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Baekje relationship with Mahan at first, when it came the founding of Baekje forces to Mahan local, settled on the han-river, such as being the country of feudal lords. The Baekje to king of MaHan the servant relationships, while Baekje went to expand the area to compete with the small countries around. Baekje’s King On-jo in 13 years(B.C.6) asked permission to move the capital city to the king Mahan and finally Wungchon(熊川) boundary delimitation and Territory finally reached. In a record Samkuksaki, King On-jo in 26 years(A.D.8) was attacked by merging to MaHan and King On-jo in 27 years(A.D.9) finally should perish Mahan. However, Record related to Mahan appear Samkuksaki, later interpreted as to the single record onjowang intentionally believe that In Academia ancient history. Thing in Central is disrupt the mokjiguk that, Mahan was destroyed and go south to around the mid-third century. In this way a theory is generalized, and you cannot recognize well a situation at that time that you were combined to Paekche, and the King On-jo rule times, no, the times were ruined after him. The record of Samguksagi is not recognized as due to this phenomenon through founding of Baekje Mahan of the society, thereby not fully understand the situation of the early Baekje was not able to identify correctly. Mahan forces at the time assumed that in the Geum River Basin, the southern boundary of the territory, which come Ung-cheon seems to be this now in the Geum River. Therefore of Mahan merge for onjowang Baekje territory until Geum River valley, across the Han River valley has been extended. Therefore, the fact that conquer Baekje through a series of processes Mahan, the merge onjowang for Mahan's perspective on the entity that can vary, even though it seems to be to be recognized as.

Kogurye has been known for the nation that had vast territory and mighty royal authority by means of the most vigorous conquest among three countries. These facts, however, was the times during Great King Kwang-Gae-To. It has been known as the times of King Tae-Jo to establish the foundation of Kogurye. Kogurye prior to King Tae-Jo hardly seemed to be a nation due to a weak regal power, an imperfect administrative system and each region controled by the nobility and the influential person of the local place. Moreover, it is considered for the nobility to constrain regal power and to directly involve succession to the throne than protect the throne. However, from early in the founding of a country did Kogurye develop through continuously battling with surrounding areas and conquering them. Jumong's group that had gone southward from Buyeo absorbed Jolbon-Buyeo‘s power and broadened his power over integrating the surroundings. Thus, Kogurye extended her own influence to southeast of Mt. Baekdu. These wars could concentrate nation's power to the throne, also successful conquest war became occasion of firming the rights and power of the throne. That Kogurye king's power was weak cannot be said simply as making small nearby countries feudal lord states, castle towns, or countries and prefectures. Conquering the surrounding areas until King Tae-Jo can be divided in two ways. One was the direct rule way of organizing occupied regions into castle towns or countries and prefectures. The other was the indirect rule way of including the former ruler of occupied region to the nobility of Kogurye and making the region a tributary state. This is related to attitude of occupied countries and what existence the regions were. These were all the administrators who were under king's order. In addition, feudal lord states were included to administration power of the center after king had dispatched an administrator to them. It is necessary to reconsider that the power of the throne who took the lead in war was weak as Kogurye conquered small surrounding countries from early in the founding. It can easily guess that continuous victory in war would help the throne settle and grow dominance power. At that time, the rule style of subjugated region was not only the thing which merely received a tribute through indirect rule, but also the king's direct rule through a government official dispatch, making castle towns, and so on. This direct rule style employed the method to conquer and include nearby countries. It can be understood with historical documents of Okjeo occupation. Through the contents like this, Kogurye show not the kingdom of weak king's power as a tribal feature but royal authority nation where a king exercised rights and formulated the system in his own way.

