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The story and iconography of the ‘Four Harmonious Animals’ are cultural elements that are used as much as Korean Jangseung in Tibetan Buddhist cultural world. This story was passed down as part of the original story(Jātaka). Jātaka seems to have originated from the fact that Buddhist practitioners accepted ancient Indian tales into Buddhism and refined the stories of Buddha and his disciples from their previous lives and various parables. Buddhist literature including ‘Jataka’ and art fields such as various icons and sculptures created a synergistic effect and played an important role in ancient Indian Buddhist culture. ‘Tittira Jātika’ went beyond India’s various historical communities, and through northern India and Central Asia, Indian Buddhism spread to neighboring civilizations. Very energetic Buddhist evangelists and adversaries played a major role in this spread. Ancient Indian Buddhism spread on both the maritime Silk Road and the land Silk Road, and with the establishment and development of the Tubo Empire, Tibet was also a major route of diffusion. ‘Tittira Jātika’ entered Central Asia and Tibet and established itself as a tale and iconography of the ‘four harmonious animals’. In particular, in Tibetan Buddhist cultural world, the icon and tale of the the ‘four harmonious animals’ were established as an independent cultural element of Mthun-pa-spun-bzhi(Tibet) and Tumbaash(Mongol). As Mongolia was included in the Tibetan Buddhist cultural world, the tale and iconography of the ‘Four Harmonious Animals’ spread to the Mongolian historical community. Interestingly, in the early 20th century, the ‘four harmonious animals’ icon was adopted as part of the national symbol along with the movement to establish a modern Buddhist nation-state in Tibet and Mongolia. This means that the cultural element of ‘four harmonious animals’ has begun to be more widely accepted throughout society as it has emerged as a national symbol.

The spread of tapir culture among China, Japan and Korea went through two stages. The first stage is the ancient stage, in which Chinese tapir culture was spread to Japan and Korea. Japan and Korea combined tapir culture with various elements and constructed the Pulgasari and Baku culture with their own characteristics. In the second stage, Pulgasari and Baku culture refluxed to China. In Korea, the image of tapir was integrated with the story of “evil mother” to construct Pulgasari culture. Pulgasari was developed in the course of Korean social history, forming the cultural image of “iron eating and revenge-taking in the shape of tapir”. In the meantime, the cultural image of tapir in Japan was altered because it was confused with another two mythical animals, namely Birch and Baize, and the Baku culture of “eating dreams” was formed in the writings of Japanese men of letters in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. In modern times, Japan and Korea exported their Pulgasari and Baku culture to China through such media as film and television. In the process of such cultural reflux, the “dream-eating” culture of Baku, has been accepted and re-created in China, forming the title of “dream-eating tapir”, and has been applied in various Cultural and artistic creations in China. Pulgasari has also refluxed to China, but has not been associated with Chinese tapir culture as Baku culture in Japan has been. The Cultural Reflux phenomenon provides a reference for the inheritance of Chinese traditional culture, and also provides perspectives for the study of controversial origin of the homogenous culture in China, Japan and Korea. The tapir culture in China has remained static for a long time. Without the innovation and development of tapir culture in Japan and Korea, the ancient image would have disappeared in China. Therefore, when a culture is absorbed by another culture and innovated into a new culture on this basis, it is more appropriate to regard it as another way of inheriting culture, than to overemphasize where this culture originated.

