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The purpose of this study will reveal a side of the Koguryeo’s caste system. To do this, comprehensively examined Samguksagi(󰡔三國史記󰡕) and Chinese historical record(中國 史書) related Bureaucracy(官制) and Color garments(色服) system. However, the records was limited, because the records about the rulers. So in this paper speculated status composition centered on the ruling classes. A result of the study, nobility of Koguryeo were divided four layers. The first, top class is the Royal family. These are uses hats made ​​of white silk(백라관 白羅冠), status as a top layer. The next class is high nobility. They were prescious status among the nobility, using hats made of blue silk(청라관 靑羅冠). The following is mid aristocracy. They were used hats made of red silk(자라관 紫羅冠; 비라관 緋羅冠; 강라관 絳羅冠), that was using the most of Koguryo officials. As the last layer, General officials used hats plugged feathers(새 깃털을 꽂은 절풍 折風 傍揷鳥羽). Each of these layers be appointed status was limited to the Official hierarchy(관등 官等). The Royal family and high nobility using white and blue silk hats were possible to appointed from sixth rank to first rank. Mid aristocracy using red silk hats were possible to appointed from thirteenth rank to seventh rank. General officials were possible to appointed to fourteenth rank. The difference between the fourth rank and fifth rank is the kindred difference between the Royal family and Nobilty. Koguryeo's caste system has been alienated from the existing research. Because historical data was poor. However, a more careful review of the current inherited data, that will become a basic understanding. In the future, expect more intensified research.

It was very long since the DaeWon-Temple was established by "Overlooked Historical Records of the Three Korean Kingdoms". It got recorded in history from about 1,450 years ago. It was estimated that the temple played an important part in Wanju and Jeonju country of the ancient history. But, in those days there were no such things as remains. Through the relics of the past, DaeWon-Temple was established on the late of Silla dynasty and the early of Korea dynasty. It was played an important part in Buddhism and a life of faith on Korea dynasty. DaeWon-Temple was continued long in Chosun Dynasty. Now, A stone pagoda and several stone stupas still remain in the temple. Several Stone Arts occupied a prominent position in the temple history. Five story stone pagoda was builded to the theory of geomancy in the early of Korea dynasty. Through the stone pagoda, the temple was maintained the light of Buddhism in Korea dynasty. The stone pagoda contained the transitional style between Silla and Korea. Several stone stupas was builded in the late of Chosun dynasty. In view of these facts, we know that DaeWon-Temple was continued long in the late of Chosun Dynasty, Influential monks stayed at the temple, and they died in the temple. It was estimated that the carved dragon on stone stupa had something to do with a royal family. But, we did not know a protagonist of the stone stupa. It is an important problem for our to solve.

After Choi Chung-hyeon(崔忠獻) removed Lee Eŭi-min(李義旼), he entirely held the right of personnel affairs over Nasis who attended on the king around. That was because he intended to put in his close associates as Nasis, and to watch and check the king's political action through them. But after King Hee-jong(熙宗) came to the throne, some friendly Nasis with the king began to appear. Most of them were his friends[春坊公子] when he was a Crown Prince. Finally they took an action of killing Choi Chung-hyeon who was a military ruller at that period, but it ended in a failure. And with this as a momentum, Choi Chung-hyeon blocked the appearance of Nasis close to the king throughly. This political situation continued to the period when Choi Woo(崔瑀), Choi Chung -hyeon's oldest son, succeeded to the ruler. He picked his faithful servants as Nasis, as he wanted. On the contrary, the king couldn't appoint his respected teacher as Nasi at his own will. He had to try to read the military ruler's mind to carry out his will. But after Choi Hang(崔沆), Choi Woo's second son, succeeded to the military ruler, some Nasis who had different political view against the ruler appeared again. And the king partly regained the right of personnel affairs over Nasis. With that, some friendly Nasis with the king began to appear again. That was because Choi Hang's ruling power was weakened. We can find two characteristics when we analyze the persons who took a role of Nasi at the ruling period of Choi's family. One was that many Nasis were produced out of the same family, relatives and ones by marriage. And I'd like to name 'Jokdanwha[族團化] of Nasi' this tendency. This was the result that some families which produced Nasis before and after military revolution had developed their political power and dignity continually, and many new families began to have interest in entering into Nasi at the period of King Myoung-jong(明宗). The other was that the ratio of Nasis from military officials was much lower than one of Nasis from civil officials when compared with the period of early military rule. That was because the military ruler prevented the other military officials except his close associates from entering into Nasis throughly. In this way, Choi military rulers controled the other military officials and kings at one time, and confirmed their political foundation. It was one of the reasons why the kings had no power at the period of Choi's military rule differently from the period of early military rule.

