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劉香女故事以劉香女爲主人公，記述了出身於卑微貧苦人家的劉香女，在嫁入有錢人家之後，遭受到婆家的各種迫害，但憑著強烈的宗教信念，她忍受住種種苦痛，最終完成修行得道成神的過程。本文以葉憲祖的傳奇〈雙修記〉、吳方言地區的〈劉香寶卷〉和福建省福州評話〈劉香女〉這三部作品爲研究對象，先考察各個作品之間的共同點和不同點，然後以此爲基礎，就女性認識進行比較研究。這三部作品中都存在著婆家與媳婦間的對立關系，這種對立關系實質上反映了儒學世俗主義與佛教禁欲主義之間的對立關系。這種對立關系因三部作品所采取的不同的世界觀而有所不同。〈雙修記〉和〈劉香女〉是在個人道德與人性層面上建構了善與惡的對立關系，而〈劉香寶卷〉中劉香女來自社會底層的弱者身份則使之成爲佃農和平民的代表，從而使對立關系擴展至婆家與媳婦間、窮人與富人間、民與官之間這樣多個層面之上。像劉香女這樣的社會底層人物要想擁有自己的語言與行動，其唯一的途徑便是宗教信念。這種宗教信念不僅存在於精神領域，而且還表現在對肉體上的童貞的一種執著。女性將父權制對女性所要求的性別義務進行顛覆性的解釋並將之轉化爲一種道德主體。不過，這種道德主體對於各個作品中的劉香女所具有的含義略有不同，而且劉香女們的社會認同性與地位也有所不同。就共同點而言，這種道德主體性都是三個作品中忍受婆家迫害的劉香女用來維護自尊的手段：〈劉香女〉中的劉香女能夠超度婆家人，因而得到家庭成員的認可。而〈劉香寶卷〉中的劉香女則作爲一名道姑，成爲主流社會的批判者，得到社會成員的尊重。三部作品不僅在創作主題、觀眾、讀者方面有所不同，而且還反映了福州方言區與吳方言區間的不同。此外，〈劉香女〉與〈劉香寶卷〉都存在著性別差別與尊重女性這樣互相矛盾的立場。對此，本論文是這樣解釋的：父權制下的女性在將性別差別、厭惡輕視女性這樣的社會主流意識形態深深烙於內心之後，反而能夠將女性問題提出來進行共同討論並要求獲得社會的認可。

This paper investigates the interaction between the literati and the commercial art market through Zheng Xie 鄭燮 (1693～1765) in Yangzhou 揚州 in the eighteenth century. Zheng Xie was a scholar-official painter; his life and thoughts were stereotypical in traditional Chinese literati. On the other hand, he is considered as one of the Eight Eccentric Masters of Yangzhou [揚州八怪], and he may have been part of the literati who lived in the art market in the city of Jiagnan 江南. In particular, he presented an actual price list for his paintings and calligraphy, which would be regarded as a non-literati practice in the tradition of the literati painters, as literati paintings were never treated as a commodity openly in this way. It seems that Zheng Xie's identity as part of the literati contradicts such a price list. However, when taking the sociocultural environment of Yangzhou into consideration, this can be interpreted in different ways. Yangzhou was a newly ascended city in Jiagnan in the eighteenth century, not only an economical center but also a cultural center. It grew due to the influence of salt merchants [鹽商], highly placed government officials and due to Emperor Qing 淸's collaborative efforts. In particular, salt merchants played an important role in the project of Yangzhou. They led the literati culture of Yangzhou as connoisseurs, consumers and as patrons of numerous literati, including scholars, artists, and writers. Nonetheless, some who had not high cultivated tastes tended to boast about their sociocultural status and sought to possess the things of literati culture. Moreover, given that Zheng Xie had lowered his art's prices so that they could be purchased by the middle class of Yangzhou, the sociocultural value of his art may have been diminished in the eyes of wealthy merchants. Therefore, his price list could be reinterpreted as ridicule due to the vulgarization of the literati culture in the commercial art market of Yangzhou. While his price list may have been created as an effect of the symbolic exclusion by wealthy merchants, when it was combined with his paintings and his status as a retired scholar-official painter, it is in fact a celebration of Zheng Xie's arts and of him. The main themes of his paintings were orchids, bamboo and rocks, which were standard literary subjects, and he represented himself through these themes. As a result, this may have been a strategy related to his brand image in the commercial art market of Yangzhou.

