외의 작가 등도 광의의 다이코기물을 지향한 것 같으나 패전이라는 시대적 요인으로 인해 이를 성취하지 못하였다. 근세에도 󰡔에혼 도요토미 훈공기󰡕등의 문헌은 광의의 다이코기물을 지향하였으나 협의의 다이코기물로 그친 바 있다. 그 원인은 근세의 목판과 근대의 금속활자 인쇄 간의 경쟁에서 졌기 때문이었다. 한편, 근세 말기에 다수 만들어진 기리쓰케본이나 소형 에혼류, 그 흐름을 잇는 근대의｢에혼 다이코기｣류나 위인전은 처음부터 협의의 다이코기물을 지향한 것 같다. 이들 문헌은 히데요시의 전례없는 출세를 서민들에게 전하는데 목적이 있기 때문이다. 마지막으로 조선군기물 방면에서는 메이지 초기의 “재흥기” 유행에 편승하여 히데요시의 세계정복담을 담은 이색적인 소설 󰡔도요토미 재흥기󰡕가 간행되었다. 이처럼, 근세에 큰 인기를 누린 다이코기물・조선군기물은 근대에도 다양한 장르로 계승되었다. 그러나 그 배경에는 근세와 연결되는 요인이 확인된다. 히데요시라는 인물의 비범한 삶과 전근대 최대의 대외전쟁이라는 두 가지 사건에 대한 근세 일본인들의 공감과 흥미가 그것이다.

This article reviews the process of the modernization of three categories' literature on Toyotomi Hideyoshi and Imjin War written in premodern Japan(Taikouki mono and Chosen gunki mono). There are three types of Taikouki mono and Chosen gunki mono in premodern Japan. One type is on Imjin war and called Chosen gunki mono. On the other hand, the biographies of Toyotomi Hideyoshi fall into two types which cut off or contain Imjin war. In Meiji Japan, some pieces such as Taikouki and Ehon Taikouki were reprinted in various ways, but new pieces were written too. In the field of historical fiction, some writers such as Watanabe Katei wrote biographies of Toyotomi Hideyoshi which also contain Imjin war. It seems that some famous writers such as Yoshikawa Eiji and Siba Ryotarou also wanted to write biographies of Toyotomi Hideyoshi which also contain Imjin war. But, because of japanese defeat in WWII, they were banned from achieving the end. There exists the same case In premodern Japan. It seems that some pieces of Taikouki mono like Ehon Toyotomi Kunkouki were aimed to be biographies of Toyotomi Hideyoshi containing Imjin war also. But the Meiji Restoration and following modernization of Japan frustrated it. On the other hand, kiritsukebon and illustrated books of small size made vastly in the 19th century, Ehon taikouki and biographies in modern Japan were made as the type cutting off Imjin war from the beginning. The goal of these pieces was to report the unusual success of Toyotomi Hideyoshi to girls and boys. Finally, on the part of Chosen gunki mono, a notable novel Toyotomi Saikouki was published in Meji Japan. In this novel, Toyotomi Hideyoshi, called as the Napoleon of the East, conquers all over the world and the hell. As above, Taikouki mono and Chosen gunki mono which have enjoyed popularity among people in premodern Japan evolved in various forms in modern Japan. The popularity of premodern/modern Taikouki mono and Chosen gunki mono comes from the same factor; japanese people's love for the extraordinary life of Toyotomi Hideyoshi, and Imjin war which was the most great war against foriegn countries in the history of premodern Japan.

This article inquired into the modality of diffusion and transition of Aesop's fables in East Asia by studying on two similar stories of Japanese classical literature ― Milkmaiden and Milk jar, Greedy Dog. As a result, the present writer found out not only that two fables introduced in this article had already been propagated from India into the China in the era of Dang Dynasty and Song Dynasty, but also that these two fables were different from those of having been flowed into the East Asia by western missionaries in terms of lineage. And this article confirmed that the fables having been propagated into the Cho-sun and Japan were different from the Aesop's fables of India and the West in the aspect of aggressive laughing at the women. In contrast to the case of the former, it appears that there is a certain agressive laughing at the women in the case of the latter. The present writer presumes that the reason for this lies in the influence of misogynic climate and culture of the northwestern India, Arab regions and the Greece.

