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This article examined the socio-economic gaps and the status of the lower social class in modern Jinnampo through the jobs and poverty. Jinnampo was a city inhabited by residents who migrated from Korea, Japan, and China. Jinnampo's population grew slowly. However, Jinnampo's industry has not developed much compared to its population. Therefore a large-scale lower social class occurred in the process of dividing limited jobs by a large population. The hard life of the lower social class intensified in the mid-1920s and 1930s, when the economic recession continued. Jinnampo's unemployment and poverty were closely related to the industrial structure established in close relations with the hinterland and the trading destination. Residents were always exposed to unemployment and poverty because the status and conditions of jobs changed depending on the situation of the hinterland and the trading destination. Jinnampo Urban governments and communities have taken various measures to tackle unemployment and poverty, but them were temporary remedies. Residents engaged in labor movements to escape unemployment and poverty, or found the cause of the problem from migrant workers. Unemployment and poverty in the city worsened, and labor disputes over poor working conditions and treatment were frequent, in the mid-1920s and 1930s. As the majority of the population flowing into Jinnampo became workers, the conflict over migrant workers intensified. From the late 1920s to the early 1930s, there was a perception and conflict that Chinese workers took away Korean workers' jobs. However, the actual Chinese population was only a small number of the total population of Jinnampo. Nevertheless, Korean workers were afraid of Chinese workers for the following reasons. In other words, it was the result of a combination of collective labor of Chinese young men, employers' preferences, and negative media articles.

As for the entertainment space in Sasebo, from 1889, when the old headquarters was established, during the pre-war period, brothels and kashizashiki (貸座敷) were created. With the Katsutomi Yukaku and Hanazono Yukoku as the center, Aiura and Haiki Yukura were also established. Around 1937, it reached its peak of prosperity, and there were more than 1,000 prostitutes in only two brothel districts, Katsutomi and Hanazono. However, the Sino-Japanese War began, and the influence of the war could not be avoided even among prostitutes. Some were mobilized to factories for military production or converted to farming to make a living. Due to the Sasebo air raid on June 29, 1945, at the end of the Pacific War, the Katsutomi and Hanazono brothel areas were burnt down, districts of which lost their function. As the Allied Forces entered Sasebo after the defeat on August 15, 1945, the Sasebo City Hall and City Police Station gathered the owners and prostitutes of Katsutomi and Hanazono, which had been destroyed by the war, and instructed to set up brothels for the military. In the end, it was installed as a space dedicated to prostitution for soldiers and civilian employees under the name of ‘Special Teahouse Street’. The Korean War broke out in 1950, and the Allied Forces Command was established in Sasebo. Sasebo, which became a base for sending troops to Korea and supplying military supplies, was overflowing with soldiers crossing to the battlefield and returning from vacations from the battlefield, and foreigner bars also prospered together. On July 27, 1953, an armistice agreement was signed in the Korean War, and Sasebo's entertainment district again flourished due to the returning soldiers through Sasebo Port. However, due to the closure of the US military base, Aiura Camp, and the Japanese government's deflationary policy, sekikashi for foreigners also decreases. In March 1950, the entertainment space, which was divided into foreigners and Japanese by the Relocation Committee, was organized as one in Katsutomi-cho, Goten-cho and Gion-cho. The reorganized Katsutomi/Hanazono Yukaku did not last again, and in March before the Prostitution Prevention Act took effect on April 1, 1958, the sekikashi business was closed and changed to an inn. In this way, we examined how the entertainment space of Sasebo has changed since 1889, when the old headquarters was established, through the prewar and postwar periods.