At the time when Chinese traditional Gezhi(格致) met western science, the statements of Bowu(博物) and Gewu(格物), which were commonly used along with Gezhi, appeared during the transition of thinking towards Wu(物). These statements were not merely synonyms of Gezhi. They were in the middle of the epistemological conversion that happened in the process of conceptual differentiation, such as Wu for a Ren(人) and Wu for Ziran(自然). One of the most distinctive contributions of Gezhi to modern China might be the differentiation of Xue(學). The passion for enlightenment made it possible - The enlightenment for national salvation continuously facilitated tensions between the old and the new. Despite of the positive effects of the differentiation, however, the severance caused by the differentiation might be inevitable. This was because science, also known as the study of differentiation(Kexue, 科学), then again, ironically, tried to integrate the whole knowledge system under another concept. Maybe, these two conflicting phenomena represent a modern-day desire that pursues individuality and, at the same time, totality. In this sense, Kexue itself in modern China was a symbol of differentiation and integration. In addition, interestingly enough, these concepts had made not only such chronological history, but also the space for discussions. Museums and exhibitions, the terms of which had been used without any difference, started to show their own features along with the transition of awareness towards Wu. Also, Shuyuan(书院) adopting Gezhi began to define knowledges of modern education. From this time when Kexue replaced Bowu, Gewu and Gezhi, Wu has been engraving its concept on the space, attempting to converse its concept from the natural philosophy into knowledge and property of things.

Geographical knowledge not only preceded but it also motivated, regulated, and dominated all other modern knowledge China had to acquire during it’s struggle to transform itself into a youthful modern nation. ‘Daluzhi jingwu’(大陸之景物; Scenery of the World) section of the Tuhuaribao(圖畵日報, 1909〜1910) might well be seen as visual practice related to ‘geographical imagination’ of the times. Pictures of world’s renowned places ‘Daluzhi jingwu’ section presents are most likely reproductions of photographic images produced in the West, which will also apply to most of those that show Chinese places and landscapes. Images of spots in Shanghai or places worth noticing nearby the modern city seem to have been produced based on original sketches since the media was Shanghai based, but nevertheless the mode of representation was oriented towards modern-western photographic representation. Thus the mode of visual representation adopted by the ‘Daluzhi jingwu’ section in itself suggests inevitable presence of the Western point of view. Visual images of places of the world that ‘Daluzhi jingwu’ section presented, compared to those of former late Qing pictorials, were more accurate, or photographic in representing forms, and as a result emphasized the differences in places and spaces. ‘Daluzhi jingwu’ in general divides the world into two contradicting spaces, one which is oriented by modern functions and values, another which is of exotic landscape. It is not difficult to discover here the Orientalist’s gaze that had been consolidated passing the 19th century, golden age of European colonialism, or deep rooted dichotomy of modern-western geography. A sense of sharp comparison between the West and China, always accompanied the ardor for strong and wealthy Chinese nation, both of which evidently were inherent in the process of choosing the places to be shown in ‘Daluzhi jingwu’. Although traces of traditional mode of visual representation still apparent when showing Chinese scenery could be interpreted as instances of resistance, internalization of the dominant gaze of the West is obvious in the case of ‘Daluzhi jingwu’.