Vietnam can be said to be the country most affected by Chinese Confucianism in Southeast Asia. This is because Vietnam was influenced by Chinese culture from the early 7th century BC due to the geographical environment in which it was established with China. In particular, it is largely due to the direct control of China for 1,000 years as a subordinate state of China from the time of Emperor Wu, the Han Dynasty. Even after Vietnam gained independence from China in 972, various dynasties established a Chinese-style administrative and legal systems, and selected bureaucrats based on Confucianism and morality to rule the people and run the state. As a result, Chinese Confucianism has spread widely from the center to local communities and families, and has undergone a process of Vietnamization. In addition, in the process, Hanoi's Van Mieu and Quoc Tu Giam played a great role in transplanting Chinese Confucianism into Vietnamese culture as a shrine where Confucius was enshrined and rituals were held, respectively. Confucius tombs are distributed in Confucian culture, that is, in East Asia. Therefore, Van Mieu and Quoc Tu Giam of Hanoi, Vietnam, are representative symbols of Vietnamese Confucian culture, such as the Temple of Confucius and Guozijian, the sense of national pride in Beijing, China, and the Confucian Shrine and Seonggyungwan in Seoul, Korea. Vietnam's Hanoi Van Mieu and Quoc Tu Giam are representative cultural relics that have been well preserved in history with the long environmental changes for about a thousand years since its initial completion, while their buildings and facilities have been damaged, lost, repaired, and expanded. It is also a Confucius shrine and a Confucian temple where countless people visit on a daily basis to worship Confucius and Confucian saints. Van Mieu and Quoc Tu Giam have great value in cultural heritage, and show that Confucianism still plays an important role in people’s lives in Vietnam. In this respect, this study targets Hanoi's Van Mieu and Quoc Tu Giam to enhance understanding of Chinese Confucianism, which has been rooted as part of the traditional values of the Vietnamese culture. In addition, the purpose of the study is to examine their origins and development processes, and derive the characteristics of Hanoi's Van Mieu, Quoc Tu Giam and its Confucian implications. To this end, in Chapter 2, we first review domestic prior studies on Vietnam's Confucianism, including Hanoi’s Van Mieu and Quoc Tu Giam, and in Chapter 3, we examine the origins of Hanoi’s Van Mieu and Quoc Tu Giam. In Chapter 4, we examine the development and decline of each dynasty. Finally, in the conclusion, the contents examined in each chapter are summarized, while examining and deriving the characteristics of Vietnamese Confucianism inherent in Hanoi's Van Mieu and Quoc Tu Giam.

The form of modern Korean popular music, represented by K-pop, was greatly influenced by American popular music. The place where American popular music was spread directly and in earnest for the first time in Korea, and where the search for Korean transformation took place, was around the U.S. military camptown. This paper is to anthropologically reconstruct the process of introduction and change of popular music in the vicinity of U.S. camptown. I believe that the characteristic of modern popular music is the change in cultural sense of sound. Therefore, it examines how Korean musicians have accepted and changed American popular music, especially music using electric instruments. It also reveals that human, physical, and technical relationships surrounding popular musical practice are working, not the achievements of individuals who are musicians. For this purpose, the oral life history of musicians, club officials, and residents who were active at the U.S. camptown in Dongducheon, Gyeonggi-do in the 1960s and 1970s were collected, and the technical and cultural characteristics of electric instruments and the history of at the time were comprehensively considered and analyzed. In here, the border area of the U.S. military camptown was revealed as a space that is neither here nor there. The U.S. camptown was hierarchically a prior space to transmit American popular culture to Korea, and at the same time, it was an inferior space where people who were more familiar with American popular culture had to be brought from Seoul for U.S. military entertainment. Therefore, the Koreanization of American popular music is a process of social, cultural, historical, and spatial interaction and a point that a reflective perspective to critically understand the aspects of cultural clashes and borders is required.

The Chinese network catchphrase “Fo xi X” is a construction, which lies in that the overall meaning of “Fo xi X” is not the sum of the meaning of “Buddha” and the meaning of “system”. “Buddha” is only limited to its connotative meaning, and “department” has also experienced the process of grammaticalization. The corpus constructed by the author shows that the variable “X” in the “Fo xi” structure can only be noun phrases or verb phrases, which can predict two possible outcomes, ideal and less ideal. At the same time, the variable “X” also means that it takes a considerable degree of human effort to obtain the desired results. When noun phrases or verb phrases are used with “Fo xi”, the “Fo xi” means that human subjective efforts are insufficient, so the less ideal effect is highlighted. The construction meaning of “Fo xi X” can be further divided into two categories: subjective evaluation and additional expressiveness. The construction itself emphasizes human subjective attitude and perception. When it comes to the variant of “Fo xi X”, “X Fo xi”, where “X” is an adjective or adverb. In the variants of “non Fo xi” and “pseudo Fo xi”, the variable “X” such as “non” and “pseudo” makes the construction of the variant opposite to the original construction. The internal factors of “Fo xi X” create favorable conditions for its reproduction and dissemination, including the formal characteristics of concise expression and easy memory, the semantic characteristics of easy to understand and rich connotation, and the pragmatic characteristics of practicality and fashion; The stimulation of external factors such as situational context, cognitive context and subjectivity promotes the “Fo xi X” to be widely copied and spread and become a strong language meme. In addition, “Fo xi X” mainly realizes seven pragmatic functions in the process of communication, including satire, criticism, humor, self mockery, praise, suggestion and attracting attention.

