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The Stone Lantern in Balsan-ri (Treasure No. 234.) is the only stone lantern with the inscription of a dragon and clouds design of its kind in Korea. As it was originally discovered at the Bongrimsa Temple Site in Samgi-ri of Gosan-myeon, Wanju-gun, it ought to be called the ‘Stone Lantern of the Bongrimsa Temple Site.’ At this temple site, a stone platform of a stone lantern was also discovered. However, no further research has been conducted on the stone platform or on the relationship between the two relics. To initiate this research, the author raised the possibility that the Stone Lantern in Balsan-ri was separated from the stone platform, which is now in the collection of Jeonbuk University Museum. Several clues support this idea: First, both the stone lantern and the platform were found at the Bongrimsa Temple Site; second, the archaeological research conducted in December 2015 has raised the possibility that they once formed part of the same structure; and, third, the similarity in style between the two items and the Stone Buddha Triad at the Bongrimsa Temple Site makes it easy to believe that they are all closely related in some way. All these clues suggest that it is highly possible that the stone platform was the lower part of the stone lantern. Working on the assumption that these are indeed the constituent parts of one complete stone lantern, the author has renamed it the ‘Stone Lantern of the Bongrimsa Temple Site.’ As well as the efforts to restore it, equally comprehensive research on the Stone Lantern of the Bongrimsa Temple Site will be needed to determine the historicity and value of the reassembled stone lantern.

Namwon Silsangsa temple was built during the early of ninth century by Hongcheok high priest of Silla Buddhism. Since then, the temple had been made the center of Silla Buddhist temples by Sucheol and Pyeonun Priest of Hongcheok disciple. Goryeo and Joseon dynasty was repeated several times rebuilding in those days. There is a unique structure and style of an ancient stone art in our art history. It is the Stūpa of Pyeonun Priest in the Silsangsa temple. With letters carved on the surface of it. According to the letter, this stone figure is the stone Stūpa Pyeonun Priest of Hongcheok disciple, we know has been built around 910, it was constructed by Post Baekje of Kyeonhweon, and Post Baekje’s era name was carved on the surface of main body of stone Stūpa. The stone Stūpa of Pyeonun Priest were drawn by the style of incense burner. It is the basis of design and construction. Excellent master craftsman was built by like this. This stone Stūpa shows the touch of a master craftsman. This only works that can know time work is created among the Buddhism arts of Post Baekje. It setting up a chronology of the other Buddhism art. This is important in scientific parlance. We expect to be in lots of research on the Post Baekje Arts.

It is said that Geyon Hwon founded Hubaekje in Gwangju and called himself king of the country in 892. However, there is no historical evidence that Hubaekje was built in Gwangju, which suggests that Gyeon Hwon did not found the country yet as he could not control powerful local families in the area of Jeollanam-do and groups that had power around the River Youngsan. Therefore, it is logical to belive that Jeonju was the first capital of Hubaekje as Gyeon Hwon shaped his government in Jeonju in 900 and called it Hubaekje and became king of the kingdom. After the foundation of the kingdom, he sent envoys to Owol, a country in China and received a title, a name as king of the kingdom. Gyeon Hwon attacked the power groups that were against him and on the side of Wang Geon around the River Youngsan in 909. He needed to control the area for the management of the country. He invaded Gobu and made Julpo-bay located near Gobu a center to control over the marine around Julpo-bay. Geonmo-port in Julpo-bay was a shipyard and a place for military vessels to anchor. Gyon Hwon also developed Jaean-port and Sajin-port. It is assumed that he departed his naval forces at Geonmo-port in 909 when he attacked the power groups around the River Youngsan since the River Mankyeong, sea route of Jeonju at that time was not an efficient route to move his naval forces. The geographical environment around Gobu was very good to control marine traffic. Therefore, Gyeon Hwon built Gobu as a place to control over the sea near it and manage vessel traffic that go through the River Dongjin and Geonmo-port, Jaean-port in Boan and Sajin-port in Hoongduck. Geonmo-port was used as a shipyard, a place for vessels to anchor, and a supply base. Jaean-port was developed to become a center for marine traffic and Sajin-port and Buan-cape was developed and managed as a place for marine trading. After Gyeon Hwon had a control over Julpo-bay, he started international activities in 920. It is assumed that his political, military, and economical ability could make them possible. His kingdom collapsed in 936 and Wang Geon, king of Goryeo installed Annamdohobu in Jeonju, capital of Hubaekje and sent a governor to Gobu which suggests that Gobu was considered as important as Jeonju in the aspect of politics. Even though Hubaekje had a short historic period, it controled Julpo-bay and made marine traffic, trading, and battles around it actively. After Goryeo invaded and installed Annamdohobu in Gobu in 951, it was left in ruins. The Annamdohobu in Gobu was dismantled in 1019 and the Youngju-castle in Gobu was reconstructed and used as Chiso-castle.