イソップ寓話が欧米の宣教師によって東アジアに移入したのは大体17世紀を前後する時期であるが、それ以前に印度から中国を経て東アジアに移入したもう一つのパターンが存在することは周知の通りである。いわばイソップ風物語がそれである。そして今回、朝鮮漢文笑話集󰡔古今笑叢󰡕別本および近世初期に刊行された浅井了意の󰡔堪忍記󰡕から｢乳搾り女と牛乳瓶｣の新たな類話を、また、宋の怪談集󰡔夷堅志󰡕や、その和訳本である󰡔夷堅志和解󰡕から｢欲張り犬｣とモチーフが類似する話を新たに確認できた。｢乳搾り女と牛乳瓶｣の場合は、朝鮮の類話に唐の小説から得たという記事が見えることからいち早く印度から中国に伝播し、その後バージョンアップし、今度は朝鮮と日本にそれぞれもたらされたことが分かる。また、｢欲張り犬｣の場合も、宋の󰡔夷堅志󰡕および印度の󰡔パンチャタントラ󰡕にその類話が存することから、やはりいち早く当該の話が印度から東アジアに伝播したことを知り得る。そして、笑いの対象の場合、東アジアの古典に見える類話では男性が、印度や欧米のものでは女性が出てくるという相違の背景としては、これらの話が女性嫌悪の文化的風土が強い印度の北部地域やパキスタンを経て、やはりそうした傾向が強いペルシアやアラブ、そしてギリシャに伝播していく過程でその影響を受けた可能性が考えられるわけである。

바킨의 요미혼 중에서 역사적 인물의 외전(外伝) 성격을 띠는 작품은 사전물로 분류된다. 사전물 요미혼은 7작품이 있는데, 이들은 성립 시기 순으로 전기와 후기로 나뉘고, 전기는 사전물 모색기라고 불린다. 모색기에 쓰인 사전물 요미혼은 󰡔진세쓰유미하리즈키(椿説弓張月)󰡕, 󰡔라이고아자리카이소덴(頼豪阿闍梨怪鼠伝)󰡕, 󰡔슌칸소즈시마모노가타리(俊寛僧都嶋物語)󰡕 의 세 작품이다. 바킨은 사전물 요미혼의 첫 작품인 󰡔유미하리즈키(弓張月)󰡕의 창작을 통하여 중국 연의소설(演義小説)을 따른 바킨류(馬琴流)의 연의체(演義体)를 확립시켰다. 이 연의체의 특징은 시대나 인명 등을 정사(正史) 그대로 작품에 이용한다는 점에 있다. 그리고 바킨은 사실(史実)에 허구(虚構)를 넣을 때에 반드시 근거를 제시하는 집필 태도를 보이고 있다. 󰡔유미하리즈키󰡕의 다메토모(為朝), 󰡔가이소덴(怪鼠伝)󰡕의 요시타카(義高), 󰡔시마모노가타리(嶋物語)󰡕의 슌칸(俊寛) 등 각 작품의 주인공은 `사실은 생존해 있었다'고 하는 허구화에 의하여 그려진다. 이들 인물에게 생존설이 존재한다는 점에서 허구에도 문헌상의 근거가 필요하다고 하는 바킨류의 생각을 엿볼 수 있다. 또한, 주인공의 외면적, 내면적 특징을 나타내는 사료(史料)의 유무에 의하여 인물조형의 방법이 달라지고 있다. 사전물 모색기 세 작품의 사실에 더해지는 허구에는 사료에 보이는 허구와 바킨이 새롭게 창작한 허구가 있다. 시대 배경을 사서(史書) 그대로 두고 사실에 허구를 더하여 역사의 이면(裏面)을 그리는 것이 사전물 요미혼의 방법이다.

In Bakin's Yomihon, works which have a lateral biography of a historical person are categorized into Shidenmono. There are seven works in Shidenmono Yomihon. They are divided into the former part and the latter part in order of completion time. And then, the former part is called a seeking period of Shidenmono. There are three works of Shidenmono Yomihon, "Chinsetsuyumiharizuki”, "Raigouajarikaisoden”, "Shunkansozushimamonogatari”. Bakin established his own Engitai following Chinese story for popular reading by creation of "Yumiharizuki”which was his first work of Shidenmono Yomihon. The feature of Engitai is using the real age or name of official history. And Bakin has writing attitude that suggests grounds when he adds fiction to fact. The main character of each work, Tametomo of "Yumiharizuki”, Yoshitaka of "Kaisoden”, Syunkansozu of "Shimamonogatari”, is portrayed by fictionalization which is `actually they were alive'. In that sense, we could find Bakin's idea that needs grounds of precedent literature even in fiction. The way of modeling person also varies by historical sources of external and internal feature of the main character. Three works of a seeking period of Shidenmono have fiction from historical sources and fiction created by Bakin. It could be the way of Shidenmono Yomihon like using history as it is and portraying an inside history.