In 1921, at the age of 29, Akutagawa traveled to China for about 120 days as a correspondent for the ‘Osakamainuchi shinbun’ newspaper. He left Tokyo by train on March 19, got off at Osaka on March 20, recovered from a high fever caused by a cold, left Osaka on March 27, arrived at Moji on March 28, boarded Chikugomaru, and arrived in Shanghai on March 30. It was a rough trip, including high fever before boarding and seasickness that suffered while crossing Hyeonhaetan. “Traveling to Gangnam” left Shanghai on May 2nd, returned to Hangzhou from May 2nd to 5th, departed Shanghai on May 8th, traveled to Suzhou from May 10th, Yangzhou from May 11th to 12th, and Nanjing from 12th to 14th, and returned to Shanghai on the 15th. The “Traveling to Gangnam” covered in this study is a travel journal from May 2 to 14, 1921. The experience gained from a 10-day trip to Gangnam was published in a newspaper series about eight months later. Although it was a series following “Traveling to Shanghai”, unlike expectations of the old scenery of China in the travel book of Gangnam, the appearance of modern China was only disappointing. The difference from “Traveling to Shanghai” is that it was able to experience epic landscapes such as the mysterious stories of Chinese classics. In addition, as quoted below, dissatisfaction with the ‘yankee hobby’ that encroached on modern China and traditional culture seems to have played a major role. The main purpose of this study is the representation and characteristics of modern China of Akutagawa sent to China as a newspaper correspondent, especially the Gangnam periodical, and the difference from the previous “Traveling to Shanghai” and I would like to point out the problem of adding fictional elements to nonfiction's travel. In previous studies at home and abroad, there were many critical views such as Akutagawa's disparagement of modern China, his limitations as an intellectual, and imperial thinking. In the end, it is necessary to confirm the "journalism" of Akutagawa, a correspondent who experienced China's turbulent period, such as the modern Western powers and the invasion of Japanese imperialism, and his hidden aspect as a novelist.

Taki Kumejiro was born into a family whose business was a fertilizer business, took over and managed it. In 1885, he founded a fertilizer factory himself and grew into a capitalist in Japan. Based on this business, it entered Joseon in earnest from the mid-1910s. He was transformed into a large landowner by making a farm based in Gimje and Mangyeong Plain areas in Jeollabuk-do. In addition, he started his business in Joseon with an interest in forest and mining. Among them, he focused on agriculture and forestry. All of these businesses were closely linked to fertilizer manufacturing, the foundation of his capital accumulation. As was the case with most Japanese landlords who lived in Joseon, Taki also harshly exploited tenants to make the most profits in farming management. Most of them were Korean tenant farmers, but in the end, the tenant farmers caused a large-scale tenant dispute. And it was not just for a living, but also for resisting ethnic discrimination. Based on his reputation and great capital in his hometown, Taki first ran for the 10th House of Representatives election of the Imperial Japanese Parliament in 1908, and was elected. And he ran six times until the 18th general election of the National Assembly in 1932, and was elected. He mainly proposed the 'agricultural bill' and 'rice bill' to the imperial parliament. These were all closely related to the business that he was doing. Regarding Joseon, he proposed to the National Assembly the issue of suffrage of Japanese and Koreans living in Joseon and industrial development. This was all about colonial rule policy. Most of the members of the Imperial Assembly related to Joseon are groups that pursue their own interests related to Joseon while pursuing the interests of the empire. Therefore, they sometimes criticized and opposed the Japanese government's colonial policy. And sometimes they collaborated with the Japanese government. Therefore, Taki must be a member of the National Assembly who knows Joseon well, a colonial lobbyist who communicates the needs of the Japanese people living in Joseon to the Japanese government, and at the same time, an imperial lobbyist who proposes or proposes legislation for his own benefit.