The purpose of this study is to show that the spatial metaphors of either ‘container’ or ‘orientation’ concepts are used to vividly express various moral concepts, which makes communication more effective. These metaphors are expressed on the basis of physical experiences in daily life. The spatial metaphors of container concepts, based on the conceptual metaphor [MORALITY IS CONTAINER], concretely express both morality and immorality of person's personality, thought, speech act, behavior, means, etc using 正․斜(form), 大․小(size), 寬․窄(width), 高․低(height), 厚․薄(thickness), 重․輕(weight). These are semantic contrast pairs, in which the former clearly expresses positive moral concepts and the latter represents negative moral concepts in daily communication. The spatial metaphors of orientation concepts, based on the conceptual metaphor [MORALITY IS ORIENTATION], are frequently used to represent both morality and immorality of person's behavior, speech act, manner, personality, etc using 上(up)․下(down) and 右(right)․左(left). Especially 上 and 右 with a positive meaning are often used for the expressions of moral concepts. In contrast, 下 and 左 with a negative meaning are frequently used for the representation of immoral concepts. Thus, this study suggests that the spatial metaphors of either ‘container’ or ‘orientation’ concepts are used as a useful tool for communicative effects through clear and concise moral evaluation of person's personality, thought, speech act, behavior, manner, status, means, etc in daily communication. This study will be helpful for the Korean students majoring in the Chinese language to understand Chinese culture and moral values.

In this article, newspaper editorials in both Japanese and Korean languages ​​were targeted for analysis, and an analysis was conducted from a sympathetic aspect by a sampling survey for the six years after 2016. The results obtained from the sample with the number of editorials “(Japanese) 3,987 : (Korean) 5,415” and the total number of characters “(Japanese) 3,598,007 : (Korean) 5,909,696” are described by chapter. The appearance rate of foreign words throughout the six years was “(Japanese) 73.9%: (Korean) 30.2%”, and the appearance rates of foreign words in both languages ​​were overwhelmingly different. Furthermore, when considering the appearance rate of word types, a major feature is the rapid increase in hybrid words in 2020. It was found that the increase factor was due to the frequent use of words related to “COVID-19”. Regarding proper nouns, which were not included in the research subject and only the total number of words was investigated, the frequent appearance of country names and personal names was also characteristic in both languages ​​due to the characteristics of economic papers. Next　Chapter is a feature of high-frequency loanwords. There are 23 duplicate words in the top 50 words of both languages. Here, in the top 50 words, the pattern of increasing / decreasing trends over 6 years was considered based on the frequency type of previous studies. As for the words that were on the increase throughout, social and current affairs were prominent in both languages. The characteristic words were “digital” and “dollar” in Japanese. In particular, “digital” seems to be a result of the recent aggressive efforts toward digitalization. Also, in Korean, it is one of the words “아파트”, and it appeared in articles about real estate. I would like to analyze the quantitative transition since 2013, by genre of words, and the difference in abbreviations as a notation of foreign words.