Since the period of the Three States when Buddhism was introduced to Korea, thousands of Sarira Stupas where Buddha’s Saris were placed built throughout the country. Sarira Stupas built as such were called in various names through classification of materials or kind of enshrined items. As for style of construction, plane shape of quadrilateral or octagonal style became characteristics of Korean stone Stupa and occupied a unique position in Korean stone arts. However, Namjonseon was introduced at the end of Silla dynasty, and octagonal-shaped Budos of the originator and the 2nd forebear of so-called Gusanseonmum which developed from it were built throughout the country with the established temple as well as temples divided from them as center. While going through a period of Goryeo, such typical Budos developed to various styles including Palgakwonguhyeong, Jonghyeong and etc. Beginning with Budo of saint Wonrang in Silla dynasty, preceding pattern of octagonal circle shape appeared in Budos of Hongbeop-Guksa at Jeontosa, Bojo-Guksa at Songgwangsa in Goryeo dynasty; at the end of Goryeo dynasty, Budos of Jigong, an Indian Buddhist monk, Naongwangsa who succeeded to his abbacy, and Muhakdaesa were built in octagonal circle shape; Saris were divided into Jonghyeong, which made construction of Budos prevalent. Going through Joseon period, such diversified Budo styles became to be built with specific names like Sejon or Seokgasari Stupa. Besides name, they started to imitate also Budo pattern of circle-typed Stupa body instead of existing quadrilateral or octagonal multiple layer stone Stupa. This appears only after foundation of Joseon dynasty possibly due to insufficient investigation and they were built more splendidly and largely than quadrilateral stone Stupa-type stone works from the viewpoint of art history. We have looked into how Sarira Stupas in such styles were constructed. Namely, we have looked into the fact that representative examples of octagonal circle shape are Heaamsa, Bonginsa, Naksansa, Beopjusa and Geonbongsa while stair-types or stone bell-types are at Yongyeonsa, Ansimsa in Wanju and Cheongwon, Dorisa and Bohyeonsa, This means that as a means of responding to the country’s policy of ‘Respect to Confucianism but Restraint on Buddhism’ during Joseon period, they tried to emphasize ideological color of Buddha, the leader of Buddhism and then, built Sarira Stupas by borrowing new octagonal circle shape or stair-types. Experiencing Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, SARIs enshrined in Tongdosa were distributed to Bohyeonsa, Yongyeonsa, Geonbongsa and Jeongamsa; as for Beopjusa, Saris were distributed from Tongdosa during Gongminwang period, from which we can confirm Sarira Stupa was built in the latter part of Joseon. Different from previous period including Goryeo, it is required to more carefully investigate characteristics of Joseon period from sociopolitical perspective and to handle division phenomenon appearing in various forms during the period. It is because such a new social phenomenon in the Buddhist world seems to be the efforts to overcome its limitation of the times.

The relationship between Goryo and Later Chou(後周) has long been focused on its goods -trading and adaptation of the culture to strengthen the dynasty of Goryo. However both Goryo and Later Chou had always faced Khitan which was formidable enemy. Goryo and Later Chou inevitably shared the pressure of Khitan at all times. In other words, the relationship between Goryo and Later Chou cannot be explained without the consideration of national security. The threat of Khitan has pressured the alliance between Goryo and other countries that resided in the central China (near the Hwanghe river) Particularly during 959, the Shizong(世 宗) of Later Chou has passed away and Gongti(恭帝) was crowned however was quickly abdicated by Chao Kuang-yin(趙匡胤); and the new kingdom Song being created after the destruction of Later Chou. During 959-960, there had been numerous military conflicts between Later Chou and Khitan due to militant policy of Shi-zong. However after the death of Shi-zong, Later Chou had to worry about the strong militants of Khitan especially after the crowning of young emperor Gongti. This concern was preceded by previous attacks of Khitan and Northern Han(北漢) when young Shizong received his crown in the past. Later Chou wanted a powerful ally who can pose threat to Khitan from opposite side, and it has chosen Goryo. Later Chou had asked for military alliance with Goryo by sending the 3rd grade Imperator(左驍衛大將軍) Dai-jiao(戴交). Goryo invaded and occupied the land near Apnok River, and changed Kaekyung(開京) to the Emperor Capital(皇都), and began to use independent dynasty name Joon-Poong(峻豊) during the conflicts of Later Chou and Khitan․Khitan and Song. These military acts were caused by King Kwangjong(光宗) of Goryo to create a new empire independent of Khitan or China beside strengthen the imperial power within Goryo. In other words, Kwangjong did not stop to make cultural exchange with Later Chou but used the world order at the time to extend the Goryo territory and strengthen his imperial power, further creating the haven for Goryo.

