Earticle

Various opinions have been expressed about the early records of Baekjebongi and sillabongi in Samkuksagi, which contained a confrontation between Baekje and Silla around province Chungbuk and Kyongbuk areas on the other side of Sobaek mountain range about 1st to 3rd century. The general trend is that the record is wrong, because those events had happened before Silla formed a federation of Jinhan states and unified many small countries around Kyongbuk areas. But we can't deny the fact that as much as 20 among 24 wars against Silla began from Baekje's preemptive strike. According to the records, Baekje exercised its influence over Namhan river ever since the nation had found its way into the castle nangjagokseong in 63. And Baekje moved into the upper reaches of the Kum river and the basin of the Nakdong river from the reign of king Chogo in the late 2nd century. Afterwards in the time of King Gusu and Goi, Baekje frequently delivered attacks against Silla around Kyongsangdo over Sobaek mountains. The phase of the wars leads to the conclusion that the war began from the needs of Baekje, and that it was correlated to the growth of the nation, considering the basic nature of the war.

This paper examines the life of Lee Jeong-Gu, one of high civil officials in the mid-Joseon period. He served as a diplomat at the turbulent time, when the dynasty suffered the invasions of the Japanese army and the powerful Jurchen Manchus. As a westerner he was attacked from big northerners several times. And he witnessed the deposal of Kwanghaegun which took Injo to the throne. War, infectious diseases, famine and factional strife were the symbols of his day. Under such circumstances how he behaved, especially in the diplomatic relations with the Manchurians and the ritual disputes during kings Kwanghaegun and Injo, is the main subject of the paper. Lee Jeong-Gu spoke Chinese fluently, and had outstanding writing skills. He also had acute judgements. Then he could deal with many diplomatic conflicts. Obviously he was one of the scholars with the attitude of sadae(serving the great), but not a stubborn Confucian fundamentalist. As a career diplomat he didn't hesitate making strategic decision for the benefit of the nation. Such flexibility made him serve the government of the opposite northerners. And his long illness worked good for his public service. As for the ritual disputes, he didn't sometimes agree with kings Kwanghaegun and Injo on the basis of the principle of the ritual. But once it was decided upon, he dared to accept the role of the envoy to report the result to China. Thus some historiographer even criticized him for his irresolution. In my view, his flexibility, not indecision, was rather a virtue desperately necessary to the intellectuals of the times, in retrospect of the rough history of the Joseon dynasty after his death.

This thesis is intended to examine the background of Gyeonggijeon's establishment and the process that the Chosun Dynasty's ritual protocols was consolidated while discussing the abolition of Gyeonggijeon. Taejojinjeon is the place for the portrait of King Taejo Lee Sung-Gye, Chosun's founder. During the first period of Chosun' foundation, it was built on the five places in Youngheong, Kyungju, Pyeongyang, Jeonju, Gaesung. Especially, Taejojinjeon in Jeonju was called Gyeonggijeon. Gyeonggijeon in Jeonju was built by the request of local residents in Jeongju. Because of the Lee Bang-Gan's (Taejong's elder brother) exile in Jeonju by the suspicion related to treason at that time, Taejong was very concerned about the possibility that Lee Bang-Gan and local residents in Jeonju who have antigovernment's temper will conspire against him. On the other hand, the elders in Jeonju were burdened with the political suspicion by king and government. As a result of that, old and rich people in Jeonju asked for constructing Taejojinjeon to show their loyalty to Taejo Lee Sung-Gye and the Choseon Dynasty. That is to say, Taejojinjeon was built as a symbol to political compromise between the government and the local residents in Jeonju. After buliding Gyeonggijeon, the management of Taejojinjeon was discussed three times. This discussion is whether local's taking charge of performing ancestral rites to the founder of the Chosun Dynasty is right or wrong in considering the nation's ritual protocols. Owing to Gyeonggijeon‘s quility related to performing ancestral rites to the founder of the Chosun Dynasty, this discussion was deeply connected with maintaining the nation's ritual protocols symbolizing the authority of a royal family. In this process, Taejojinjeon in Jeonju obtained the name of "Gyeonggijeon". And it was managed actively. The government supervised to perform ancestral rites to the founder. For this, Jeonjig(殿直) was established. After that, Taejojinjeon in other places were abolished on account of the various reasons. Thanks to the direct relationship with a royal family in Chosun Dynasty, however, only Taejojinjeon in Jeonju (The hometown of Lee Sung-Gye's family) and Youngheong (Lee Sung-Gye’ hometown) were remained.

The shift toward enhanced agriculture productivity in Mankyong river valley was evident in Okgu irrigation association area too. In this essay, using the related management data in Western Okgu Irrigation Association(hereafter WOIA), I analyze the formation and socio-economic change of early association before and after the period of the foundation of the WOIA. This case study showed just a bit of change in context of technical level in transition period. WOIA used traditional Jeon(堤堰) after the period of the foundation of the association. But a shift in context of institutional level might lead to a big change in the water system of Okgu area. This phenomenon came true in first half of 1920'. It's so called the marginal adjustment effect. The fact that the shift from Gye(契) to association gave rise to a discontinuity phase in institutional level show the main feature of irrigation association project. However, early change in WOIA is very small, which have difficulty in discerning the discontinuity phase in transition period.