This is to study Jo Sik’s false accusation against Gim Ju in July 1477. The incident stirred up the court of king Seongjong over about ten days. It was an interesting case because the accuser and the accused got punished together. Jo Sik charged Gim Ju with unlawful marriage to his widowed sister, but he also received punishment on charges of making a false accusation. Gim Ju and his wife, Mrs. Jo, couldn’t avoid the penalty for violation of fornication inhibition law of Ta Ming Lu(大明律), although he marriaged her many years after her husband had died and it was a custom at that time. This odd verdict came from the special circumstance that both sides were equally descendants of prestigious families and, at the same time, close relatives of those in power, then Seongjong hesitated to rule in favor of either of both sides. The case was more interesting in that it involved all the complicated political and social situation in those days. In fact it was the cause of the king’s order, directly after the incident, that sons and grandsons of yangban women who remarried could not serve in government office, and which was, in turn, a forerunner to the law of 1484 to prohibit government service against sons and grandsons of remarried yangban women. Therefore the Jo Sik and Gim Ju case is the key to understand the order of 1477 and the law of 1484 correctly.

At the initial stage of Hideyoshi’s Invasion of Korea (Imjin Waeran), Joseon was defeated by Japan in every battle, and Seoul was delivered to Japan only 20 days after the invasion. It is said that Joseon engaged in party strife and enjoyed a peaceful reign, so it was not possible to prepare for the invasion of Japan. But regarding its backgrounds, the followings are considered. First, small wars were occurring in northeastern areas in the 1580s and therefore Joseon was already in quasi-war. The 1583 January rebellion by Nitangeu from Yeojin against the Joseon government lasted until July, so Joseon was not peaceful and tranquil at all, which cannot make a full defensive preparation toward Japan. Second, there was a strategic mistake. That is, Joseon designated the whole areas of the southern coast as the virtual war zone, in particular, reinforced the security on the coastal areas of Jeolla province, because Joseon expected that the riots (similar with riots which happened in the year Ulmyo) would be happened again by Japan. Also, Joseon held fast its opinion on ‘Jeseungbangryak (military defensive system)’, because Joseon did not expect the invasion of the regular army by Hideyoshi. Third, the Ming dynasty doubted that Joseon connected to Japan, based on information from Okinawa 2 years before Hideyoshi’s invasion, and Joseon tried to explain that it is wrong, which does not concentrate on invasion of Japan. Fourth, at that time, the Japanese army was the most elite group in the world. Meanwhile, when reviewing the other data except for ‘the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty’, regarding the conditions in Gyeongsang Province at the initial stage of Hideyoshi’s invasion, it is shown that there are new and positive facts. For instance, Joseon made all efforts to deliver promptly information on invasion of Japanto the central areas or the neighboring regions, or Joseon tried to respond to the invasion by sending the armies of 13 towns in Gyeongsang Province. Therefore, if the officer or commander took the initiative in responding to the invasion, the initial development would be different. It is expected that Joseon secured huge military forces and provisions in the northeast regions until the eve of the Hideyoshi’s invasion. But, the regions did not play their role in defending the nation at the initial stage of invasion. Rather, two princes were sent to the Japanese general Kato-Kiyomasa. It is estimated that securing the military forces and provisions facilitated exploitation by the local officers and commander toward the general public, and when the invasion happened, the local people expressed hostility. However, righteous armies by Moon-Boo Jung started to turn the tide of the war.