In this study, the reality of the operation of the Doseo-system that was resumed with the restoration of diplomatic relations between Joseon and Japan in the first half of the 17th century was reviewed. Joseon agreed with the Tsushima governor’s authority of diplomacy and communication in the relationship with Joseon by permitting the right of issuing Munin and issuing the Doseo to the Tsushima governor according to Giyu Agreement. As the amount of trade between Joseon and Tsushima was reduced compared to the early Joseon Dynasty, Tsushima governor actively requested the Doseo from Joseon to expand the trade. Those who had been issued the Doseo by Joseon had active roles in restoring the diplomatic relationship between the two countries, and Joseon expected friendly cooperation as well as a stable relationship with Japan by permitting the authority to communicate by issuing the Doseo. The operation of the Doseo system in the late Joseon Dynasty maintained the regulations established in the early Joseon period in a broad framework. However, there were big differences because the recipient of the Doseo was limited to the Tsushima governor and Joseon strongly insisted on the operation regulation to Tsushima. As a general rule, Joseon engraved the name of the Doseo recipient on the Doseo, and no one else except the recipient could not use the Doseo. If the Doseo recipient was gone, the successor should return the Doseo and request it with the successor’s name on it. Joseon managed the misuse of the Doseo by checking the names on the Doseo and the recipient of the Diplomatic Documents. Moreover, Joseon enacted a new regulation on the Amyong-Doseo, which was issued to the son of the Tsushima governor. Joseon regarded that Doseo should be used based on the one’s position, and the Amyong-Doseo that was issued before the inauguration of the Tsushima governor should be returned because the Doseo was issued when the new Tsushima governor was inaugurated. However, Tsushima tried to expand the number of the trading ship or to delay the return of Amyong-Doseo until the governor acquired a descendant based on the cases in the early Joseon period. In addition, Tsushima tried to keep the Amyong-Doseo as long as it possible based on the temporal permission from Joseon. Because of the huge difference in interests between Joseon and Tsushima, the negotiation on the Amyong-Doseo was delayed, the Amyong-Doseo was only issued to the son of the Tsushima governor who succeeded to the position in the future, and it should be returned after becoming the governor.

The purpose of this study is to show that the metaphors of five senses are frequently used to vividly express either moral or immoral concepts, which makes communication more effective. These metaphors are expressed on the basis of physical experiences in daily life. The metaphors of five senses concretely express either morality or immorality of person's personality, thought, speech act, behavior, means, sistuation etc using 硬․軟, 重․輕, 熱․冷(senses of touch), 亮․暗, 洁净․肮脏, 白․黑(senses of sight), 香․臭(senses of smell), 甛․苦(senses of taste), 聽․聾(senses of hearing). These are semantic contrast pairs, in which the former clearly expresses positive moral concepts and the latter vividly represents negative immoral concepts in daily communication. Thus, each contrastive pair consists of metaphorical concepts such as [道德是硬], [不道德是軟]; [道德是重], [不道德是輕]; [道德是熱], [不道德是冷](sense of touch), [道德是亮], [不道德是暗]; [道德是洁净], [不道德是肮脏]; [道德是白], [不道德是黑](senses of sight), [道德是香], [不道德是臭](senses of smell), [道德是甛味], [不道德是苦味](senses of taste), and [道德是聽], [不道德是聾](senses of hering). Various metaphorical expressions based on each of these metaphorical concepts are frequently used to clearly evaluate either morality or immorality in daily communication. Thus, this study suggests that the metaphors of five senses with moral concepts are used as a useful tool for communicative effectiveness through the clear and concise moral evaluation of person's personality, thought, speech act, behavior, manner, status, means, situation etc in daily communication. This study will be helpful for the Korean students majoring in the Chinese language to understand Chinese culture and moral values.

The purpose of this study is to study the change mechanism of ‘the love story of Tang Myeong-hwang and Poppy Fei’ into reversal of literaturer, and to find literary value in three aspects: ‘change mechanism of creative intention’, ‘popularization mechanism of love story’, and ‘popularization mechanism of character’. It is to consider the change mechanism of contents. It is interesting that the main characters of this love story are actual historical figures of the Tang Dynasty in China, but the mechanism of popularization of the content is also noteworthy.The process of change from the epic <Janghanga> to the biographical novel <Jangsaengjeon> was studied by comparing and analyzing the two works. This research on the love story of Tang Myeong-hwang and Yang Guifei focused on the ‘mechanism of reversal literature’ due to the change in creative intention, and in the study of ‘the mechanism of popularization of love stories’, the point of reversal, which is the change in the story plot content development process, was studied. By examining the characteristics and diversification of the contents according to the feature-length love story, the mechanism of reversal literature was examined. In addition, in the study of the ‘popularization mechanism of the figure’, the changing aspect of readers' awareness of the need for reversal of literature stories started from the fact that ‘Dang Myeong-hwang and Poppy's Love Story’ was the driving force that promoted the genre change from poetry to CHUANQI. The popularization mechanism of the figures of the two main characters was examined. Hong Seung, the author of <Jangsaengjeon>, feels the need to change the character of male and female protagonists in the era, and transforms Yang Guifei, the ‘tragic heroine’ of the chaste faction of <Janghanga>, into a status of ‘Shinseon’ to finally find love in various situations in the course of their married life. Described as a woman who wins, and transforms Dang Hyeon-jong, the ‘weak and passive male character’ in <Janghanga>, into the status of ‘Shinseon’, betrays and throws away Yang Guifei, overcomes conflicts in marital life, and acts actively. In the end, it was described as a character with various appearances that even succeeds in reuniting with Yang Guifei.