There were 19 noticeable youth groups in Kimje region in 1920's. Youth Associations were organized centering around Kimje, Geumgu, and Mankyoung, on the regional basis and the Cheondogyo and the Christianity, on the religious basis. On the aspect of main agent of the foundation, it is noticeable that KimJe Women Association composed of women with socialistic disposition was organized. This is because there wasn't women youth group like this in Jeongeup, the center of southwest Jolla province, and even in Gochang and Buan. Likewise, Kimje was the only place in southwest region where Myeon Ryeo Youth Association was organized for young christians to train their belief. The first youth group established in Kimje was the Kimje Youth Club which was organized in 1918. Unlike the most regions where a club was inherited from youth association, it wasn't in Kimje. Therefore it was not until Kimje Youth Association was formed that youth movement focusing on enlightenment could develop. In the middle of 1920's, Youth Associations with socialistic disposition were organized in Kimje. It was no other than Baeksan Pro Youth Group and New Youth Group organized in Baeksan, which showed that more and more youth groups in Kimje took gradual left turn in their political stance starting from 1925. In the late of 1920's, Youth Alliances including youth movement groups from all walks of life were organized. People who joined alliances were the ones who were members of the Labor Union and the labor movement, more than half of whom had socialist ideas. The followings are activities a Kimje Youth Association engaged in: First, it hold a number of sports events. To do them, the department of athletics was established in Kimje Youth Association involving youth club, Mankyoung Youth Association, Geumgu Youth Association, Kimje New Youth Association, Gongdeok Youth Association. Second, it took the lead in a crusade against illiteracy by establishing night school for married women and labors. In particular, the operation of night school in Kimje had important significances in that night school for married women were rare in most regions. The night school operated by Geumgu Youth Association was run on a very extensive scale. The fact that the school could hold 90 people showed that it came close to a private school authorized to be an accredited school. The lecture, one of the major activities of most youth groups, was not given a lot of weight. Third, it was unique that woman staff took responsible for accounting in Myon Ryeo Christian Youth Association. This is because we couldn't see any woman who was in charge of social organization among Jeong eup, Gochang, Buan and any other region. Fourth, socialists worked actively. The reason socialists in Kimje, southwest region, led an active life was that Kimje was the worst place a peasantry had dissembled during Japan's colonial rule. Meanwhile, youth movement in Kimje had the important meaning that it contributed to butcher's social equality movement which even intellectuals thought negatively.

The transformation of the communist countries like North Korea is not a matter of choice but involves such questions as how to do and what should be done. The transformation is a great reform-processing task which substitutes market economy for planned economy. As a result, its adverse reaction is enormous. Nations to practise transformation have to consider several important variables in order to accomplish the purpose. First of all, they must establish a reform-oriented group which can restrain old communist groups that are resistant against reformation. They also must obtain the people’s confidence by means of sincerity and transparency. Finally, they must have the stability policy. Transformation of North Korea could be carried out very slowly under the regime of today, that could be collapsed in the process of the transformation. In this case the reunification is also possible and the transformation of North Korea will be led by South Korea, just as East Germany was led by West Germany when the two Germanies were united. For this reason, the case of East Germany is meaningful for Koreans. The crucial point of transformation is privatization. Privatization not only establishes a base course to get into market economy but also has a meaning of judgement against old communist political power. If transformation would be established upon such a solid base course, confusions and adverse reactions will be minimized. Transformation of North Korea is a historical task which could decide the future of reunited Korea of 70 millions peoples. We have to prepare Korean unification by studying such transformation policy as privatization performed by East Germany and Eastern Europe. If Koreans prepare the unification of the two Koreas in advance by studying the trials and errors Germany and European countries experienced, North Korea may realize transformation successfully.

Recently, discourse on the memory is being formed in many areas including not only history but also philosophy, psychology, sociology, and literature etc. The memory is not the thing that never changes like documents, but it is positioning itself as another chapter of research on history in that it can fill up the gap of historical research which has been studied based on literature. This paper is focusing on considering the issues such as what meaning a survivor's memory can give to us rather than focusing on ‘history as reality’, and what value the memory has, and how historical trauma of individuals or groups can be cured based on those meanings and values. Thus, here, we developed our argument using the text Is this a man(Se questo è un uomo, 1945), which is a book written by a witness who survived the Auschwitz Nazi death camp. To achieve the goal of this article, first of all, we examined correlation between the memory and history. Although history and the memory may seem contrary to each other in a sense, they are of interdependence and complementary. In order for the relation between them to be productive, not stability and balance, but tense and check are necessary, and history should be approached from such a perspective. Only then, history and memory will be able to be partners for true history. Next, we have sought how to cure historical trauma seen from the perspective of the memory through the text to publish memories of a survivor's life full of ups and downs. Primo Levi does not bring cruelty of the harmer into excessive focus, but tried reflective overcoming to free himself from the shackles by objectifying traumatic memories directly confronting the past. In this sense, this research will give a possibility to newly restore trauma of memories forgotten in history and direction to seek how to cure trauma hidden behind memories.