The Mooshin Revolt which broke out in 1728, the fourth year of King Yeongjo's reign, was triggered by Namin, Soron, and a radical faction combined with local aristocrats called Yangban in an attempt to dethrone King Yeongjo and change the political conditions led by Noron. As it constituted a sort of nationwide civil war waged by those who were excluded from leadership roles in the government, its development and features were different according to area. Besides, records of the Mooshin Revolt are different according to the recorder's political position. Therefore, a study on the Mooshin Revolt requires exploring local history based on an area where a militia group was created and discovering and using new materials. Especially Jeolla-do is an important area for research on the Mooshin Revolt because it was the area where the leading figures of the revolt aggressively worked. However, few studies have been conducted on the Mooshin Revolt in the area. In order to find out the features of the Mooshin Revolt by area, this study analyzed “Mooshinuijeok” out of Honamjeoluirok(湖南節義錄), the historical material of Jeolla-do, examining the features of the Mooshin Revolt in Jeolla-do and activities of loyal troops from Jeolla-do. The Mooshin Revolt in Jeolla-do showed the following two features. First, Jeolla-do was the area where a plan for a revolt was specifically realized even before the Mooshin Revolt. Park Pil-mong, Sim Yu-hyeon and Park Pil-hyeon, the leading figures of the revolt, had established a plan and human network for a nationwide revolt when King Yeongjo ascended to the throne. After they moved into Jeolla-do, as preparatory works, anonymous letters arguing for the removal of King Yeongjo from the throne circulated, gunpowder was stolen to blow up the gate of the castle and to kill the king, and parts of military, including band of thieves of Byeonsan and slaves, had already moved to Gyeonggi-do. Second feature was the governor of Taein Park Pil-hyeon's way of raising an army including official soldiers. The governor of Taein Park Pil-hyeon had colluded with Jeong Sa-hyo, the provincial governor of Jeolla-do, to mobilize their forces in Jeonju using a false claim that they would suppress rebels in Chungcheong-do. However, when a local official of Jeonju caused a communication failure among those who involved in the revolt, making the nation face a civil war-like situation, the claim of suppressing rebels turned out to be false, breaking up Park Pil-hyeon's Taein official soldiers. In Honamjeoluirok(湖南節義錄), on the other hand, according to the development of the Mooshin Revolt by period, the activities of loyal troops of Jeolla-do are recorded as follows. In the early period of the revolt, movements were made to protect Seonggyun-gwan and guard the king. As the revolt developed, loyal troops were raised all over Jeolla-do and then assembled in Namwon. At battles in Anseong and Juksan, Gyeonggi-do which became a turning point for the revolt, loyal troops from Jeolla-do performed outstanding work. During the suppression period of the revolt, along with defending Palryangchi in Namwon and advancing to Hamyang, Gyeongsang-do, suppressing and capturing remaining rebels were conducted. Loyal troops from Jeolla-do did outstanding jobs in defending Palryangchi in Namwon and advancing to Hamyang, Gyeongsang-do. Because of counterattacks from local official solders and loyal troops in Jeolla-do, the rebels withdrew to Hamyang, Gyeongsang-do, failing to advance further. On March 30th, official soldiers and loyal troops from Jeolla-do moved forward into Hamyang and executed Choi Jon-seo. Following this, Jeong Hui-rang was executed in Geochang on April 2nd, completing the suppression of the Mooshin Revolt.