This thesis considers how imperial language reproduced colonial literature through translation aspect of ｢Baetaragi｣ and ｢Gamja｣into Japanese Language, novels of Kim Dong-In during Japanese Colonial Era. In addition, it intends to look into the agglutination point of 'difference' and 'assimilation' occurring between Korean and Japanese language or between a colony and an empire out of the cultural topographic map at that time. According to the result of consideration, translation of two novels during the colonial era into Japanese Language, which was initiated by Japanese mass media, really reflects unequal dynamics between two countries. It was domestication translation which seemed that the assimilation policy enforced in Chosun colony by the Japanese Empire in 1930's was wholly transferred to realm of letters. Meantime, a Chosun's popular magazine󰡔Samcheolri󰡕prepared a special issue of novels in Chosun language at the same time when Japanese mass media arranged a special issue of｢short stories collection of Chosun writers｣translated into Japanese language, which is believed that they were conscious of the political・cultural effect of translation as well as the control of imperial language over colonial literature.

本研究では一九二〇年代と一九三〇年代にかけて日本語に翻訳された金東仁の短編小説｢馬鈴薯｣と｢ぺタラギ｣を検討した。具体的な翻訳の様相を通して帝国の言語が植民地の文学を如何に再現しているのか考察し、朝鮮語と日本語あるいは植民地と帝国の間に生じる差異と同化の交錯地点を当時の文化地形図の中で捉えようとした。考察の結果、日本のマスコミが主導した二つの植民地小説の日本語化作業は対等でない両国の力関係を反映しており、一九三〇年代に行われた同化主義という植民地政策が文字の領域でもそのまま＜自国化翻訳＞(Venuti)という形で現されていることが分かった。そして『大阪毎日新聞』の｢朝鮮作家短編集｣という特集と同じ時期に朝鮮の総合雑誌『三千里』が朝鮮語小説特集を組んでいることは、翻訳の政治文化的効果や植民地文学における日本語の支配力を意識した結果であると考えられる。

Binzume jigoku(Hell in the bottle) by Yumeno Kyusaku consisted of the three letters. The previous studies pointed out the difference between the order of placement of the letters in this novel(1-2-3) and the order of time of the letters actually written(3-2-1). However, considering the correlation between the three letters, we can see the inconsistency in any combinations. This thesis focused on the meaning of this inconsistency and also the implication of the isolated island, the background of this novel. As a result, it could be said that the change of the meaning of the island for the main character Taro (ie, Heaven to Hell) was not caused from the external factors but from the internal desires which were secretly condensed in a closed space such as an isolated island.

夢野久作の『瓶詰地獄』は三つの手紙から構成された作品である。先行研究では、作中の手紙の配置の順番(1－2－3)と実際書かれた順番(3－2－1)との間に差がある事を指摘し、それを新しく構成した。しかし、その三つの手紙の相関関係を考えると、どの順番の組み合わせにも矛盾が生じることが分かる。本稿では、この矛盾に着目しながら、孤立された島という空間的背景を中心的に考察した。その結果、主人公の島に対する意味の変化(天国から地獄へ)は外部的な影響によるものではなく、内部的に、つまり人間内面の本質的な欲望が孤立された島という閉鎖空間の中で凝縮されて現れたものであることが分かった。