This study reviews Korean Japanese learner’s acquisition of Japanese male and female related vocabulary and the native Japanese speaker’s evaluation. The major results are as follows. (1) In terms of rate of correct answer for male and female related vocabulary depending on learner’s level, learner (advanced) (72.5%) was higher than learner (low)(56.0%) but the acquisition rate of both was not that high. And the rate of correct answer for male and female related vocabulary depending on learner’s level was almost similar. (2) In terms of rate of correct answer for male and female related vocabulary(30 questions) depending on learner’s level, the learner(advanced) was higher than the learner(low). However, in the case of the same vocabulary question, the correct answer rate was not similar, in particular, 男子 and 彼女 showed big difference. (3) The rate of correct answer for male and female related vocabulary depending on learner’s level was high in the order of 男性․女性(80.7%),　男の子․女の子, 男友達․女友達, 彼氏․彼女, 男子․女子, 男の人․女の人 and 男․女(47.9). (4) The numbers of wrong answer for male and female related vocabulary depending on learner’s level was in the order of 男子(105)․女子(134), 男性․女性, 男の人․女の人, 男․女, 男の子․女の子, 彼氏․彼女, 男友達․女友達. (5) The rate of correct answer was low in the order of question 2(男), question 9(男の人), question 18(女), question 17(女) regardless of learner’s level. (6) Japanese native speaker evaluated the naturalness than irritation more strictly in evaluating irritation and naturalness about the wrong answer for male and female related vocabulary, and evaluated the female vocabulary more strictly than the female vocabulary in both criteria. (7) The question 23 which was the most strictly evaluated in irritation used 女の人·女性(right answer) as 女(wrong answer) and the question 15[彼氏(right answer)-男子(wrong answer)] and question 16[女/彼女-女子] is an example that misused 男子 and 女子 respectively, which are evaluated strictly in the both criteria of irritation and naturalness. (8) For the reason why to evaluate the irritation strictly, question 23 used 乱暴/卑下/蔑視/軽視 and question 15, 16 used 不快 for expression.

In order to understand ‘the essence of ｢NODA｣’ among the issues discussed in research on ｢NODA｣ such as essence, the use of various functions, relations of alternants, and relevance to grammatical categories, this study reviews ‘Yoshinao Najima’s research (2007)’. This is theoretically grounded on ｢Relevance Theory｣ applying pragmatic perspectives to linguistics and is focused on the analysis that has realized inferences through humans’ cognitive processes. The fruition of Yoshinao Najima’s ｢NODA｣ research (2007) can be said to be ‘the approach to essence’, ‘functions drawn in the process of inference’, and ‘the suggestion of prerequisites in the use of NODA’. This result plays crucial roles in figuring out the essence of ｢NODA｣, but we should consider several points as below. First, since there is no clear definition or lack of explanation about terms, some parts are hard to understand. One of the representative examples is ｢context｣. In analyzing ｢NODA｣, it is important to understand ‘relevance with the prior context’. In fact, misunderstanding the dictionary definition of ‘context’, some mistakenly think it as ‘sentences appearing previously and afterwards’. In such cases, it is impossible to explain ｢NODA｣ in accidental circumstances. Therefore, this study suggests the new ways of using terms regarding such errorneous terms (｢context｣→󰡔cognitive environment󰡕, ｢contextual effect｣→󰡔cognitive effect󰡕, ｢contextual implication｣→󰡔addition󰡕, ｢contradiction and eliminating｣→󰡔scavenging󰡕, ｢postulation｣→󰡔assumption󰡕). Second, there is lack of explanation over ‘essential functions’ and ‘message-delivering functions’. Explicit explanation is given in the functions of ≪explanation≫ and ≪discovery≫ ; however, regarding ≪command, emphasis, and indirect response≫, it may be inferred in each of the functions but the judgment cannot be made certainly as it is not explicit. Third, concerning the types in which ｢NODA｣ should be used essentially, the criteria of use and the essence of ｢NODA｣ are presented as ‘accidental and unexpected discovery, simultaneous verbalization, and schemata in situations equipped with low similarity’; however, about the rest types (the cases equipped with high permissibility and those that can be simply omitted), no explanation is given in detail. It is important to find out essential elements in the use of ｢NODA｣; however, unless we resolve doubts about why it is permitted or why it is used even if it can be just simply omitted, it is hard to approach the essence of ｢NODA｣. Solving this problem would be the factor to figure out the substance of ｢NODA｣, and this author suggests it as the task to be handled in follow-up research.