Hwang Yoon-seok(黃胤錫) lived in 18C. At that time as conflicts in politics was becoming more acute in the central government`s main political parties, such as No-ron, So-ron and Nam-in. And there was the boundary between the central and local government. Also it was the time of a new challenge to the local intellectuals. Because of the appearance of new leadership, that is 'Gyunghwasajok' which was grown up in capital region, the local intellectuals' opportunity to participate in politics was dwindled away. Especially Hwang Yoon-seok came from Honam Province and he made efforts to establish his identity as part of No-ron to overcome his discrimination. So he asserted that he studied under Kim won-haeng and succeeded to the learning of Song si-yeaul. However, although Hwang Yoon-seok's academic standing was No-ron, his career as governmental officials was depended upon by influence of So-ron. He was recommended by So-ron which was against the opposing party, No-ron. It was possible for him to go into the central government. Afer all, his Career as Governmental Officials and political position was influenced by the political direction related to So-ron. Chungmyung Party was organized by No-ron which was joined hands with two other opposition parties, So-ron and Nam-in. Chungmyung Party was the new political force which supported King Jeongjo. Therefore Hwang Yoon-seok lightened the burden of political bitterness and he exchanged the relation of So-ron and No-ron party continuously. But Hwang Yoon-seok was ousted from office by hawkish No-ron party, a provincial governor Sim Iji and secret royal inspector Sim-Hwanji. Hwang Yoon-seok's life was a series of coming up to the capital and going down into the country. This fact is enough to show how a local intellectual was in a disadvantageous position. But he got over a difficult situation and achieved his academic works.

This study was to examine how leadership organization of Tonghak Peasant Uprising was made and to know the actual circumstance through the life of Chon Pong-Jun(全琫準) who is supreme leader of peasant army, especially focused on the companionship relations with people who met in his long nomadic life as far as possible. Chon Pong-Jun has made his living moving around many places and met many people from his birthplace Dang-chon(堂村) until the day to settled down at Jo-so-ri(鳥巢里), Go-boo(古阜). It has within it people of all leader class of Tonghak Peasant Uprising among them are Kim gae-nam(金開南), Son hwa-jung(孫化仲) and Kim deok- myung(金德明). Chon Pong-Jun kept company with them consistently based on the belief. This relations could help him to make more powerful human network. And It is regarded to be very important things that form leadership organization of Tonghak Peasant Army and participate many people in the peasant uprising.

The opening of ports and mission works of foreign missionaries made a chance for koreans to feel strongly the changing realities of the times through the contact with exotic cultures. And they led to the birth of 'school' which was a new educational organization and a symbol of modern time. Modern education was regarded as an urgent problem to make the country wealthy and powerful. But its result was not successful. The free night-school movement in Honam area since the Eulsa illegal treaty was progressed as rapidly as regular elementary schools. Koreans' strong desire for learning and education was main cause of the movement. Many Koreans could not but depended on night schools for children education because of the burden of much tuition in regular school. Especially, a free night-school was 'a lamp for hope' to many working students. They could learn foreign languages and get economic benefits by acquiring the linguistic ability. It's safe to say that most leaders of the movement were members of enlightenment organizations and local government officers who were engaged as members of Daehanhyuphoe or Honam academic society. They aimed for the accomplishment of a civilized society based on the theory of social revolution. Their ultimate goal was to give common koreans the minimal knowledge required to be 'people of a modern nation'. So main subjects were focused on the elementary education. But it caused some negative evaluation of free night-schools. Some free night-schools didn't stop just giving knowledge. They tried to improve koreans' daily lives and encourage the consciousness of people. Especially, they condemned Iljinhoe and the corruption of local government officers. They also took part in the compensation movement of national dept in 1907.The organization of common people and collection of public opinion were historical results by their various experiences. The free night-school movement of Honam area in the latter era of the Choseon Dynasty was one of the main causes to realize the public interests. These are just why we should focus on the free night-school movement here.