近代报刊上常出现有关时间的论述，基本上是跟计量化有关的，便是在一定时间内所测定的数据，并且有关速度的论述也不勝枚举。當时中国甚为关注所计量的时间，是因为那些报道被看作文明的知识，也就是说，它以文明的表象跟中国相遇。不过，要注意的是，其大多排列在“杂俎”栏目，这就说明有关时间的观念仍然是属于“新知识”，就等于陌生的观念。在此情况下，當时围绕着纪年展开了一番热烈的争论，是很稀奇的事情，所以是引人注目的事情。首先，争论的两方为改革派、革命派，因此，不难看出他们着眼于那番争论所涵盖的政治的含义，是因为纪年的出发點是因政治的立场而分歧的。與此同时，不容疏忽的是，报刊自身的要求也影响到改革派对纪年的立场。新闻媒体也有自己的要求，尤其是注重同时性的实现，自然更注意到纪年的实用性。各媒体皆安排“大事记”栏目，以时间为序，排列一定时间内所发生的主要事件。它主要对待的大事大多是文明国家的事件，这意味着大事记隐含内内在含义，即将中国时间暗自跟文明国家的时间连接起来。那麼，我们如何看待當时中国近代时间的情况。按考察，租界如上海等地到十九世纪末已进入近代时间裏，而内地未必尽然，是因为“时计”还仅存沿海地区，因此當时中国存在着多层次时间。不过，不论當时观念是否发展到左右人们生活，报刊不断登载有关近代时间的报道，借此近代时间逐渐落实到中国内地之中。相比，近代中国的时间跟近代产业发展却未有密切关系，而急於赶上文明世界，不顾當时观念如何，将它作为“近代智識”不断进行接受。

構式語法理論在1990年代逐漸興起，短短二十多年裏取得了顯著發展。該理論作爲認知語言學的一種新理論模式。構式是形式和語義的匹配，它具有獨立的語義和語用功能。構式語法理論強調解釋語言的整體，包括詞彙、句法、語義、語用因素。構式語法在30多年的發展過程中，引起了語言學界的極大關注，特別是Goldberg的研究有非常深遠的影響力。近幾年在中國語言學界內也有不少學者在做這方面的研究，例如，漢語雙賓語構式研究、把字句構式研究、存現句構式研究、動補構式研究等等。本文依據Goldberg的論元實現的一系列討論，對動詞與構式的整合進行了考察。在此過程中，構式層面的論元角色和動詞層面的參與者角色相聯，參與動詞與自己的具體角色相聯。參與者角色既受構式的制約也受動詞的選擇限制，並以構式論元角色整合而成為一個完整的句子。

By examining the use of one-syllable-adjectives in the modern Chinese, this paper examines the “mirror structure” created by adjectives acting as adverbial in front of a verb, and as complement when placed behind a verb. Focusing on the interactions between adjectives and verbs, this paper illustrates the aspect attributes of Adj.+V and V+Adj. from an event structure perspective. Based on this, the author seeks to explain the contrastive features found in the “mirror structure” of adverbial-complement formed in the discourse function level.

感歎句是抒發說話人某種強烈感情的句子, 具有事實性、程度性以及主觀性這三種核心特徵。其中事實性特徵指的是感嘆句蕴涵着一個事實命題, 卽以此事實命題作爲感嘆句的背景基礎。能否把感嘆句的事實命題看成語義、語用上的前提, 一直是個爭議不決的問題。不少學者所關注的論點包括: 根句的述語與嵌套感嘆句之間的選擇關係, 前提的否定與否, 前提的投射效應等問題。表面上現代漢語感嘆句似乎不符合常規, 但通過對各項論點進行詳盡的討論幷蒐集分析新的相關語料, 本文就發現現代漢語感嘆句也是一種支持典型感嘆句的前提特徵之好證據。

本文对新发现的《忠义直言》一书的性质、内容、描写人物时代考证、刊行时期及作者等进行了初次硏究。《忠义直言》一书是在注重外交交往的朝鲜王朝世宗时期教授汉语、汉吏文之敎材。同时，它也是一部给世子及翻译学者教授汉语、选拔有关汉吏学及翻译学人才时所使用的取才书、考核承文院等官员的考试出题书。全书为一册,分为卷上、中、下叁个部分，包括卷上文官33人、卷中武官30人、卷下宗室、外戚、妇女等各种身份的27人与4种动物的总共99个传记故事。通过自周文王至元世祖年间这九十九个人物与动物的故事，描写了他们对皇帝及国家尽忠守义之心。因为其内容与朝鲜王朝提倡儒教思想的时代背景相符合，所以它成为国家认定的重要书籍。通过歷史文献的记载与《忠义直言》内容的考证，此版本大槪刊行于1420年(朝鲜朝世宗2年/明·永乐18年),不晚于1430年。最早着作时期可能推定为1276年(高丽忠烈王2年/元·至元13年)前后。本版本的作者可能为译学者李边等人，或者是司译院提调偰长寿等从中国归化的人。不过其最初作者除了韩国人外，也不能排除有中国人的可能性。