Earticle

This paper aims at investigating the syntactic feature and the semantic feature of the fused endings such as 'damyeonseo,' 'euramyeonseo,' and 'jamyeonseo.' The generation of the fused ending is related to the ellipsis of the back clause and the "-go ha-", and it means to be fused as one. As a result, it is impossible to recover the element of ellipsis and it is also impossible for the realization of modifier between the two endings to be allowed. The fused ending functions as a question sentence which confirms the content of utterance by the third party. Therefore, the first pronoun can be used as a subject in which 'euramyeonseo' is realized. In addition to this, the utterance time and location are expressed in line with the speaker's point of utterance. Finally, as the sentence with the (used ending functions as the question about utterance, the fact of utterance is not prepared.

The purpose of this study is to analyse the grammaticality of events involving explicit temporal adverbs, and to argue the grammaticality of events and the acceptability of the chain among events in terms of the feature checking, temporal anaphora, and lexical aspect. In order to achieve this purpose, the difference between temporal adverbs and atemporal adverbs is reviewed, and lexical aspects are classified in analysing the acceptability of the chain among events. It is reviewed that the position of explicit temporal adverbs needs to be established in terms of the function of the temporal adverbs in syntax. It is also argued that sentential adverbs are adjoined to IP and predicate adverbs are adjoined to VP. Furthermore, it is claimed that explicit temporal adverbs, tense, and lexlcal aspects have to be considered in terms of the feature checking and temporal anaphora to analyse the grammaticality and the acceptability of events.

This paper aims to provide a semantic approach to Nominative-Genitive (NOM-GEN) Conversion in Korean adnominal clauses. First, I present the seven distributional properties of NOM-GEN conversion in adnominal clauses. Second, I will argue that the NOM-GEN conversion in the clause should be investigated with reference to the notion "event" in subatomic event semantics proposed by Parsons (1990). That is, it will be argued that the conversion is allowed when the adnominal clauses involve "Cul" events, which are also affected by Tense and Aktionsart. Third, I will claim that NOM-GEN conversion is closely related to singular vs. goneral proposition distinction. That is, it will be argued that the GEN-marked adnominal clauses induce generic or general interpretation.

Scrambling was once defined as a stylistic operation that occurs in the phonological component, Since Saito and Hoji (1983) and Webelhuth (1995), however, it has been characterized as an instance of syntactic movement, It has further been argued in Deprez (1989), and Cho, J-H (1992), among others, that it is not exactly the same type of the syntactic operation, but a third type of movement which exhibits both the A and A-bar properties. What this means is that scrambling remains exceptional and unsolved even in the syntactic component. It is also problematic in the minimalist program which requires only what is conceptually necessary to be projected in the syntax, because there is no obvious motivation reported for scrambling to occur. In this paper, we maintain that all these current problems result from the shift of our concern of scrambling to the syntactic component from the phonological component, arguing that it can be best described as a PF operation: back to the best, triggered by [P] feature. The syntactic properties are then attributed to the fact that the item to be scrambled may undergo an OS type of movement to [Spec, υ] in the syntax. This will be discussed in relation largely to the INT interpretation assigned to peripheral positions.

This paper aims to examine the types of English perception verbs and the meaning differences between their complements, [NP + bare infinitive] and [NP + -ing participle]. In Section 2, it is argued that the former type has to do with the beginning and ending of the event or state of affairs and boundness in time, while the latter conveys the meaning of progression, repetition, and unboundness in time. Section 3 subclassifies perception verbs and investigates the constraints that hold between them and their complements. It is shown that the meaning of perception verbs must be compatible with that of their complements and that temporal span of such verbs must be longer than that of the event or state perceived. In addition, volitional verbs such as listen to and watch can be said to differ from their non-volitional counterparts hear and see in that the first, unlike the second, denotes anticipated and durative actions or states.

This paper is to examine some aspects of topicalization and wh-construction in Korean Sign Language(KSL)through a comparative analysis to American Sign Language(ASL). It suggests that in KSL, there is not moved topicalization because grammatical marker, giving a very important influence to word order, does not east. And also wh-element should be in-situ, and the wh-element in final clausal position is a focus element which is base generated at head F of focus projection.