본 연구에서는 한국인 일본어학습자가 일본어를 사용함에 있어 회피전략을 어떻게 사용하는가 하는 양상에 대하여 사전정정(pre-correction)과 중도정정(in-correction)이라는 개념을 도입하고, 심층적인 후속인터뷰(follow-up interview) 조사를 통해 분석했다. 분석자료는 한국인 일본어학습자 16팀(여성2인1조)과 일본인의 대화를 녹화한 것이다(인터뷰자료: 16담화 (각 16분~30분, 총 360분), 후속인터뷰: 각 팀에 60분씩, 총 960분). 학습자가 재학 중인 대학에서 명동까지 지하철로 가는 방법 및 명동 지역의 역사적 유적지에 관한 대화자료를 분석한 결과는 다음 5가지로 요약할 수 있다. (1) 일본어 운용능력이 높은 그룹은 사전회피전략을 상대적으로 많이 사용하고, 반대로 일본어 운용능력이 낮은 그룹은 중도회피전략을 더 많이 사용한다. (2) 사전회피전략은 발화 시작 전, 즉 발화의 계획단계에서 이루어지는 정정이며 발화된 회화에는 나타나지 않기 때문에 복구가 이루어지지 않는다. 하지만 일본어 운용능력이 높은 그룹은 사전회피전략을 사용함에도 불구하고 실제 대화는 원활하게 수행하고 있다. (3) 중도회피전략이 사용되는 경우에는 학습자 두 사람이 협력적으로 대화를 진행시켜 나가기도 한다. 학습자의 협동작업의 성과로 평가할 수 있다. (4) 일본어 운용능력이 낮은 그룹은 문제가 발생한 항목을 생략한 채로 대화를 이끌어 나가려는 경향을 보인다. 따라서 그 다음 대화 내용과 연결성이 약하기 때문에 원활한 커뮤니케이션의 파탄 가능성이 있다. (5) 회피전략의 표지는 ‘표지 없음’, ‘비언어적 표지(침묵과 웃음, 손짓 등)’, ‘언어적 표지(머뭇거림과 원조요청, 모국어 사용)’으로 나눌 수 있으며, 유학경험자 그룹은 표지 없음, 중장기학습자 그룹은 언어적 표지, 단기학습자 그룹은 비언어적 표지를 주로 이용한다고 하는 습득단계별 특징을 살펴볼 수 있다.

This research analyzes the use of avoidance strategies by Korean learners of Japanese applying the concepts of pre-correction and in-correction. We recorded and videotaped sixteen dialogues between two Korean learners and one native speaker of Japanese. Each group interacted from 16 to 30 minutes (total: 360 minutes). After the interview, a 60 minute following-up interviews were conducted for each group. This interview was of central importance to clarify some points which could not be directly observed in the discourse data. All the subjects, including the Japanese native speaker, were female. The Korean subjects were asked to explain how to go to Myong-dong by subway and also to give information about historical sites in the same area. The analysis of the data led to the following conclusions: (1) The subjects who had higher language proficiency tended to use pre-correction avoidance strategies, before the utterance was said, while the subjects with lower language proficiency used in-correction avoidance strategies, in the middle of the utterance. (2) As pre-correction avoidance strategies are used in the stage where the discourse is been planned, they cannot be easily detected. Although the advanced level Korean learners used pre-correction avoidance strategies, their dialogue were very fluent. (3) In the case of the learners who used in-correction avoidance strategies, the two participant learners cooperated to complete the utterance. The cooperation between the learners led to the success of the communication. (4) In the group of low proficiency learners, it was observed that the speakers tended to skip the topics where language problems occurred. This behavior affected the progress and the coherence of the dialogue afterwords. It also can be seen as a possible cause of communication breakdown. (5) The markers of avoidance strategies can be classified in three groups: no marker, non-verbal markers (silence, laugh, gestures), verbal markers (hesitation, request for help, use of the native language). The group of learners who had studied in Japan tended to use the "no marker" strategies, while the group of learners who had never been abroad but have been studying for a long period used verbal markers. Finally, the learners who have been studying for a short period used non-verbal markers more often. This result suggests that different types of markers are used in each acquisition stage.