Sarim(the Joseon Confucian scholar) in the 16th century built Seowons for several reasons: the spread of Neo-Confucianism ideology, worship of the local ancient sages. Yeongcheon Seowon in Imsil was built in 1619. In this, An Cheo-sun (1492~1534), Jeong Hwan (1497~1540), Jeong Hwang (1512~1560), Lee Dae-yu (1540~1609) were templed in it. They were Sarim in the King Jungjong and Myeongjong, and lived in turbulent times, Gimyosahwa and Eulsasahwa, practicing Neo-Confucianism ethics. For local residents worshiped their ethical life, Seowon could be built. In 1686, Yeongcheon Seowon became Saaek Seowon that King names and writes it’s name on the signboard, supported fully by Seoin in spite of the tight political situation between Seoin and Namin. Seoin wished to spread their legitimacy all over the country through the support to local Seowon. Since then Yeongcheon Seowon was recognized theirs. Jeong Hwang’s descendants and disciples, too, kept school ties on. Especially Jeong Yeom, succeed to the Jeong Hwang’s studies, was templed in Hyeonju Seowon built on common opinion of the local Confucians In addition, the ethical life of Eulsa Sarim in Yeongcheon Seowon was regarded as the symbol of Sarim in the whole Imsil and Namwon area, and succeeded through the Confucians templed in Agye Seowon, Nobong Seowon, Deokgye Seowon, Juam Seowon, etc.

The studies about Seo Yu-gu(1764~1845) have been focused on the agricultural science, his main study area. For multilateral understanding of his study and thought it needs to study variously all the study area as well as the agricultural science. Moreover, the study about his agricultural science also is not only focused on an ideological aspect but also implementation in reality. 『Nupan-go』 and 『Wanyoung-ilrok』, the one of writing during his government official, showed that his thought was grafted on reality. A book review about 『Nupan-go』 and a personal criticism about a compiler contained his ideological disposition and the phases of that times. Official documents related to the agricultural science in 『Wanyoung-ilrok』 showed well the implementation process about his Silhak ideology in reality. 『Nupan-go』 was made by him in 1792 for receiving an order from King Jeongjo. He investigated and compiled into it books existing in public and private office. With bibliographic items about books this book contained a book review and a personal criticism. For example, he estimated 『Bangyesurok』 written by Yu Hyung-won at the best practical reform theory and Cho sik who advanced a moral philosophy with Lee Hwang at seeking a different study from him and having an impure motive unlike him. 『Nupan-go』 is a precious book in the bibliographical and historical aspects, and a useful literature in looking at knowledge system of the then gentry and ideological disposition of Seo Yu-gu. He wrote valid reviews in accordance with the purpose of publishing 『Nupan-go』. This could be regarded as an objective and historical view. For 『Nupan-go』 itself was reflected in the Silhak’s aspect of King Jeongjo that he made publication easy and preserved wood blocks about it. 『Wanyoung-ilrok』 written by Seo Yu-gu is a daily record of a governor of Jeolla-do during his term of office, 1833-1834. As agricultural science was the important duty of a governor, 『Wanyoung-ilrok』 had various records about it. In this book, he made an effort to put his theory, Riyonghusaengron, into practice such as providing a helping hand with making agricultural implements, securing water for agriculture with constructing dams, and increasing a crop with introducing a new variety. Although he did his agricultural policy by order of the central government and a duty of a governor, his policy in 『Wanyoung-ilrok』 could keep a character of Riyonghusaeng strongly. If we investigate that how his policy through Silhak is successful, what the limitations of policy is, and how different he is with other governors, we can see his ideological disposition about Silhak.