To date, the study on the anti-Japanese movement of the Korean residents in Japan is focused on three objects of study. First, the time is from the late 1920 to the 1930s. Second, the region are the Kantou(關東) district(=Tokyo and surrounding areas) and the Kansai(關西) district(=Osaka and surrounding areas). Third, the theme is a famous person or a famous group. Therefore, there are few studies on the anti-Japanese movement of the Korean studying in Japan in the 1940s. This study is about to investigate the characteristic of the anti-Japanese movement group of the Korean residents in Japan by "Tokyo Korean Communism Group Case of January, 1940" and "Yokohama Korean Student Communist Group Case of December, 1941". The above two cases had characteristics that the members involved in the cases were from the same family and the same town or region such as the Goryeong Sin family(高靈申氏家門), those organizations were small and secret, and connecting by Kim Yonggyu(金容珪). The reason for organizing small and secretly was due to the Japanese government's oppressive and conciliatory measure on Korean studying in Japan. With the upcoming World War Ⅱ, the Japan's government was anxious that Korean students studying in Japan would be the potential leaders of the anti-Japanese movement, so consequently it tightened the oppressive and conciliatory policy more strictly, while it provided an institutional strategy to keep watch on them through organizing Hyupwhahoe(協和會), Korean scholarship committee(朝鮮獎學會) and the like

In 698 A.D., Balhae(渤海) kingdom, founded by Dae Jo-yeong(大祚榮) in Dong Mo mountain, appeared upon the scene of history. After that, Balhae occupied the old territories of Koguryeo Kingdom, and expanded it's domination by occupying the Heuksu tribe(黑水部). Balhae was a polyethnic nation which encompassed a wide range of races, included Yemaek(濊貊), Malgal(靺鞨), Han(漢), Khitans(契丹), and had dominion over LiaoDong province for two hundred years. but there has been a lot of academic disagreements about the relations between Yemaek and Sukshin(肅愼) in the historical study of Balhae, In particular, disagreement on Dae Jo-yeong's ancestry and the makeup of residents in Balhae, is caused by the absence of historical documents in Balhae, and also most of the related documents belonged to Chinese dynasty of central plains. Twenty Five Histories(二十五史) “foreign biographies” in the official history of china(especially, dynasty of central plains) described all circumstances in North-east countries in that time. But according to personal propensity, intellectual level and political life, there are many differences in historical presentation of writers(or compiler) of these history books. For example, there are some related records in The Old Book of Tang(舊唐書) and The New Book of Tang(新唐書): respectively said “Dae Jo-yeong of Balhae-Malgal is a originally Goryeo(高麗) by descent.” and “Songmalbu(粟末靺鞨) is a naturalized Goryeo, called ‘Dae’ by surname.” On this point, North and South Korean historians have contended that most of the governing class in Balhae were descendant of Koguryeo, while chinese historians insisted that they were Malgal(Mohe). Therefore, it is very important for finding the original truth of Balhae' history to need inductive approaches by Quellenkritik and discovery of new historical documents by an in-depth study. This paper is tried to have a new approach to history of Balhae:　particularly, ethnic origin, territory and residents. From my final analysis, Malgal was a ‘collective’ term includes several ethnic group in north-east, the Songmal tribe of Malgal was the Koguryeo by Yemaek descent. and Dae Jo-yeong establish Balhae kingdom as a successors of Koguryeo. Balhae was a multiracial kingdom which made the Koguryeo as a dominant class in it's territory.

In Koryosa(高麗史), there was record described for Songshang(宋商) and Songdugang(宋都綱), but any reference about them was not written. Consequently, so far we have understood Songshang and Songdugang as a same thing. In this study, I reexamined the characteristics between Songshang and Songdugang respectively, in order to clarify the vague characteristic of Songdugang. Followings are the characteristics of Song's marine merchants described in historical materials. In case of Songshang, they made a voyage as merchants to sell the products to Koryo(高麗). Among them, Some were ship's owner but others lent a ship from ship's owner. Meantime Dugang(都綱) had three characteristics in historical materials. First, Dugang was related to ship's owner. Second, in Dugang, owners boarded their ship in person commanding sailors. Third, Dugang was always related with shipping in historical materials. Therefore regardless of ship ownership, Songshang(宋商) can be designated merchant selling goods, Songdugang(宋都綱) can be businessmen only shipping and commanding their sailors. By the way September 1085(元豊8年), in Northern Song, Shenjong(神宗) government permitted officially their marine merchants to do shipping trade to foreign envoys and foreign merchants. As a result some Song's ship owners gave up selling goods and then converted their types of business into shipping trade. So Koryo distinguished Songshang as a seller to come to sell their goods, from Songdugang coming to do shipping trade respectively.