일본어의 “~(よ)うとする“는 “조동사ウ・ヨウ+조사ト+동사スル“의 세 개 요소로 구성되었는데, 보통 문장중에서 하나의 단일한 언어 단위로서 사용된다. “~(よ)うとする“의 의미에 대해 문법서 등에서는 크게 두 가지로 나누고 있다. 하나는 “지금부터 일어날 의사적인 동작“, 다른 하나는 “움직임이 곧 일어날 것 같다“의 뜻을 나타내고 있다. 그래서, 학계에서는 일반적으로 국면 동사라고 불리우는 “~しはじめる““~しつづける““~しおわる“등과 같이 국면동사의 하나로 보고 있다. 그런데, “~(よ)うとする“는 그 의미 분류는 물론이고, 용법에 있어서도 인칭과 깊은 관련이 있다. 그럼에도 불구하고, 일반 문법서들에서는 그 어형이나 인칭 제한에 대해서 거의 언급되지 않고 있다. 결국 적지 않은 일본어 학습자들은 “~(よ)うとする“에 해당되는 모어 뜻의 표면적인 현상에만 근거하여 이 문형을 사용하기 때문에 오용이 생겨버리는 것이다. 본고에서는 이러한 문제를 둘러싸고 일본어 교육의 견지에서 “~(よ)うとする“의 의미 재분류를 시도하고 인칭과의 관련에 대해서도 재검토했다. 그리고 “~(よ)うとする“의 한국어 뚯에 해당되는 “~려고 하다”와의 인칭 관계에 대해서도 고찰했다. 본고에서 고찰한 내용을 조목별로 나누어 쓰면 이하와 같다. (1)일본어학습자들에게 “~(よ)うとする“의 뜻을 정확하고, 재빠르게 이해・습득시키기 위해서는 지금까지의 선행 연구와는 다른 4 분류법을 택하고, “직전”의 의미를 의지동사와 무의지동사로 하위 분류했다. (2) “~(よ)うとする“의 현재 종지형은 “객관시”등의 경우에는 1인칭과 공기할 수 있다는 견해도 일부 있지만, 용례에 의한 논증을 통하고, 적어도 일본어 교육에 있어서는 이러한 문제 제기의 방법이 타당하지 않다는 것을 지적했다. (3)동작주가 3인칭인 경우, 일반적으로 “~(よ)うとする“의 현재 종지형과 공기 할 수 없지만, 특히 문학 작품 등에 있어서 수식 표현의 효과를 높이기 위해서 “객관적인 눈앞 묘사문”으로 쓰이는 일이 있다. (4)한국어(조선어)를 모어로 하는 일본어 학습자들이 1인칭과 “~(よ)うとする“의 현재 종지형과의 공기를 쉽게 받아들여 오용을 산출하는 주된 이유는 주로 모어 전이라고 볼 수 있다. 즉, “~(よ)うとする“의 한국어 뜻으로 번역되고 있는 “~려고 하다“문형은 일반적으로 인칭 제한을 받지 않기 때문에, 모어의 발상에 의해 “~(よ)うとする“의 현재종지형과 1인칭의 공기를 저항없이 받아들이게 된다고 판단된다.

“~(よ)うとする” in Japanese is comprised of three elements: “auxiliary verbウ/ヨウ + particleト + verb スル”, but they are used as one large amount of language unit in a normal sentence. In grammar books, the meaning of “~(よ)うとする” is largely divided into two kinds: “intentional movement that will happen from now on” and “the movement seems to happen soon”. Therefore, in academia, it is generally considered as one of the situation verbs like “begin to do sth.”, “continue to do sth.” and “finish doing sth.”. However, “~(よ)うとする” has a close connection with person not only in the usage but also in the classification of meaning. However, it is hardly mentioned about the restrictions in word form and person in normal grammar books, so that most Japanese learners use this form based on the correspondent superficial phenomena in their mother tongues that has the meaning of “~(よ)うとする”, which causes error. This paper focused on such a problem and tried a reclassification of the meaning of “~(よ)うとする” from the perspective of Japanese education and reconsidered the relations with person. In addition, this paper made a few investigations on the person relations of “~려고 하다”, which meant “~(よ)うとする”. The result that I considered in this report is itemized as follows: (1) To make Japanese learners understand and acquire the meaning of “~(よ)うとする” accurately and quickly, this paper took 4 taxonomy that is different from previous study, and it is more proper to sub classify the meaning of “right before doing sth.” into voluntary verb and unconscious verb. (2) There was viewpoints considering that when the present finishing form “~(よ)うとする” is “objective vision”, it can co-occur with the first person. However, based on the example, it is pointed out that this view is not appropriate in Japanese education. (3) Generally, when an agent is a third person, it can not co-occur with the present finishing form of “~(よ)うとする”, but it can be used as “descriptive form that means objectively right before” in literary works to have a good rhetorical effect. (4) First language transfer can be seen as the main reason for the errors like using first person and the present finishing form of “~(よ)うとする” together in Korean speaking Japanese learners. Based on the meaning, “~(よ)うとする” can be translated in Korean to the form of “~려고 하다”, which is not limited to certain persons, so that the learners accept the co-occurrence of first person and present finishing form of “~(よ)うとする” without resistance.