This study is about changing process of rites conducted in Taejojinjeon(太祖眞殿) during Choson period. The ceremony of Taejojinjeon were made in 1419 for the first time. Soon after Taejojinjeon was built in Gaesung(開城), King Sejong enshrined King Taejo's Portrait in it and had the ceremonies board(禮曹) make the ceremony of Jinjeon to perform ancestral rites of King Teajo and late King Teajong. This is the ‘King Taejo's Portrait Enshrining Ceremony(太祖聖 眞 奉安儀禮)’, the original form of the ceremony. However, this ceremony didn't be included in "Orae(五禮)" of Annals of the Choson Dynastry by King Sejong(『世宗實錄』) but late in KookjoOraeUi(『國朝五禮儀』) which was made in 1475. ‘Sokjeolhyang Jijeonui(俗節享 眞殿 儀)’, the ceremony of Jinjeon modifying ‘King Taejo's Portrait Enshrining Ceremony’ made in 1419, and became the original form of the ceremony. During King Teajong~Sejong, in course of organizing national rituals, there was discussion that Taejojinjeon in Gyeongju(慶州), Jeonju(全州), and Pyongyang(平壤) should be abolished except for Gaesung(開城) and Hamhung(咸興) where the king performed ancestral rites in person, because there couldn't be hold a memorial service for nation's founder, King Teajo in province(州) and district(郡). This was that the memorial service for King Teajo directly was related to existence of Teajojinjeon, namely to direct relation to their legitimacy, the relation between main agents who held and the objects who received a memorial service. Because this relation was showed as the ceremony, organization of national rituals is closely related with setting national ruling order right. With this in mind, therefore, this study examined about before-and-after point of difference and similarity in course that the ceremony of Teajojinjeon was established as the ceremony of Jinjeon in KookjoOraeUi, and about how the ceremony was changed with transition of Jinjeon system in late Chosun.

Selling body of oneself is an act of selling oneself or a family member as a slave, which was prohibited. However, the people starved from frequent poor harvest, and then the government was obliged to permit selling body of oneself. Existing ancient documents shows that selling body of oneself started around the year of 1750 and was 10% of the slave trade. It grew almost 30% about 1790, dropped to around 5%, yet increased over 40%. Therefore, the rate of selling body of oneself rose in the slave trades throughout the latter of 18th and 19thcentury. However, the academic world had little interest, because they took only a view of the caste system breakup from escape and emancipation of the latter period of Joseon Dynasty slave history. This study examined the cause by analyzing existing documents of selling body of oneself. The causes were various, but famine from the poor harvest was the biggest one and the family ethic which was ‘Hyo’ was one too. Despite escape and emancipation, selling body of oneself was the key role of existing slaves until the end of the Joseon Dynasty. Once the selling body of oneself was permitted, the people tended to resolve the problems of hardships through it, and they emphasized ‘Hyo.’ For example, when all family members starved by famine, the head of household planned to sell one of the family member for sustenance, and got permission through making an excuse of non-existent sick parents. The price of selling body of oneself was lower than normal slave trade, so refunds were often. Then, slave buyers kept from refund or asked for much higher amount of money for emancipation than normal slave trade when they purchased. The remarkable fact is that many people who had been slaves and freed by paying money sold body of oneself when they went through hardships from famine. The life of lower classes of the latter of Joseon Dynasty was unstable.

This paper, in first, I confirming the territorial of Gando through of the Gando old maps made ​​by Westerners, In the 18th century. In the next, I examine changes in the attitude of the Japanese government, of 1905∼1909. And I raised the issue in level of historic research, by connecting the Eulsa Treaty(乙巳條約), the Gando Convention(間島協約). 18C European antique maps are excellent resource. In particular, in the modern historical sense, Our claim will evolve into a more objective argument. The Gando area appears as Korea territory, in Chinese military map produced in 1917. It means that China recognized that Gando is Korea territory. This Chinese military map. The Japanese government has denied China's Dooman River country boundary, until just before agreement Gando Convention(間島協約). It was possible to exploration and investigation results of Gando policce box(間島派出所) of the Chosun residency-General(朝 鮮統監府). In fact, sino-Japan, both countries recognized that Dokdo is Korean land, and then signed the Gando Conventiont. This is the evidence that supports the claim of "Gando is Korea territory”. Also this is the evidence to solve illegitimate issue of the Eulsa Treaty(乙巳條約), the Gando Convention(間 島協約).

