Earticle

This study deals with the issue of mismatch in semantic number between the controller(singular) and PRO(plural) on partial control in English. Based on Rodrigues's (2007) proposal, this paper argues for the movement plus pro-stranding analysis, in which an associative plural morpheme pro adjoined to a DP controller has the advantage of explaining a case of mismatch in semantic number. First, this paper discusses the phenomenon of partial control and argues that it has the same properties as exhaustive control. Then it points out several problems of the Agree-based theories which refute Landau's (2007) persistent claim. It also argues that the Move-based analysis is definitely preferred to the Agree-based analysis in dealing with partial control, showing Parasitic Partial Control Effects within the adjunct presented in Witkoś & Snarska (2008). Furthermore, this paper suggests two derivation models for split control to support Move-based analysis without violating minimality. This study concludes that like the partial control, the split control is compatible with Move-based theories of control.

This article is concerned with how V-movement and affix-lowering can be dealt with in the framework of the minimal program after Chomsky (1998), where Chomsky declared that V-movement occurs in the PF component, not in the syntax. However, in this article, assuming that head-movement occurs in the syntax, I will show that V-movement is triggered by a syntactic operation such as C(ategorial)-Selection. Thus V raises to T because T C-selects V. On the other hand English main verbs can not move to T in that they are lack of a [person] feature, which is essential to make a copy for moving whereas affix-hopping occurs in the morphological component after Spell-Out. Thus affix -s in T can be lowered to V irrespective of being Adverb phrases between them because only X0 is only visible in the morphology which deals with word formation.

This study is aimed at showing the reasons that a conjunction ‘-eoya’ and an ending ‘-ji’ are fused, and then showing the morphological, syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic characteristics of the fused ending ‘-eoyaji’. ‘-eoyaji’ is the fusion of ‘-eoya’ and ‘-ji’ by omitting ‘ha-’ from ‘-eoya haji’. The omission of ‘ha-’ is the linguistic phenomenon resulted from several reasons. First, ‘ha-’ between ‘-eoya’ and ‘-ji’ is morphological auxiliary verbs. Second, it is an analogy of omission ‘-go ha-’ that occurs frequently between two endings. Third, ‘ha-’ is omitted because ‘-eoya’ and ‘-ji’ have a semantic relevance. Also it forms an ending by fusing two endings due to their semantic relevance. ‘-eoyaji’ can be united to the verb, the adjective, and the sentence that expresses mood. This feature comes from the semantic persistence of ‘-ji’. The meaning of the confused ending ‘-eoyaji’ is ‘to confirm that you have to do something as the speaker thinks or judges’.

The purpose of this study is to provide a functional account of the English translations of so-called Korean ‘toyta’ passives. Previous studies have shown that ‘toyta’ passives have three different functions: passive, external cause, and non-volitional. Our analysis of the Korean-English parallel corpus shows that ‘toyta’ passives are translated into passives (48.4%) and intransitive/transitive actives (51.6%). It is argued that English does not have a grammatical device to systematically encode ‘semantic defocusing’ such as ‘volitionality defocusing’ and ‘external cause defocusing’ in such a way that Korean ‘toyta’ passives do, and that the two construction types of English translations are functionally motivated by discourse-pragmatic factors such as topicality of participants and discourse markers. This study also shows how human agents are focused in the English translations in terms of Ikegami's (1991) typology.

This paper critically reviews some previous analyses of ‘NP1i/ga NP2i/ga V’. Especially this paper aims to explain the grammatical status of NP1 and NP2. ‘NP1i/ga’ is explained as a subject, but ‘NP2’ is explained differently every paper in the previous paper. That is, the ‘NP2’ of verb “doida/anida(되다/아니다)” is a complement, but the ‘NP2’ of other verb is a subject or minor subject. But this paper argues that ‘NP2’ is a complement all. So I analyze ‘NP1i/ga NP2i/ga V’ into ‘subject + complement + predicate’.

The purpose of this study is to examine the verb types and numeral classifiers of Korean Sign Language (KSL) in order to provide fundamental data for the linguistic study of word structures and word formation processes in KSL. First, we examine the pronominal system of KSL to explore some morpho-syntactic properties of inflecting verbs which show verb agreement. Second, we briefly examine the verb-argument agreement in person, number and gender in spoken languages cross-linguistically. Third, we discuss the three different types of KSL verbs (i.e. inflecting verbs, spatial verbs and plain verbs), investigating some morpho-syntactic properties of inflecting verbs of American Sign Language and KSL with regard to person, number and gender. Finally, we discuss some morpho-syntactic properties of the two kinds of numeral classifiers: sortal numeral classifiers and mensural numeral classifiers, comparing some morpho-syntactic properties of KSL numeral classifiers with those of Korean numeral classifiers.