In the late Joseon period, not only children of the nobility but children of the middle class or commoners went to village school and library and learned letters and read Confucian scripts. Unlike children of the nobility who became officials through state examination, however, they finished studying basic Confucian scripts at village school and library and became government employees such as local officials and chiefs of town. So when they studied at village school and library, they tried to learn how to write petition and while doing so, they used collection of forms or books of examples which were collections of petition forms. While reading such petitions, they had to be able to distinguish what was exaggerated and what was false in order to handle their work well later. Generally, ways of reading petition included (1) understanding the whole context, (2) understanding litigation strategies, (3) distinguishing truth or false of the contents of the document, (4) reading the petitions of plaintiff and defendant together. On the other hand, strategies to write petition under false accusation were (1) suggesting advantageous grounds or developing different logic, (2) emphasizing helpful behaviors and reducing unlawful behaviors, (3) suggesting opposite fact or pointing out logical loophole, (4) strategy of pretending to be the weaker,　(5) revealing the corruption of the other person or relevant person. Reading and writing strategies of petition were like spear and shield so they were even contradictory to each other but children who were not from noble families in the late Joseon period focused on learning them.

Now, Catholic school has two middle and two high schools in Jeolla-bukdo : Jeon-ju Seong-sim Girls’ Middle School, Jeon-ju Hae-seong MIddle School, Jeon-ju Hae-seong High School and Jeon-ju Seong-sim Girls’ High School. Opened in 1960, the Jeon-ju Hae-seong Middle School is now coed and Hae-seong High School, opened in 1963, accepts only boys. Among them, Jeon-ju Girls' Middle and High School located near Jeon-dong Cathedral were born to the Seong-sim Girls’ Academy in 1946: the former opened in 1952, the latter was founded in 1949. But according to school chronicle, Jeon-ju Seong-sim Girls’ Middle and High School began their history as school in 1891 and the names were changed into Hae-seong Girls’ Academy in 1926, and then Hae-seong Academy in 1930. Finally, it was approved to open under the name of Jeon-ju Hae-seong Elementary School on April.1.1938. However, it just saw the students graduating from the school only seven times because Japan forced the school to shut down in 1945. As indicated above, Jeon-ju Hae-seong Elementary school, which is today's Jeon-ju Seong-sim Girls' Middle and High School’s old form, was the only approved Catholic school in Jeon-ju city during Japanese colonial era. The Hae-seong elementary school register under the Japanese colony and its graduate register are currently kept in the history museum of Jeon-ju Seong-sim Girls’ High School. Here I want to look to the existence of Hae-seong elementary school with an analysis of the school register. The works of missionaries who came to Korea were in line with the policy of Sacra Congregatio de Propaganda of Vatican set by Paris Foreign Missions Society in France as gospel service instructions. One of missionary works was to open a school. Berneux bishop released pastoral letters which said missionaries should teach Korean children Hangeul in the early 1857. Since that time, Korean modern education began by French missionaries. Back then, all churches ran schools for doctrine education in France, and this kind of similar practice would have been done in Korea. As a result, some missionaries operated schools in Kong-so, a village where catholics lived even before the beginning of modern education led by the Korean government through Gab-o Reform. In Jeon-ju school establishments were operated by the Baudonet in 1890. He started modern education, helping local figures found schools, invited venerable teachers and opened a village school in order for villagers to renew awareness about the Catholic. In 1926, the missionary Lacrouts opened an institute for girls, and in 1930, the priest Kim-Yang-Hong founded Hae-seong Academy, where students could learn day and night. Since then, they made their best building facilities and raising funds. As a consequence they were allowed to open a school under the name of Hae-seong Sim-sang elementary school. However, the school was forced to shut down by Japan with the last seventh graduation. The liberation from Japan made it possible to take the school back but it was changed into secondary school. That’s the way in which Sung-sim girls’ middle and high school were born. But Hae-seong elementary school was planned to be one for girls since when the Father Baudonet intended to establish a school in Jeon-ju Cathedral. Following Baudonet, the father Lacroux, who came to work in Jeon-ju church, opened a girls' school with the same purpose of opening Sin-sung girls’ school in Je-ju Island. He built some buildings for teachers and the monastery in which the Father planned to invite Sister teachers and asked them to teach girls. But during the Japanese occupation, Jeon-ju Hae-seong Sim-sang elementary school stayed coed and after the liberation it changed into secondary school and then into Sung-sim girls’ institute and finally into Jeon-ju Seong-sim girls' high school, which was the Father Baudonet's wish for a long time. It took 55 years for his original plan to see the light. Looking through the history of Jeon-ju Seong-sim girls' middle and high school and the process of their establishment, the two schools, the only Catholic middle and high school in Jeon-ju city, started working first as village school for girls called 'Hak-dang' tried by the Father Baudonet, then Seo-dang and girls institute, Hae-seong Sim-sang elementary school and finally Hae-seong elementary school. It does not need to mention that the purpose of the Catholic Church running schools is related to mission work but some missionaries operated Kong-so schools in order to eradicate illiteracy before the Kab-o Reform through which Korea's modern education system started. It can be noted that the father Baudonet would realize back then that the Catholic Church needed modern education system rather than missionary works for Koreans. Also it is remarkable that they put the education for girls before anything else despite the strong Confucian mores dominated in Korea. The Catholic churches operated schools to get a good feeling from villagers when they settled down in some villages even after the religious persecution ending. Jeon-ju Hae-seong Sim-sang elementary school opened and cleared the way for the education in Jeon-ju area at the time when Sin-heung and Ki-jeon schools, two pioneering protestant schools in Jeon-ju, were closed down as a result of denying worshipping Sin-sa.

