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The success to the civil service examination in the Joseon dynasty Korea meant not only the honor to the candidates and their families but also their entry to the high circles, because it guaranteed major central and provincial government positions, and also provided a major means whereby economic wealth might be accumulated. This paper analyzes the successful candidates resident in Namwon, which was one of the major cities in Jeolla province at the times.The conclusion is as follows:First, 7 Buan Kim passed the civil service examination, topping the other clans resident in Namwon. Jeonju Choi and Gyeongju Choi ranked to the second and the third respectively. Most of successful degree holders were found in the families whose clan seats were located at the Jeolla province.Second, Namwon produced one successful candidate every four years. The number became larger in later Joseon, but the percentage of Namwon residents over all the new Munkwa degree holders generally decreased, reflecting the power of the successful candidates resident in Seoul. Third, only 16 percents among the successful candidates in Namwon had held offices under government or some degrees before they passed the civil service examination. This means that many people took and passed the Munkwa without a Saengwon or Jinsa degree in late Joseon.Fourth, 44 percents or so of the successful candidates in Namwon came from the ancestors with the official careers. This means the balance of the old and the new generations. Especially the de facto transmission of official posts to the posterity was on an increasing trend in late Joseon. Fifth, a good number of the successful candidates in Namwon were promoted to the senior grade of the 3rd rank in the government. This proves that, unlike a popular opinion, officials from Jeolla province were not discriminated against in the career of the official world.

Yu Jeong(1544～1610), also often known by his pen name Samyeongdang, was a Buddhist monk during the Joseon Dynasty. With the outbreak of war in 1592, he led righteous army of monks. He proved to be a great leader and excelled at fighting the Japanese. Thus he was held in high esteem even by the Yangban class. After his death, he became well-known as a great man described in various folk tales. He continues to be remembered in modern times, particularly with his tombstone of Pyochung temple in Miryang, which is said to be perspiring at the times of national crisis since the end of the Joseon Dynasty.There are few historic men who are adored as the object of veneration or remembered as the persons with supernatural magical arts even today, such as Samyeongdang. Someone might take up Kim, Deok-ryoung who was a leader of righteous armies during the Imjin war or Im, Kyong-up who was a general of official armies during the Byongja war, but their influences are limited to the sphere of shamanism. Guan Wu, who served Liu Bei at the times of the Three Kingdoms in China, could be mentioned, but he was not a historic man but only a personage fictionalized in the novel, Sanguozhiyanyi which was written by Lo Guanzhong.On the contrary, Samyeongdang is a typical figure who is still adored as a man of folk tales and a great man in history at the same time. There is no doubt that his image of today is different from his historic entity. But the story of Samyeongdang is being handed down even 400 years after his death and would be as such in the future, especially by the sweaty tombstone.

After the World War II, United States perceived difficulties of dealing with the Soviet Union in world politics. As the Soviets decided to propagate communism to the world including Eastern Europe and Asia, Americans decisively responded to the Soviets with Containment Policy. In the view of American world strategy, Korea, after the World War II, appeared as a valuable region in the Pacific region as a buffer zone against communism. When Koreans were liberated from Japanese Imperialism in 1945, the United States decided to involve Korean problems to defend its national interests. By sending the occupation forces to South Korea, US government set up the stage of materializing its policy Korea.Washington defined its Korea policy as follows: to establish a democratic representative government and a constructive economic system in the American capitalistic system. The American occupation forces, represented by General John Hodge and formed a military occupation government, implemented Washington's policy in South Korea by their own methods: to suppress leftists and support rightists politically; to contain Soviet expansion to the region militarily; to transplant American capitalism in South Korea economically. In administration occupation government employed pro-Japanese Koreans who served for Japanese imperialism and were considered to be liquidation in eyes of Koreans.This paper concluded that Americans made mistakes in performing their policies due to lacks of preparation of occupation policy which meant ignorance of Korean requests of building a unified nation. The result of the failure gave Koreans distorted history in course of their national life after the liberation.

The charter of communes varied in length, emphasis and completeness. And their contents usually gave an incomplete picture of a town's internal life, and in some cases reflected only the particular events. Despite the limitation of these documents, they can be used to obtain information on the relationship of the communes with the feudal lords including kings. In many of the charters of commune, Kings required the townsmen to give them ost and chevauché, but the clauses of administration or political autonomy in which the townsmen surely took a great interest are relatively scanty. All in all the "independence" which was the ideal of so many communes rarely went beyond varying degrees of limited administrative autonomy. Let's ponder over the words('libertas' and 'franchisia') which appear in charters. Some historians argue that they refer to an essentially political freedom. According to them, though 'libertas' and 'franchisia' normally appear in the sense of a privilege, these privileges came to include the rights of government which may be regarded as the right of independent political action. But, in my opionion, we should pay attention to P. Michaud-Quentin's analysis of 'libertas': "Essentially the liberty in the Middle Ages is opposed to the arbitrary acts of the superior[...] To be free is to have the power to discuss the limits of submission and to acquire the defined status fixing the rights and obligations."In conclusion, we must appreciate the significance of the communal movement. For the ideological reasons certain authors have insisted that the commune shook the feudal system and established a sort of a liberal and democratic government. But it is clear that despite the assertions of some writers who glorified the medieval commune as the "triumphs for the Third Estates", the commune was in all aspects neither revolutionary nor independent.Key Words : commun