This dissertation looks at the reason for the increase in natural disasters during the Song dynasty, the affect it had on the Song society, and what kind of relief works were implemented to procure social stability in the face of natural disasters. The Song dynasty was exposed to explosive levels of natural disasters from the very beginning. Natural factors, such as short term climate changes, combined with the reckless cultivation of waste lands, rivers, streams, and lake areas following the rapid increase in population as well as the serious destruction of forestry resources for military purposes, culminated in frequent natural disasters. The fact that the people are frequently exposed to disasters is directly linked to issues of national finances, as well as overall social stability such as order in the countryside communities and public order etc. The Song government implemented various rescue policies enabling victim refugees of disasters to return to their occupations with stability. Officials of regions through which refugees pass were obliged to rescue them and then issued passes to return them to their homelands. They also took certain measures to enable them to normally return to their livelihoods after going back to their homes. Various rescue policies such as tax cuts for previously defaulted taxes, provision of farmland with or free of charge, breaks from previously unpaid taxes and interest, reductions or exemptions from various taxes and compulsory labor for certain periods, and the rental of seeds and farming equipment were implemented. Meanwhile, the Song government built storage facilities in each region in case of famine caused by natural disasters to store food and provide it to flood victims. The storage facilities of the Song dynasty can largely be divided into two types. First, there were facilities built by direct order of the Song government and subjugated to the central government in the administrative system. Second, there were facilities built, managed, and secured voluntarily by the communities. Examples of the former are Sangpyeongchang(常平倉), Yichang(義倉), Gwanghyechang(廣惠倉) etc. However, as the national economy began to deteriorate in the mid North Song dynasty, the fiscal status of these storage facilities also deteriorated and their functionality as rescue facilities were undermined. What is more, as time went by harmful usages deviating from the original purposes of these facilities, such as the borrowing or diverting of what funds were left, became common. As such the government became more active in the management and supervision of the operation of such rescue facilities through the inspection agencies such as the Jeonwoonsa(轉運司), Jejeomhyeongoksa(提點刑獄司) etc. These measures, however, acted as factors that actually made administrative processes and procedures more troublesome and complicated. So an important factor in the efficacy of aid administration, swiftness, was lacking. Since the mid South Song dynasty, the rescue facilities of the government gradually lost functionality and left gaps in aid administration. We can say that the local communities developed various independent rescue options to secure the stability and order of local communities and fill this gap in national policy.