This paper reviewed the theoretical background of the two competing methodologies, i.e. the theory on the universality of the world history and the theory of Asiatic specificity, with focus on Marxist interpretation. In particular, this paper attempted to review the awareness of universality and specificity and acceptance of the Asiatic mode of production, which were mentioned in previous studies as important factors in the formation of historical research methodologies, in phases, and thus internally analyze their critical mind. The awareness of universality and specificity started from the understanding of the concepts of universality and specificity, the method of applying abstract methodologies, and the interpretation of the correlation between the history of mankind and natural environment. The universalists, including Baek Nam-un, who regarded specificity as non-essential, emphasize the abstraction of universality, and understood the influence of the natural world in a limited way. However, specificists like Lee Cheong-won argued that specificity is also essential, and specificity must be abstracted for the sake of social practices, and regarded the influence of nature as important in certain stages of the history of mankind. The positions of these two camps were reflected in the process of accepting the theory on the Asiatic mode of production, which had a strong influence on the academic circles of East Asian thought in the 1930's. The former paid attention to the fact that it is possible to enhance the awareness of discrimination of Asia from the viewpoint of universality, understood the Asiatic mode of production as the Asiatic form of a feudal society, and had a reservation to acceptance of the theory. However, the latter regarded it as a theory that most accurately described the realities of Asian societies, including Joseon, most accurately from the viewpoint of specificity, and advocated active acceptance of the theory.

This writing reviewed characteristics of a historical record 󰡔comings and goings of Chinese vessels and Chinese, management of Yaeyama island of Korean or Japanese when ships with foreigners on board were on the float󰡕 related to the measures of foreign vessels of modern Japan. The case is shedding new light on the history of Yaeyama, formation history of Ryukyu Kingdom which was referred to as the sea kingdom, and moreover, it is providing a vital clue for understanding the historical position of Yaeyama. Also, the case above is a valuable historical material that signifies a glimpse of how foreign policy of Ryukyu was enforced. The content is on the work know-hows of Yaeyama local officials about Ryukyu vessels visiting China under investiture system as well as how they were asked to issue specific guidelines of various cases according to the traffic of Chinese and Korean vessels or visit and drift of Korean vessels and foreign vessels other than Japanese and to report work conditions at the same time. At the time, Ryukyu was under a situation where they could not carry out independent foreign policies because they belonged to both China and Japan by invasion of Satsuma-Han in 1609, and it was identified that they were under the dual control from diplomatic policy of Edo Bakuhu to colonization of Satsuma.

Japanese students studying abroad in the Meiji period played the important role on the introduction of western knowledge and skills. The dispatching students type of studying abroad in the late Tokukawa divided into two by "who sent the students"; Bakuhu(幕府) or Bun(藩). Chōshū Domain(長州藩) sent students including Hirobumi Ito to England in 1863 and Satsuma Domain(薩摩藩) also dispatched students to England in 1866. On the other hand, There were students went overseas individually like Kusakabe Tarou(日下部太郞). The characteristics and phenomenon of the studying abroad policy can be divided into four periods. The first phase is between 1868 and 1872 when the number of students studying abroad were increasing and the government activity about dispatching students to foreign countries were very aggressive. The second phase is the period that there were restriction of the dispatching students to other countries by the rule, Taejungkwan which the government presented in 1873. The third phase was started in 1875 which 'the Rule on the students studying abroad by the Ministry of Education(文部省) was presented. The last forth phase was the period which the professional students appeared and 'The Rule on the Student studying abroad at government expense' was enacted. In conclusion, the studying abroad policy were supported or restricted through the internal response about the foreign country civilization.