This is to analyze the Jeonju saengwon and jinsa roster published in 1931 which belongs to Namanje, an old famous auditorium, in Jeonju. I will place the focus on the background and the distinguishing features of the publishment, and the authenticity of all the 631 members on the roster. For the verification, the CD-ROM Samabangmok made by Seoul System was used. The outcome is as follows. The roster was issued on the basis of the roster in manuscript of the Jeonju Hyanggyo, a local school annexed to the confucian shrine. The compilation staff consisted of 55 members, but they didn’t try to verify the authenticity of the manuscript, but rather made every effort to find the ancestors or descendents of the saengwon and the jinsa of the manuscript and to write these facts on the new book. And the analysis of the staff shows that 18 among the staff were the descendants of the sangwon and the jinsa on the roster, and 4 were saengwon or jinsa themselves. On the other hand, 212 saengwon and jinsa, 33% of the roster’s total, were not found in any of the existing samabangmoks of the Joseon dynasty. It means that most of them could be fakes. Among them there were 48 clans including influential clans such as Jeonju Yu, Joyang Im, Jeonju Choi, Milyang Park, Jeonju Lee, and Kimhae Kim. Many fakes were recorded to pass the exam in the early or middle Jeoson dynasty. Some of them became successful candidates even in the year when any exam was not conducted. At the times when the roster was published, Korea was suffering a cruel fate. Japan was about to eradicate Korean national identity under the slogan “Japan and Korea are One Entity.” Almost 40 years passed since the civil service examination system had been abolished, and 20 years passed since Japan had made Korea its colony. It was at this moment that Jeonju literatis determined to publish the old roster. To them the examination system had never ceased to exist. In short, they were still living in the country of the examination.

This study presents a review of the leaders of Yeosun Revolt, which took place the 14th Regiment of Korean Army on October 19, 1948 and of the government's intentions in the changes of its awareness of the leaders. The government made the first announcement regarding the revolt, saying that the 14th Regiment of the Army raised a revolt and that its first leader was Major Oh Dong-gi, the head of the regiment. The appearance of Major Oh combined the Yeosun Revolt with the revolutionary militia incident and contributed to the government's intention that the extreme right force raised a revolt on purpose in conjunction with the communist force. However, the revolutionary militia incident was a pure manipulation by the government. Second, the government passed its accountability for the army revolt to the local people, pointing out Principal Song Wook, whose appearance solidified the Yeosun Revolt as a "revolt” raised by the local people and left an impression that the military fulfilled its role of suppressing the rebellions well. Finally, the government claimed that the revolt was raised by the group of Officer Kim Ji-hoi and Master Sergeant Ji Chang-su in the 14th Regiment under the direction of the South Korean Labor Party. However, the government has failed to provide definitive proof that the "40” rebellions including Master Sergeant Ji Chang-su, who has been commonly known to raise the revolt, were actually responsible for the revolt. In particular, there is an impression that the government is hiding something. The government has changed its perceptions of the leaders of the revolt based on its planned intention, which built a structure of supervision and control designed to create an anti-communist system across the Korean society, adopted the dichotomous equation of "communists, and contributed to the society filled with government violence and political manipulation. In the revolt that was started in the 14th Regiment of the Army, the government and military became the judges at certain point. The idea that the local community and people were communist was solidified and generalized. This study will hopefully serve as a small starting point of the local commie and people shedding the city's image as the city of revolt and communists.

The birth of realism in Korean cinema of the 1950s and the rising of cinema movement based on literature in the 1960s led to the first renaissance in the Korean cinema history. In this situation, Jeonlabuk-do, especially Jeonju-city, occupied a special place in Korean film industry of the 1950s. Jeonju is a place in which not only the major works in Korean Cinema history, such as Gang-Cheon Lee's masterpiece <Arirang> (1954), <Piagol> (1955), are produced, but also the first 16mm colour film, <Princess Seonhwa> (1957) as well. In the 50~60s, moreover, the majority of Korean cinema were made by filmmakers coming from Jeonlabuk-do, and also was mostly shot there. There are plenty of papers and books on Korean cinema history today, but, in fact, there has only few studies on the local film history. While investigating situation of the 50~60s at Jeonju, Jeonlabuk-do as a mecca for Korean film industry, the study examines the works of the filmmakers working there, especially the director Gang-Cheon Lee. Even though filmmakers coming from Jeonbuk left an indelible footprint in Korean film history, taking the lead in the Korean cinema renaissance of the 1950~60s, but they have underestimated due to the shift in the center of its activity to Seoul. It is very important that the cinema of Jeonbuk should receive credit for its role in Korean cinema history, and for that, to restore its originality and succeed to its legitimacy.