In his notorious What is property?(1840), Proudhon declared that "property is theft", "property is despotism". When he said this, he was referring to the idle landowner who, he believed, stole the profits from labors. Proudhon opposed both individual and collective property. However, he later abandoned his advocacy of 'possession' over 'property'. His view on property was in constant change. In his posthumous work, Theory of Property(1865), he said that "property is the only power that can act as a counterweight to the State." Hence Proudhon could retain the idea of property as theft, and at the same time offer a new definition of it as liberty. Both 'property-theft' and 'property-liberty' are acceptable in his own theory of property.But Proudhon did not see a contradiction between these two slogans. This was because he distinguished between property created by coercion and property created by labor. In asserting that property is liberty, he was referring especially to the peasants' small holdings. Proudhon believed that the property in the product of labor is essential to liberty, and legitimate, while property in natural ressources that strayed from 'possession' was the basis for tyranny, and illegitimate. Overall his theory of property is a bit confused and confusing. In fact, his whole aim seems to be to show that property must be corruptible, but that this corruption is possible basis for liberty, if well conducted and revised.

어떤 한 민족의 문명 수준과 사회 공중 도덕 의식을 가늠할 수 있는 잣대의 하나는 그들의 목욕에 대한 관념이 어떠했는지를 통해서이다. 사회적인 단면을 통해 당시 사회의 일면을 유추할 수 있기 때문이다. 청결한 신체, 깨끗한 의복, 왕성한 활력 등은 그 민족의 활력을 상징하고, 그 반면 더러운 신체, 남루한 의복, 위축된 자세는 그 민족이 쇠퇴했음을 반증한다. 자각적으로 신체를 깨끗이 씻고 옷을 갈아입는다는 것은 개인의 생활 습관에 머물지 않고 사회 문명과 미덕을 체현한 것이다.고대의 목욕은 개인 행위이면서 또한 사회활동이었고, 거기서 생긴 건강과 활력은 민족의 건강과 활력이었다. 황정견은 송대 사대부의 전형적인 인물이었고, 그가 자각적으로 목욕을 즐긴 정황은 송대 상류 사회의 생활 습관이 응축된 것임을 의심할 수 없다. 목욕은 일종의 규율적인 신체 세척 행위로 사회 공중 도덕에서 볼 때 냄새를 없애는 일이다. 사회적 지위가 높고 공적인 사람일수록 이 같은 목욕의 필요는 더 많아진다.황정견이 의주에 있는 동안 기록한 일기인 󰡔의주을유가승󰡕은 본인이 일생의 마지막 단계에서 실생활을 적은 것이다. 황정견은 여기서 송대 사대부들이 약정한 빈도에 따라 목욕을 하는 규율성 있는 생활을 보냈다. 여기서는 그의 사회 의식을 자각한 일면도 볼 수 있다.

무로마치(室町) 시대의 하카다(博多)는 일본의 주요한 무역항으로, 많은 하카다(博多) 商人이 명․조선․유구와 무역에 종사하였다. 본 논문에서 다루고자 하는 인물인 道安은 무로마치 시대 후기 하카다 무역 상인을 대표하는 인물이다. 종래 도안에 대한 연구는 中村榮孝, 小葉田淳, 秋山謙藏, 東恩納寬惇, 外山幹夫, 有光友學, 田中健夫, 橋本雄 등에 의해 행하졌으며, 주로 대외 교류사와 지도사의 분야에 집중되어 왔다. 그러나 이들의 연구는 도안의 조선 통교나 동아시아와의 관계에 대하여는 명확하게 설명하지 못하였다. 따라서 본 논문에서는 도안의 대조선 통교의 실태와 유구국사로서의 성격, 그리고 도안이 조선에 가져다 준 일본․유구의 지도 등에 대한 검토를 통해서 하카다 상인으로서 도안의 위치를 규정하고자 한다.도안과 동아시아의 관계에서 특징은 다음과 같이 정리할 수 있다. 첫째, 도안은 3회에 걸쳐 조선 표류민을 송환하는 유구국사로서 조선에 도항하였다. 그 중에는 위사가 포함되어 있지만 유구국왕사의 이름을 빌린 도안의 대규모의 사적 무역 행위가 중심이었다. 그 무역은 주석, 납, 소목을 조선의 섬유제품과 교역하는 것으로, 아시아에 있어서 무역권의 확대와 일본에 있어서 광산물 생산의 배경이 되었다.둘째, 도안은 수도서인과 수직인으로서 두개의 통교권을 획득하였지만 수도서인으로 통교를 행한 흔적은 없다. 또한 수직인으로도 많이 통교한 것은 아니며, 유구국왕사로서의 사적인 진헌 이외에는 볼 수가 없다. 그 이유는 도안의 무역 활동의 중심이 博多～琉球 간의 활동에 있었던 점과 예물 탈취 사건으로 對馬宗氏와의 관계가 악화되어 스스로 조선 통교를 할 수 없었다는 점을 들 수 있다. 대마종씨와의 양호한 관계 없이는 원활한 조선 무역이 불가능하였다.셋째, 도안의 일본․유구지도는 조선측에 매우 귀중한 것이었지만, 이 지도가 博多․薩摩․琉球 상거지도였다는 점도 도안의 무역 활동의 중심이 琉球 貿易이었다는 사실을 보여주고 있다. 이러한 점에서 도안은 조선～유구 무역형의 하카다 상인으로서 중요한 위치를 차지한다고 할 수 있다.