몽원제국시의 고려에 대한 빈번한 공녀요구와 그와 관련된 연구는 중국의 喜蕾 등을 비롯한 여러 학자들에 의해 이미 널리 알려져있다. 그에 비해 조선초의 공녀연구 상황은 원나라 때와 비교하여 볼 때 그 규모나 수량에서 상당한 차이를 보여 그다지 관심을 받지 못했던 상황이다. 그러나, 그 연구 범위와 수량은 원조의 그것과 필적할 정도로 광대하고 많다. 14세기 말에 들이닥친 원명교체, 한반도에서 역시 고려와 조선의 교체, 이와 관련된 친원적 성격이 강한 고려에 대한 명의 경계 등등 이러한 민감한 정치적 상황에서 명나라 황제의 조선에 대한 공녀요구 원인을 어느 학자들은 정치적인 이유 즉, 화친(和親)이라고 보지만, 필자는 물론 정치적인 이유도 완전히 배제할 순 없지만, 그보다 더 큰 이유는 명황제의 사욕, 허영심을 채우기 위해서였다고 본다. 실제로 선덕조에 그동안 명궁궐에 남아있던 공녀들을 보내면서, 섭정을 하다시피한 장황태후가 처녀들이 온 건 알고 있지만, 음식 만드는 시녀, 노래 부르는 시녀들이 들어온 건 모르고 있었다. 이로 볼 때 명황제의 조선에 대한 공녀요구는 정치적 목적보다는 일신의 쾌락을 위한 것이었다고 보는 것이 타당할 것이다. 명황제의 이러한 무리한 요구는 조선의 군신으로 하여금 유가적 도덕관념을 위배하면서까지 처녀들을 준비해 진공하게 했다. 이 당시 조선의 왕과 양반들의 고충이 이만저만 아니었을 뿐만 아니라, 백성들의 삶 역시 큰 영향을 받았음은 의심할 여지가 없다. 그러나 조선의 왕과 양반, 백성들의 고충은 실제로 조공품으로 끌려가는 공녀들의 아픔에 비하면 비할 바가 아니었다고 생각된다. 당시 공녀들의 중국을 향한 진공행렬을 지켜보던 백성들은 그것을 산송장(生送葬)이라고까지 할 정도였으니 말이다. 실제로 중국궁궐에 도달한 공녀들은 겉으로는 화려해보이지만 속으로는 항상 바늘방석에 앉은 듯한 삶을 이어갔고, 대부분의 공녀들은 두 차례에 걸친 영락제의 대량학살로 인해 만리타향에서 원한을 품은 채 객지의 원귀가 되었다. 본 연구는 영락조에 발생한 두차례의 명 궁궐내의 대학살 궁궐비사인 ‘어려지난(魚呂之亂)’에 초점을 맞추어 그 발생시기와 주모자 등에 관한 몇 가지 의문점에 대한 아래와 같은 해결과 연구방향을 제시하였다. 먼저, 사건의 원흉인 呂씨에 관한 신분을 연구해 본 결과, 실제로 사건의 원흉인 呂씨는 조선의 공녀출신 呂씨가 아닌 중국 呂씨 상인의 딸인 “贾吕”로서 명궁궐에 들어온 중국인으로 조선과는 하등 관계가 없는 인물이었다. 둘째로, 본문은 『조선왕조실록』에 대거 의존하여 어려지난에 대해서 설명해봤는데, 정확한 발생시간 등 『조선왕조실록』에 기록되지 않은 내용은 『명사』,『명실록』,『국각』등 중국사료에 약간이나마 출현하는 기사를 통해서 간접적으로 접근하였고, 그 결과 영락제의 呂씨 주살은 영락11년(태종13년, 1413년)에 발생, 어려지난은 영락19년(세종3년, 1421년)에 발생했다는 것을 알 수 있었다. 셋째로, 어려지난의 또다른 주모자 어(魚)씨의 신분에 관한 것으로, 그 어씨의 성이 魚가 아닌, 喩라는 것이다. 두번째 연구결과인 어려지난의 구체적 발생시간이 틀리지 않는다면, 『명사』,『명실록』,『국각』등 중국사료에 등장하는 영락제의 후궁 喩씨의 사망시간이 『조선왕조실록』에 기록된 어려지난의 발생시기에 자살한 시간과 거의 일치한다는 사실을 알아냈다. 또, 중국어 발음에 있어서 위의 두 한자는 다 같이 ‘위’라는 발음으로 글을 쓸 줄 모르거나, 알더라도 어떤 중국어 발음 ‘위’의 한자인지 모르는 김흑이 발음하는 것을 사관이 오기했을 가능성이 커, 어려지난의 또다른 주모자 魚씨가 사실은 영락제의 후궁 喩씨라는 사실을 밝혀냈다. 그러나 본 연구는 아래와 같은 문제점이 존재한다. 첫째로, 사료의 활용상에 있어서의 제한이다. 본 연구의 주제인 어려지난은 명나라 황실의 비사(秘史)로서, 공녀에 대한 기록과 마찬가지로 중국측 사료에서는 찾아보기가 매우 힘든 내용이며, 실제로 영락제 가붕후 즉위한 명 인종은 이 일을 조선에 알리기를 매우 꺼려했다. 그리하여, 어쩔 수 없이 『조선왕조실록』에 대거 의존하여 연구를 진행하였다. 둘째로, 위와 같은 이유로 『조선왕조실록』에만 의존하여 사료의 진위성 여부에 대한 신빙성이 낮다고 볼 수 있다. 『조선왕조실록』에서 일부러 거짓된 내용을 기록했다고 보긴 힘들지만, 여러 가지 이유로 기록에 있어서 과장과 오기 등 문제가 존재한다고 여겨진다. 어려지난은 영락19년(세종3년, 1421년)에 발생하였고, 한씨의 유모인 김흑은 선덕10년(세종17년, 1435년)에야 비로서 조선에 돌아와 어려지난에 관한 일을 세종에게 알렸다. 즉, 사건 발생 후 장장 15년이 지난 후에야 조선은 그 사실을 알게 되었고, 이 역시 연로한 김흑이 당시 상황을 되새기며 구술한 것을 다시 사관이 옆에서 받아 적은 것으로, 앞서 말한 과장, 오기 등의 현상이 존재한다고 본다. 그 예로 앞서 설명한 “鱼”씨와 “喻”씨의 오기를 들 수가 있겠다. 셋째로, 본문에서는 필자 역량의 한계로, 어려지난의 원흉인 “贾吕”가 조선인이 아닌 중국인 呂씨 상인의 딸이 궁녀로 들어온 것으로 설명하는 데 끝은 맺고 말았다. 그녀의 정확한 신분을 파헤치는 것이 본 연구의 가치를 한 단계 승격시키는 것이라 생각하나, 필자의 한계로 후속연구과제로 넘기게 되는 아쉬움을 남겼다.