본고에서는 회화 속에서 발화내용과 발화자의 발화에 대한 태도를 약화시켜 상대의 페이스를 배려함으로서 원활한 커뮤니케이션을 위해 사용되는 담화표지인 ｢Nanka｣를 대상으로 도쿄방언과 오사카방언의 사용경향의 차이를 밝혔다. 검토 결과, ｢Nanka｣의 사용빈도는 도쿄방언에서 높고 오사카방언에서 약간 낮은 것으로 나타났다. 즉 도쿄방언화자는 ｢Nanka｣를 다용하여 발화내용이나 발화자의 발화에 대한 태도를 약화시켜 상대의 페이스를 배려함으로서 상대와 원활한 커뮤니케이션을 하려고 하고 있고, 그렇게 함으로서 상대와 원만한 관계를 유지하려고 하고 있다는 것을 알 수 있었다. 그러나 오사카방언화자는 상대에 대한 정중함을 나타내기 위한 배려 표현의 하나인 ｢Nanka｣의 사용률이 도쿄방언에 비해 약간 낮다는 것이 밝혀졌다. 앞으로는 대상을 넓혀 회화 속에서 담화표지로서 기능하는｢Nanka｣의 보다 상세한 분석과 상대에게 정중함을 나타내기 위해 사용되는 다른 표현에도 주목하여 연구를 진행하고 싶다.

Some discourse markers are used to make a dialogue softly and smooth communication possible. In this study, the discourse marker, NANKA, is researched and difference of usage frequency between Tokyo-dialect and Osaka-dialect is investigated. As a result, usage frequency of NANKA was higher in Tokyo-dialect than in Osaka-dialect. This shows that Tokyo-dialect users have a tendency of trying to make soft and smooth communication and trying to keep smooth relationship. In Osaka-dialect, NANKA was not used for that kind of strategy as much as in Tokyo-dialect. Other discourse function of NANKA except the politeness strategy will be continued in the further study.

For the smoothly speaking, it has been adopted plain style language, and used sentence-ending particle (“SEP”) “ね(ne), よ(yo)” very often in current Japanese language textbooks for Korean middle school. Mastering of SEP is very important speaking Japanese fluently. We took a survey how they are thinking about the importance and various kind of function in SEP “ね(ne), よ(yo)” to graduate students who will be a Japanese teacher and native Japanese speakers. As a result, Japanese uses SEP “ね(ne), よ(yo)” for a good communication, consideration of situations and thoughtful to others. However, Korean who learning Japanese only think the SEP as make a conversation softly or express of friendliness. Non-native speakers, who learning Japanese and stayed in Japan for a long time, is also knew the basic usage of SEP alike a Japanese people, but not exactly a Japanese. Many Koreans knew the usage of SEP, but they didn’t recognize the requirement for the response and misunderstood the function and contextual connection as the nuance of speaker. That is to say, the result is caused that Korean cannot understand the function changing of SEP “ね(ne), よ(yo)” in the conversation, also less understanding of consciousness on relation to the style of writing. Therefore, we need to take a lot of practice to use SEP to the style and conversation flow.

円滑なコミュニケーションに重点をおいている現在の中等における日本語教材には普通体の文章の採用による終助詞｢ね｣｢よ｣が付く文が増加し、終助詞｢ね｣と｢よ｣の接続可否および多様な機能についての習得はコミュニケーションの運用には欠かせないものといえる。そこで、本稿では、韓国の大学で日本語を専門とする韓国人日本語学習者を対象とし、高校の教材から選別した多様な発話機能中、代表的と思われる用例を選別し、終助詞｢ね｣｢よ｣の接続可否および談話文における機能に関する意識調査を実施し、その結果を日本人母語話者と比較分析を行った。その結果、日本人が円滑なおかつなめらかな意思疏通のため、状況、会話の流れなどを考慮し終助詞｢ね｣｢よ｣を用いているのに対し、韓国人学習者は状況の考慮などよりは単に会話を和らげたり、親近感を表すための手段として認識していることが明らかになった。韓国人学習者の場合、｢ね｣｢よ｣の基本的な機能についての認識はしているものの、母語話者に比して聞き手に対する反応要求や話し手の心理によるニュアンスが含まれている談話文において、その接続と機能の使い分けに混同を見せていた。これは、韓国人学習者が終助詞｢ね｣｢よ｣の会話の流れに沿う機能の変化を把握できなかったことに原因がある。それに、文体や文型、位相などと関連づけて認識していない点も要因の一つと思われる。終助詞｢ね｣｢よ｣はいくつかの類型のイントネーションと結合し、話し手の正確な意図を完成または変化させるため、本調査結果に基づき、学習者のイントネーションに関する認識調査およびさまざまな教材での用例の分析などを通じ、終助詞｢ね｣｢よ｣の効率的指導の仕方を提案していきたい。