Chung Dynasty had maintained close policies as to foreign relationship for a long time. As she lost a war against the United Kingdom who had demanded correcting unreasonable trading system attributable to closed-door policy, China had no choice but eventually open its door. After then, western powers establish concessions and independently exercised governing power such as legislation, judiciary, public administration, and finance. At the same time, as these open ports played roles of importing ports of affordable foreign products and exporting ports of plundered raw materials from China, they were recognized as bridgeheads for invasion to China. In early 20th century when international order of Northeast Asia jolted and shoved, changes in domestic and international political circumstances were accelerated and crisis of Manchuria was deepened, a few figures who had opinions and views strongly argued the changes in political and economic policies and proposed the opening of northeast region as one of the measures. By reflecting the reality that open ports functioned as bridgeheads for invasion of foreign powers to China, Chung Dynasty prepared specific measures for China to exercise initiatives of development and management in opening the process of opening commercial zones in northeast regions and implemented the measures. The effects of opened region trade and commerce on changes of open ports and area society were diverse. Opened region trade and commerce resulted in the expansion of commercial extent by centering on open ports. Commercialization of farm produce due to the progress of agricultural product and corresponding increase of export made open ports to play a leading role in promote modernization of international trades by producing growth of trades. In the state that unified market had not formed yet in China, the commercial zone became the starting point that led to modernization. Also, as factors of modernization that were planted in the commercial zone proliferated to outside the zone, it played leading role for entire regional economy to be modernized. Opening ports functioned as core engine for urbanization such as expansion of size of a city and became a key factor that had actual impact on the changes of the functions and structure of a city. After opening the zone, relevant cities witnessed growth of population and accomplished external growth as well as obtained the dynamic power that could develop into modernized cities in various aspects such as construction, sanitation, and maintenance.

이 논문은 조선시대 문헌인 『燕行錄』 과『韓國文集』 을 근거로 明清时期 조선인의 ‘鸭绿江’에 대한 이미지를 연구하였다. 논문은 또한 연구 과정에서 조선 사신들의 朝.中 國境認識과 그들이 가졌던 ‘华夷观’이 시대에 따라 변화하는 과정에 대해서도 연구하였다. 연구 결과에 의하면, 명청시기 조선 사신의 압록강과 조.중 변경 이미지는 몇 번의 큰 변화를 겪었는데, 이는 당시의 정치와 사회적 변화와 밀접한 관련이 있었다. 조선 초기 조선 사신들은 압록강에 대한 국경의식이 그다지 강하지 않았다. 그런데 明이 멸망하고 清이 중국의 주인으로 바뀌는 과정에서, 조선은 만주족의 침략을 받게 되었고, 이러한 시대적 상황은 조선 사신의 압록강 이미지와 국경의식에 영향을 주었다. 곧 이시기 조선 사신들의 압록강을 경계로 한 국경의식과 화이사상은 조선 초기 보다 강화되었다. 조선 중후기 청과 조선이 오랫동안 평화적인 외교 관계를 유지해온 결과, 조선 사신들의 압록강에 대한 국경의식은 점차로 희박해 졌다. 이러한 의미에서, 압록강은 조선 사신들의 민족의식을 일깨우는 공간이기도 하고, 또한 그들이 화이사상을 민감하게 느끼게 하는 공간이기도 하다.

Chiefly on the basis of the Korean documents,the paper discusses the images of the boundary between Korea and China and the changing of the idea of Hua and Yi in the Korean hearts, as well as Yalu Jiang River written by the Korean.There sultisthatitwasthechangeofthepoliticalandsocialsitu ationthatseverelyinfluencedtheregionalimagesoftheKoreananditschange. Before the mid of the Ming Dynasty, the Korean only had a weak idea that Yalu Jiang River was the boundary between Korea and China.And when the Ming Dynasty was replaced by the Qing Dynasty and the Korean was intruded by the Manchus, the Korean idea of frontier fortress was unprecedentedly strengthened.But the Korean idea of Yalu Jiang River as the boundary was again weakened because of the long－term peace by the mid and late of the Qing Dynasty.So Yalu Jiang River was the space which strengthened not only the Korean idea of Hua and Yi,but their idea of nationalism.