Tearful Conversation over the Mulberry Fields and the Sea is the conversation between the two country-lost-people, a Vietanmese Nguyen Thuong Hien and a Korean with the last name Min. The dialogue was written by Nguyen Thuong Hien and published with the help of some Chinese, especially Chang Ping Lin. This brief introduction is enough to raise a lot of interesting question. Who was the narrators and how they made sympathetic friendship? What is the reason Cang Ping Lin got involved in its publication? Was there a network of acquaintances and activities among Vietnamese, Korean and Chinese? If so, how can evaluate the nature and degree of those Asian network for independence and revolution? Moreover Tearful Conversation over the Mulberry Fields and the Sea was conceived and born in a seaport city in Asia around 1911-1913. This fact brings up important issue concerning the meaning of its time and place. Did the seaport city provide country-lost-people or independence-seeking-people with sanctuary for physical survival, soft arms such as new knowledge and methodology, material aids including arms and munition, moral support from outside world? In what direction the decade before the World War one lead Asian activists? Confronting those above-mentioned questions and issues, this study focuses on the content and meaning of Tearful Conversation over the Mulberry Fields and the Sea above everything else in the context of anti-colonialism in Vietnam over the half century from 1885. The second focus falls on overseas bases for the Vietnamese asylum seekers. Among them, two seaport cities Canton(China) and Yokohama(Japan) were the most import space for Vietnamese. Those were the headquarters for the Reformation Society and Vietnam Restoration League. In the process of investigating the activities of those organizations and those members including Nguyen Thuong Hien, we find so called Asian network for independence and revolution in seaport cities. The last chapter spares for deductive reasoning who was a Korean narrator in Tearful Conversation over the Mulberry Fields and the Sea and the possible seaport city where its narrator made sympathetic friendship.