This paper discusses the introduction of onomatopoeia in composition classes for Korean learners of Japanese, and examines the changes in learners' awareness and teaching methods. First of all, when introducing onomatopoeia into a class, it is necessary to do so in a way that does not damage the positive image learners have of Japanese onomatopoeia. It is also important to provide activities that give the impression that they are easy to use. In addition, when explaining the meaning, care should be taken to make the meaning easy to understand by showing many examples of the word in use and following up with the learners so that they do not lose their intellectual curiosity. In writing activities, it is necessary to devise ways to make onomatopoeia more than just a "modifier. The activity of adding onomatopoeia to existing compositions can give learners the impression that onomatopoeia is easy to use, so it is considered to be somewhat effective in the introductory stage of learning. Furthermore, some of the responses to the questionnaire indicated that “pronouncing the words aloud deepens understanding.” In the future, I think it will be necessary to organize the lessons with a greater awareness of “development from writing activities to speaking activities.” Currently, the onomatopoeia education environment surrounding learners is not yet fully developed. However, there is a need for onomatopoeia education in composition classes. It is also effective in that learners can experience the richness of language through learning it. In the future, we would like to explore even more meaningful classes, keeping in mind the points that were clarified in this activity.

Research design of this paper involves the adoption of KakaoTalk to increase communication efficiency with learners in online Tourism Japanese classes held during the COVID-19 pandemic. I implemented a participation verification system for an online synchronous class in order to enhance students’ attention as classes have been delivered online due to the prolonged COVID-19 pandemic. After one semester of using the KakaoTalk as a communication channel in Tourism Japanese classes, an analysis was conducted on the responses of 31 learners. The survey results are as follows. The students were asked to submit class record files or notes they took during class via KakaoTalk app, and these submitted materials were evaluated after each class. 64.5% of the students responded that it is appropriate to get their class participation verified 1-2 times during class. For the class participation certification system using the Kakao Talk, learners presented positive, neutral, and negative reasons. The positive reasons for the certification system were ‘increased concentration’, ‘increased participation’, ‘helped with learning’, and ‘helped with review’. Neutral reasons were ‘suitable for learning’, ‘only those who do’, and ‘classified for class participation’. Negative reasons were ‘decreased concentration’, ‘burdening’, and ‘delay of class’. Some positive effects of the participation verification system were confirmed: it enhanced students’ attention to class, increased their engagement in class, and facilitated their learning of the class material. Moreover, it was found that the students wanted the instructor to differentiate actively participating students from those who do not and evaluate their performance accordingly. This research has significance in that the findings can be used as a basic reference regarding the design and practice of online Japanese classes.

This study aims to clarify its characteristics through analysis of the types and contents of war stories published in newspapers in the Meiji period of Japan. Since war-related rumors formed in the Meiji period were distributed through modern media called newspapers, they are popular and universal in terms of mass-production of information, and since they were passed down through newspapers and magazines even after the Daisho period, they need to be studied. To this end, in this study, a total of 60 war ghost stories contained in “明治期怪異妖怪記事資料集成”(2009) published by Yumoto Koichi were used as the subject of the study to categorize war ghost stories and examine their characteristics through specific case analysis. As a result, each of these types of ghost stories has a variety of characteristics, including mourning for death hidden by state power, the nation's faith and input of war propaganda, expressing wishes through people's faith, and a new mysterious space built at the point of conflict between tradition and civilization. The story of the Meiji War, a mixture of suppression by modern Japanese state power and fear and sadness from death, was used as a place of sympathy and a tool of remembrance at the public level and a political tool to adapt to the imperial order system. In addition, the story of the Meiji War, which was formed in this way, was told through newspapers and magazines during the Taisho period, and was consumed in the form of publication even after the war. In the future, research will be continued from the perspective of transmission and transmission of modern Japanese war stories, including these documents.