Image is not a product of poetry but the most characteristic part of poetry, and its fundamental function in poetry comes from the cultural accumulation and energy it contains. Image is the most important part of China's classical poetry aesthetics. It is not only an artistic creation technique, but also a philosophy for Chinese people to observe and view the world. The image of “rain” has different cultural implications when it is combined with aesthetic elements in different times. The rain in different seasons, different times and different places are also different. Compared with other famous poets in Tang Dynasty, Wang Wei's rain image has distinct personal characteristics. He wrote about sitting in the rain, but found growth in this quiet and warm atmosphere, and further found the vitality and vigor of the nature, thus creating an artistic conception where one lives in harmony with surrounding things , which is both quiet and full of vitality. He wrote about silent thinking in the rain and meditation in the rain. The rain here not only moved from the external space into the poet's emotional world, but also triggered his deep thinking about the philosophy of life, thus endowing the “rain” with a bit of “Buddhist mood”. In this study, the “rain image” was taken as the starting point. First, the characteristics of the overall rain image in the Tang Dynasty was studied. Then, the meaning of the rain images used by several representative poets in their works were sorted out and analyzed. On this basis, the rain image in Wang Wei's poetry was analyzed. The author believes that the rain image in Wang Wei's poetry has a “tranquil and far-reaching” aesthetic function in the creation of the overall artistic conception of poetry, and has a profound philosophical meaning.

This paper compares the particles in the 1998 and 2016 editions of the NHK Japanese Pronunciation and Accent Dictionary. Then, we compared the phase differences between the particles listed in both dictionaries, and focused on the phonological changes of particles connected to numerals from 1 to 10. First, regarding phase differences, the 1998 edition included the old Classifier-counter, which were listed in the 1998 edition, have been removed in the 2016 edition.　On the other hand, the 2016 edition includes Classifier-counters that reflect the changes in Japan's times from the 2000s to the 2010s, including the Great East Japan Earthquake, the circulation of the Euro currency, and the strengthening of economic relations with Asian countries. In some cases, words that existed as words before the revisions were newly included in the 2000s due to their increased frequency of use. In other words, the differences support the fact that through the enumerated words, one can see the historical background of the period in which the compilation work was conducted. In terms of phonological change, the study showed the limitations of using only phonological knowledge to understand the phonological change of the particles, especially in the case of the mullification and semi-mullification of the particles. And also, it mentioned that another perspective, such as an approach from the viewpoint of word independence, is needed. For example, it is necessary to have some kind of indicator for word independence, such as the fact that particles that can also be used as nouns have stronger word independence. We will continue to examine this aspect of phonological change from various perspectives.

This paper takes Morio Kita’s “Floating”(1958) as the object of consideration. Set in the midst of the Korean War, “Floating” tells the story of eight Japanese who are dispatched to South Korea on a mission to intercept radio communications between North Korean fighter planes and their bases. This paper focuses on the motif of air combat in the Korean War and the metaphor of ‘floating’, and analyzes the character of the Japanese. Through the characteristics found in the perspective of contemporary Japanese people looking at the Korean War, we examine how Japan and the Japanese are portrayed during the Korean War. As “Floating” is based on the Korean War as the main motif and is set in Korea in the midst of the war, it describes the situation of Korea at the time 1951 in many places. However, what Kiyama, the narrator, recalls whenever he witnesses the horrors of war is the war of Japanese he experienced. Just as the Japanese remember the Pacific War as a war against the United States that unfolded in the form of air combat with air raids and the dropping of atomic bombs, the war of Japan recalled by the narrator was a memory of air raids by B29 concentrated in big cities. The eight Japanese who participated in the air combat of the Korean War represent Japan and the Japanese during the Korean War period, as floating people who were unable to establish themselves in a postwar society that had been reborn as a democratic nation. And the common point that attitude of historical reflection on the Korean War lacks is discovered in them. In “Floating”, the Korean War is nothing more than a literary device to recall the memory of Japan's war, and is used as a tool to describe Japan and Japanese after the defeat. “Floating” is a work that describes the self-portraits of Japan and Japanese during the Korean War, not the Korean War, with the motif of the air combat of the Korean War.