The meaning of a word may easily change in Language. The change of meaning appears in various ways. The changes are result of differing functional aspects and they result the change of Korean grammar for the particular function. Although the way we communicate with each other, the vocabulary we use change over time. In this study, I try to find out the characteristics and the process of afftxization of the dependent noun based on the knowledge of the process of change in Korean Grammar. The words "바람[baram]," "거리[k*ri]," and "노릇[norut]" show the process of grammatical change from independent nouns to dependent nouns. The words "치[chee]," "통[tong]," don't seem to function as independent nouns any more. There are many cases when they function as a derivational affix rather than an independent noun in Korean Grammar. Dependent nouns are less grammatical because they have more independent meaning. Grammatical Change occurs when less grammatical elements become more grammatical ones. Based on the point of view of Grammatical Change, the process of functional change from dependent noun to a denvational affix is considered as Grammatical Change.

In this paper I argue under the minimalist framework of Chomsky (1998, 1999) that null operators, in contrast to wh-operators, are basically regulated by the finiteness property of the clause(5) involved, in its distribution and aspects of movement, and demonstrate how the derivation of operator constructions is affected by the presence or absence of phonological contents in operators. The theoretical implication of this paper is that the postulation of null operators in English is not merely a linguistic artifact but rather a necessity of the theory of English to accommodate two essentially different operator constructions.

Causative constructions have two kinds of meaning: direct and indirect causations. This paper discusses these meaning differences in the framework of the Minimalist Program and suggests that they come from a TENSE feature at the lower verb phrase. A syntactic causative construction has two TENSE features; one at the upper VP and the other at the lower VP. A lexical caustive construction has only one TENSE feature; the one at the upper VP. The presence of the TENSE feature at the lower VP makes a syntactic causative, and has indirect causation meaning permitting temporal mediacy between the causing and the caused events. Without the TENSE feature at the lower VP, a lexical causative has only direct causation meaning permitting no temporal mediacy between the two events.

Korean inflectional forms are combined with phrases, clauses, and sentences in Syntax, and with words in Morphology. Having two different areas of concatenation, the inflectional forms may result in mismatch between Syntax and Morphology. In this paper, I examined how the relation between Syntax and Morphology have been dealt with in the literature. The mismatch is noted as early as in Ju(1910), who incorporated the observation in his grammatical analysis. Heo(1983) also raised a question about this mismatch along with in-depth discussion about the problem, without a plausible solution. Recent Transformational Grammarians in Korea reconsider the problem assuming that the inflectional forms of Korean language are heads of the phrases. This approach shed light on the problem of the mismatch by supposing them as syntactic affixes in Morphology with the adoption of root-movement in Syntax. It is also shown that this problem can be resolved in the framework of Sadock(1991)'s Autolexical Syntax, in which Korean inflectional forms are treated as critics.

It is well accepted, since Chomsky (1977), that a WH- or null operator moves into Spec CP position in the relative clause. But in this paper some evidences will be offered that relative clauses in Korean do not involve the Operator-Variable construction: a) only extra DP can be relativized in Multiple Case constructions, b) the real adjunct can never be relativized, c). the long distance relativization does not exist at all, and d), a so-called long distance relativization is just the instance of a short distance operation that works on the Multiple Case construction. And we will see, as a by-product, the Multiple Case is available for all the GFs and the Exceptional (Accusative) Case Marking in Korean is an another form of the Multiple Accusative construction of which real internal argument is propositional. But regretably no concrete proposition will be advanced about derivation and structure of the relative clauses in Korean.

In the classical generative analysis, locality conditions were analyzed in terms of subjacency, condition on extraction domain(CED), and barriers. But in the Minimalist Program, there is no concept like subjacency or government, and there is only the driving force to motivate movement. This paper tries to analyze locality conditions within the framework of the MP. According to Chomsky(1995), there are two types of movements: overt and covert movement. But this paper follows Agbayani(1998) and Ochi(1999), who propose overt and covert movement as feature and category movement respectively. This paper suggests that feature movement observes Attract F and that category movement observes Chain Uniformity Condition.