The first worship events in Okinawa has duality of ‘Hatsumoude’ and ‘Hatsuugan.’ It was assumed that ‘Hatsumoude’, a new custom introduced from the man land would be settled down in Okinawa as a similar custom titled ‘Hatsuugan’ existed before. ‘Hatsuugan’ is the first worship event for the New Year held individually, in munchu or town and in this respect, it looks similar to the ‘Hatsumoude’. However, Okinawa people understand that ‘Hatsuugan’ includes ‘Hatsumoude’, but ‘Hatsumoude’ can not be substituted for ‘Hatsuugan’. ‘Hatsumoude’‘s historical origin and status are different from those of ‘Hatsuugan.’ Notwithstanding, Okinawa people are confused about the concepts of ‘Hatsumoude’ and ‘Hatsuugan’. It is because that they have the same point of the first worship in the New Year and ‘Hatsuugan’ is gradually being held according to the Solar Calendar. In the old days, when Okinawa was an agricultural society, a custom of praying to the gods was established to protect crops from harsh nature such as typhoons and droughts that frequently land. This is called ‘Ugan’. The ‘Ugan’, which is practiced daily, is a self-sustaining act of faith for the Okinawans, dependent on nature and God or transcendent power, which can be grasped in terms of humanity's universality. In other words, ‘Ugan’ is a form of human fundamental hope for a rich life. As such, the first ‘Hatsuugan’ held in the new year has the most important meaning among the ‘Ugan’ held throughout the year. For folkloric events, natural environment or production activity were important to make a decision of practical space and time, but in modern times, they have been greatly influenced by national intervention. As the Solar Calendar was enforced in Okinawa, practical time of folkloric events was reorganized according to the national holiday system, which was connected to rise and decline of folk custom. ‘Hatsumoude’ and ‘Hatsuugan’ of Okinawa were confusing in concept and there is a possibility that ‘Hatsuugan’ would decline.

This paper presents a novel understanding of the peasant uprisings (hyakushō ikki) during Japan’s Tokugawa period (1603-1868) by examining their political nature. Hyakushō ikki were never anti-domain authority rebellions, as existing scholarship suggests, let alone revolutions. Rather, they were petitionary movements held to outline peasants’ demands concerning the policies of domain lords. That is, by being premised around these rulers’ legitimacy, hyakushō ikki were designed as policy protests and requests for change. This paper shows hyakushō ikki were also the political approach preferred by the rulers themselves. Officially recognised peasants—with their own harvesting lands (hon byakushō)—could participate in village administration matters, and many were involved in various village decision and management processes. In this manner, peasants routinely gained limited amounts of experience in politics by operating within the village system as a unit of rule. This substantial privilege enabled hyakushō ikki, through which peasants also placed themselves in the political world, albeit restrictedly. Rulers also achieved many of their political goals through levies, land taxes, and other fees by depending on village administrations. This environment inevitably helped peasants gain a sense of political awareness. Despite being officially prohibited from participating in institutional politics, peasants refused to accept any additional land taxes or cash payments that threatened their status as peasants. In this manner, they enforced the will of the people through hyakushō ikki, confirming and maintaining their status by protesting the policies of their rulers and requesting change. Therefore, this paper argues that hyakushō ikki were informal methods by which peasants participated in the political process (mainly the policy-making process in the bakufu and domains), by focusing on the political actions taken by peasants as well as the demands they presented to their rulers.

This paper argues that the reason war neurosis in soldiers was not recognized as a disease for a long time was because the state avoided compensating for service-related disorders　by comparing Japanese soldiers of World War II and American veterans of the Vietnam War. The fact that the American Psychiatric Association officially recognized PTSD as soon as the Carter administration passed a welfare budget for returning veterans in 1977 is evidence of this. In addition, referring to Nakamura Eri's point that the gender norm of “masculinity” for soldiers became a factor for Japanese soldiers to deny their illness, and Hayasaka Shizuka's point that confession was a return to American male innocence, I argued that the concept of trauma, which was originally that of women who had been sexually abused, was not only a matter of “masculinity,” as a gender norm but also of the “usurpation of trauma”. The latter “usurpation of trauma” requires further study of the entire history of psychiatry to determine why the voices of victims, primarily women, are so often ignored or denied in modern medicine, and why they are not highlighted as the primary cause of trauma. Ryoji Arizuka, who has cared for civilians killed in the Battle of Okinawa and victims of the Fukushima nuclear power plant accident, points out the criticism that the concept of PTSD is based on the idea that perpetrators cannot understand the pain of their victims and that it unfairly puts the damage of the Vietnam War, a state crime, within the medical concept. He then states that it may be more appropriate to use the “Post-Traumatic Stress Syndrome (PTSS)” concept for that of the victim, in addition to that of the perpetrator. Judith Herman has also campaigned for the inclusion in the DSM of “Complex PTSD,” which she assumes is intended for victims.