1860년대에 부패하고 허약한 청제국은 국내외적으로 곤란에 처하여 형세가 매우 위험하였다. 특히 국내의 곳곳에서 민중폭동이 발생하였는데, 그 중 가장 대표적인 것이 섬서성과 감숙성 일대에서 발생한 회족과 한족간의 무장충돌사건(陕甘回变)이다. 이러한 위급한 상황에서 좌종당은 청 정부의 명을 받고 진압에 나서 5년여에 걸쳐 평정을 완성하고 적절한 전후 처리를 통하여 효율적인 재건 작업을 신속하게 진행시켰다. 그러나 청 정부에 대한 당시 민중들의 감정은 매우 악화되어 있었던 연유로 좌종당이 이 폭동을 진압한 것에 대하여 객관적인 평가를 받지 모하고 있는 실정이다. 이 陕甘回变이 발생한지 150년이 지난 오늘날 이 사건의 진행 및 좌종당의 진압 과정에 나타난 여러 가지 의미를 재검토함으로써 당시 회족과 한족간의 갈등으로 촉발된 폭동에 난타나는 양면적인 특징 즉 정당성 및 정의성 그리고 낙후성과 파괴성을 설명하였다. 또한 폭동의 평정과정에 발생한 ‘屠殺’문제 에 대한 검토를 통하여 좌종당 평정활동에 대한 재평가도 시도하였다.

150years ago, the Qing government of China had become so rotten and weak that the armed uprisings occurred one after another, the Hui and Han people’s Armed conflict in Shanxi and Gansu(Shan-gan) regions of Northeast China is one of them. General Zuo Zongtang was appointed, by the Qing government as the commander in chief, to lead the Xiang army and other government forces to put down this uprising. Peace was restored within 5 years and the post-war reconstruction was carried out rapidly, comprehensively and effectively. However, Zuo Zongtang's work has long been regarded as the unjust negative action because of the Qing government is reactionary in many people's eyes. Zuo Zongtang's work is on earth right or wrong? what are the positive and negative significance? We are able to get something through analyze what he and his army done and how to get done. Furthermore, we can find the important meanings of his work as follows and wish more people would be able to see Zuo Zongtang and his military actions justly. Firstly, Hui-Han people in the two regions are able to coexist harmoniously and enjoy a peaceful life, able to develop the economy and start the construction of a beautiful home. Secondly, peace return in Shan-gan regions makes Xinjiang's recovery possible since roads through Shan-gan to Xinjiang become unimpeded and the front army had a stable rear area. Thirdly, Shan-gan Peace delayed the colonization process of China and make it possible that the Qing government is able to put more resources to the eastern coastal defense. Finally, the end of the war prevents the rich and colorful cultural heritage in Shan-gan areas from being destroyed more severely. At the same time, we must admit that he should bear joint and several liability owing to his subordinates’ retaliatory killings to Hui people in Suzhou battle.

이 연구의 목적은 카자흐스탄과 우즈베키스탄의 중앙아시아 고려인들이 민족 간 혼인을 하는 요인과 특징을 밝히는데 있다. 현재 중앙아시아 고려인들의 민족 간 혼인은 증가 추세에 있다. 이러한 추세는 고려인들이 민족 내 혼인을 해왔던 전통의 틀을 벗어나는 상황이다. 이렇듯 고려인들이 민족 간 혼인을 하는 요인으로는 언어, 도시화, 거주지의 분화, 민족정책, 주민 세대구조의 변화, 이민족적 환경 등을 들 수 있다. 증가 추세에 있는 중앙아시아 고려인들의 민족 간 혼인은 앞으로도 지속될 것으로 보이는데, 그 이유는 젊은 세대 고려인들이 민족 간 혼인을 긍정적으로 인식하는 비율이 갈수록 늘어나고 있기 때문이다. 고려인들의 민족 간 혼인의 가장 큰 특징은 여성보다는 남성에서 민족 간 혼인의 비율이 높다는데 있다. 또한 젊은 층일수록 민족 간 혼인에 대해 긍정적이다. 노년 세대와 달리 고려인 젊은이들에게는 민족 간 혼인이 이미 문제가 되지 않는다. 결론적으로 중앙아시아 지역에서는 앞으로도 고려인들의 민족 간 혼인이 지속적으로 증가하는 경향이 유지될 것이다.