This paper aims to account for the ordering of complements and adjuncts in English from the perspective of cognitive-functional grammar. As a point of departure, it introduces motivation, a form of Newmeyer's (1992, 1998) “structure-concept” iconicity, and its representative principle, Haiman's (1983, 1985, 1994) distance principle. Then, it is shown that when a head takes both a complement and an adjunct, the linguistic distance between the former and the head is shorter than that between the latter and the head, and so is the conceptual distance between the former and the head. This iconic interaction between linguistic distance of elements and their conceptual distance is claimed to govern the ordering of complements and adjuncts. It is also demonstrated that the ordering of the multiple adjuncts in an English phrase observes the distance principle in that the closer an adjunct is to the head conceptually, the closer it occurs to the head linguistically.

This paper raises a question whether we can still draw a dichotomy between morphology and syntax as an autonomous component of grammar. Words are the output of a morphological component, so a syntactic component cannot access to the internal structure of words. Insomuch as two distinct components of morphology and syntax co-exist in grammar, morphologically formed elements are expected to behave as an atomic entity in syntax and hence syntactic operations cannot look at their internal structure. To the contrary, syntactically formed elements are expected to be visible to syntactic operations. However, under the scrutiny, the standard distinction between morphology and syntax can hardly hold. In particular, causative constructions and deverbal nominalizations weaken the morphology and syntax distinction since they display ambiguous properties of morphological (lexical) and syntactic properties.

This paper investigates the birth and growth of the traditional eight syntactic categories in the history linguistics. It then examines how such syntactic categories have been treated in generative grammar. The traditional system appears to be established as follows: Aristotle added syndesmos (conjunction) to Plato's onoma (noun)-rhema (verb) system; the Stoics recognized mesotes (adverb) as a new category and subdivided syndesmos into syndesmos (conjunction) and arthron (article), later replaced with interjections by Latin grammarians, and onoma into onoma (common noun) and prosegoria (proper noun); Alexandrian grammarians established the traditional system by reuniting two kinds of nouns into one and adopting more categories such as prothesis (preposition), antonymia (pronoun), and metoche (participles), later recognized as adjectives. In generative grammar, major categories are considered to be composites of features [±N] and [±V] and this view makes it possible to capture the similarities across categories. It is shown that some traditional subordinate conjunctions are reanalyzed as prepositions and complementizers, and Inflection/Tense, the light verb v, and Determiner are treated as new syntactic categories and claimed to assume important roles in minimalist syntactic operations.

Building on Chen & Clumeck's (1975) earlier report on Korean denaslization, we investigate phonetic variations of Korean nasals in different prosodic positions. Given the fact that nasals display vowel-like formants and those in themselves are coupled with vowels', this study takes an aerodynamic approach based on nasal flow trace data. We investigate nasals in two dimensions: on the segmental and prosodic levels. First, nasals in different positions within words and their influences on neighboring vowels were investigated. Airflow data along with spectral acoustic data show that onset nasals in word-intial position tend to denasalize and this denasalized onset nasals are correlated to a less degree of nasalization in the following vowels. Second, any prosodic structural effect on the denasalized phonetic variations of nasals was examined. Measurements of temporal presence of nasal activity along the prosodic constituents show that the less nasal activity occurs in higher prosodic levels.

The deontic complementizers -key and -tolok in Korean encode the domain de re as opposed to the domain de dicto complementizer -ko. A deontic complementation denotes a indirect causation. Case markers of the subject of deontic complement clause alternate. Case markers encode semantic functions in Korean Case alternation in a deontic complement indicates a change of a semantic function and is conditioned by the classification of predicates into action and state. The deontic complementizer -tolok is sensitive to this categorization of predicates. The classification of predicates into action and state and the representation of semantic functions are necessary in describing the syntax in Koreas such as the morphological passive and the psych verb.

This paper investigates the semantic properties of the multiple distributivity marker constructions in Korean, mainly with ssik, kakkak, and maypen. More specifically, it shows how the available interpretations of the constructions can be derived compositionally and how the multiple distributivity marker constructions can provide additional empirical evidence for a proper semantic account of each distributivity marker. Adopting Oh (2006a) regarding the basic semantics of ssik, this paper proposes an LF D-operator approach to the other ditributivity markers. The proposed account has an advantage over a lexical approach in that it successfully derives the complex distributive interpretations of the constructions in a compositional manner without modifying the lexical denotation of the distributivity markers for each different occasion, and accounts for the seemingly puzzling facts observed from the interpretations.

The aim of this paper is to propose a way to account for the scalar implicatures in non-monotonic environments. The fact that scalar implicatures obtain in non-monotonic contexts has been a puzzle, since an assertion and its scalar alternatives have no entailment relation, and therefore it is impossible to derive implicatures. As a solution I propose that scalar alternatives of an assertion with indefinite NPs, including both monotone increasing and non-monotonic ones, should maintain the coreference with the indefinite NPs of the assertion; otherwise entailment relations cannot hold. This move offers a viable alternative to the implicature computation not only in the non-monotonic environments but also in monotone increasing contexts.