This article attempts to examine the changes and limitations in the perception of the history of imperialist aggression in Japanese middle school history education around the time of the lifting of the GHQ occupation. In the 1950s, the courses of study were revised three times, and textbooks were revised accordingly. These history textbooks evaluate the process of colonizing Korea and imperializing as “capitalist development” and “improving Japan's status in the international community. And this perspective was consistently found in most textbooks, regardless of when they were revised. This is an interpretation of history based on the perception that the orthodoxy of imperialism and colonialism was valid until the First World War. Since these events occurred after the establishment of the League of Nations and before the formation of war crimes courts, the perception is that aggression was not an international problem. This is also the viewpoint that is prevalent in current Japanese history textbooks. On the other hand, after World War I, the change in the narrative perspective of the textbooks and the presentation of courses of study regarding Japan's attempted invasion of China, the full-scale invasion of the Chinese mainland after the Manchurian Incident, and the entry into the Asia-Pacific War is very noticeable. In the pre-occupation period, textbooks emphasized the importance of international peace efforts and negatively evaluated Japan's aggression and the military as a key actor. However, in the post-occupation textbooks, which became more conservative after the end of the occupation, a logical structure was formed to define the aggression as a war of defense. The dilution of the nature of the war of aggression eventually led to a regression of historical awareness and a lack of Asian awareness that invalidated reflection on the war.

Some Chinese characters, while appearing the same, have different meanings in Japanese and Korean. For example, the Korean word Chinilpa, meaning Pro-Japanese when Korea was under Japanese rule the first half of the 20th century, and the Japanese word Shinnichiha, meaning those who are interested in Japanese culture and people. The words should be translated into context to reflect each different meaning but some of Japan’s media outlets use the word Chinilpa to mean Shinnichiha when reporting on Korean domestic Chinilpa issues. It is an absolute mistranslation. This mistranslation negatively influences Japanese society regarding the national image of Korea and future bilateral relations. This paper conducts empirical research using questionnaire results from students of the Northern Kyushu universities, and analyses how this mistranslation affects the Korean national image and the interrelation between both countries. The questionnaire was designed in two kinds; one is the use of the Korean word Chinilpa as Shinnichiha regarding Korean domestic issues related with Pro-Japanese when Korea was under Japanese rule, the other is to betray one’s country as Chinilpa. This research sample of 507 is gathered from students of the Northern Kyushu universities who had bilateral ties with both countries. This research clarifies three hypothesis bases of these samples, it was tested by independent sample T-test and Paired T-test. Hypothesis1; The difference of terms caused respondents degrees of scale regarding Korean domestic issues of Chinilpa. Hypothesis 2; The Chinilpa (/The Betrayer) term caused a significant difference in the Korean national image. Hypothesis 3; The Chinilpa (/The Betrayer) term caused a significant difference regarding the recognition of the future interrelationship between Korea and Japan. Firstly, the degree scale of Chinilpa domestic issues, the Chinilpa terms were lower than the betrayer on every issue, which indicate an important difference of average under the significant level of 0.00. Secondly, the betrayer term, there are few changes upon hearing about the Chinilpa domestic issues before and after. Contrary, regarding the Shinnichiha term, there are clear changes upon hearing about the Chinilpa domestic issues before and after. The after’s scale of degree lessened negatively; the image of Korean national image was down to negative 0.484, the recognition of bilateral relations between Korea and Japan was down to negative 0.474. In brief, it proves that the mistranslation of Chinilpa causes the worsening of the Korean national image and the recognition of future bilateral relations between Korea and Japan, for Japanese society.