본 연구에서는 대학생 간 자연대화에 보이는 ｢ね｣를 분석자료로 하여 커뮤니케이션 기능을 중심으로, 대화 상대와의 친소관계에 따른 ｢ね｣의 사용양상을 살펴보았다. 그 결과를 간단하게 정리하면 다음과 같다. 우선, 여성 대학생 친구 간 대화에서 ｢ね｣는 전체 발화문의 약20%, 첫 대면 대화에서는 전체 발화문의 약 15% 사용되고 있어 친구 간 대화에서 ｢ね｣가 보다 높은 비율로 사용되고 있음을 알 수 있었다. ｢ね｣가 사용되는 위치를 보면 친구 간 대화와 첫 대면 대화 모두 문말에 사용되는 비율이 가장 높았는데, 첫 대면 대화에서 보다 현저했다. 이것은 상대적으로 친구 간 대화에서는 대화상대를 대화에 끌어들이려고 하는 ｢주의 환기｣의 ｢ね｣의 사용 비율이 높은데, 그것이 주로 문중에 나타나고 있는데 반해, 첫 대면 대화에서는 자신의 발화를 완화함으로써 대화 상대에 대한 배려를 나타내려고 하는 ｢발화 완화｣의 ｢ね｣의 사용 비율이 높은데, 그것이 주로 문말에 나타나고 있는 것과 관계가 있다고 해석할 수 있겠다. 또한, ｢ね｣는 친구 간 대화에서는 주로 ｢대화 촉진｣과 ｢주의 환기｣, 첫 대면 대화에서는 주로 ｢대화 촉진｣과｢발화 완화｣의 커뮤니케이션 기능을 수행하고 있었다. 즉, ｢ね｣의 커뮤니케이션 기능은 다양하지만, 주된 커뮤니케이션 기능은 ｢대화 촉진｣임을 알 수 있다. 한편, ｢ね｣가 단독에 사용되는 경우에는, 주로 ｢재확인｣이나 ｢주의 환기｣, 문중에서는 ｢주의 환기｣, 문말에서는 ｢대화 촉진｣과 ｢발화 완화｣의 기능을 수행하고 있었는데, ｢ね｣가 사용되는 위치에 따라 ｢ね｣의 커뮤니케이션 기능에 차이가 있다고 할 수 있다. 이상의 결과로부터 ｢ね｣의 사용에는 대화 상대와의 친소라고 하는 요인이 영향을 끼치고 있으며 친소 관계에 따라 ｢ね｣의 커뮤니케이션 기능 등, ｢ね｣의 구체적인 사용 양상에는 차이가 있지만, 모두 원활한 커뮤니케이션을 위한 대화 상대에 대한 배려를 나타내는 언어 전략으로 기능하고 있다고 할 수 있겠다.

In this study, the function and usage of 'ne'by the degree of intimacy was investigated by analyzing the natural conversation between university students. The results were summarized as follows. 'ne' was found in 20 % of utterance between friends whereas in 15 %of utterance between the university students who met first time, which implies that 'ne'is more frequently used between friends. With respect to the position of 'ne', the percentage of its position was highest at the sentence final for both between friends and between persons who met first time, and the trend was remarkable for the conversation between the persons who met first time. The usage of 'ne'as ｢Attention-getting｣is relatively higher between friends and it is mostly used in the middle of sentence. On the contrary, the usage of 'ne'as ｢Softening｣is higher between the persons who met first time and this may be the reason why it is mostly used at sentence final. 'ne'functioned mostly as ｢Faciliative｣and｢Attention-getting｣in the conversation between friends while it did as ｢Faciliative｣and｢Softening｣between the persons who met first time. That is, although the function of 'ne'in communication is various, its main function is found to play as ｢Faciliative｣in the conversation. In addition, 'ne' solely functions as ｢Re-confirming｣or ｢Attention-getting｣ while it plays as｢Attention -getting｣in the middle of sentence, and ｢Faciliative｣or｢Softening｣at sentence final. This implies that 'ne'plays difference role in communication by its position. These results show that the function and usage of 'ne' in communication are different by the degree of intimacy and that it generally plays as an linguistic strategy to show speaker's consideration for smooth communication.