현재의 동아시아사의 일반적인 인식에 의하면 16세기 전후의 변동기부터 17․18세기는 “오늘날에까지 연결되는 국가의 지리적․민족적 틀을 만들어낸” 시기로 파악되고 있다. 다시 말하면 “각 나라의 특징을 지닌 제도와 관행의 성립이, 근대민족주의와는 다른 형태라고 하더라도 다른 나라와의 대비에 있어서 자의식(自意識)의 강화를 수반하고”, ‘화이관(華夷觀)의 다원화’와도 교차하면서 이른바 뒤이어 등장하는 근대가 극복대상으로 삼았던 ‘전통사회’가 형성되었던 시대라고 이해되고 있다. 사상사에서도 이러한 인식은 많은 시사를 던져준다. 물론 이념이 포함되어 있는 사상세계에서는 반드시 실태와 상즉적(相卽的)으로 사태가 진전되는 것은 아니다. 예컨대, 15세기까지의 명(明)을 중심으로 하는 책봉체제(冊封體制)의 융성이 실태적인 명중화주의(明中華主義)를 체현한 것이라고 한다면, 그것이 주자학적 이념으로 수용되어 간 것은 ‘동쪽 변방’의 일본에서는 오히려 17세기 전반기였다고 할 수 있다. 그렇지만 그것은 토요토미 히데요시(豊臣秀吉)의 조선 침략과 명과 청의 왕조교체의 영향도 있어서, 일찍부터 ‘일본형 화이사상’의 요소가 강하게 내포되어 있었던 것이라고 하지 않을 수 없다. 거기에 도쿠가와시대(德川時代) 일본의 독특한 자타인식(自他認識)이 성립되었다고 인정할 수 있다. 조선왕조의 경우 17세기 이래의 ‘조선소중화주의’의 성립도, 일본과 달리 16세기에 주자학이 정통교학으로 확립되어 있었던 사정도 있기는 했지만, 그것은 조선의 독자적인 자타인식의 성립으로 파악할 수 있을 것이다. 그런데 일본과 조선의 각각의 자의식이 강화되어 가기 직전, 바로 16세기부터 17세기로 이행하던 시기의 하나의 ‘사건’으로서 일어난 것이 강항(姜沆)과 후지와라 세이카(藤原惺窩)의 만남이었다. 지금까지 이 ‘사건’은 일본주자학의 안쪽으로부터, 혹은 세이카의 사상 형성이라는 관점에서 도쿠가와 시대 일본의 주자학 성립에 준 영향관계로서 주로 논의되었다. 그러나 자타인식의 문맥에서 파악할 때 이 ‘사건’은 매우, 그리고 더욱더 흥미로운 것이 있다. 다시 말하면 거기에는 16세기까지 동아시아 세계의, 곧이어 각기 그것을 ‘바탕’으로 하면서 ‘일본형 화이사상’과 ‘조선소중화주의’의 형성으로 나아가는, 주자학을 매개로 한 공시적(共時的)인 사상세계의 스파크와 또한 17세기 이후 큰 흔적을 남기는 ‘어긋남’을 찾아볼 수 있기 때문이다. 따라서 이 ‘사건’을 이해하는 것은 그 후 17세기 중반 명(明)과 청(淸)의 왕조 교체를 거친 후 격변하는 상호간의 자타인식의 변용을 이해하는 의미에서도 중요한 의의를 지니고 있다고 생각된다. 본 논문에서는 이러한 점을 강항과 후지와라 세이카 두 사람의 타자관(他者觀)을 축으로 하면서 검토하였고, 이어서 어떻게 일본과 조선 쌍방의 멸시관이 형성되어 가는가를 전망해 보고자 하였다.

본 논문은 문화의 정치성을 추구하는 관점에서 1930년대 이래의 ‘만주관광여행’을 검토하고, 제국주의 일본의 관광언설(觀光言說)이 지니는 근대 찬미와 특히 전장(戰場)과 전시(戰時)와의 관계에 대하여 새로운 사료 등을 포함해 고찰한 것이다. ‘관광’은 사회적인 구조를 수반하며, 조직화된 여행자는 ‘관광의 시선’으로 대상을 보며 타자화한다. 1930년대의 ‘만주’ 관광여행의 경우, 일본 본토에서 출발한 여행자집단은 식민지 조선을 경유해 군사적 침략에 의해 확대된 판도를 ‘주유(周遊)’하고, ‘차창(車窓)’을 통해 공간과 사람들을 바라보면서 많은 기록을 남겼다. 이러한 기록의 대부분은 비대칭적이고 상투적인 이문화(異文化) 표상언설(表象言說)을 재생산하였다. 그런데 본 논문에서는 교육 관계의 「시찰보고서」에 착안하여, 도시인프라를 찬미하는 근대화 언설의 요소와 함께 관광여행 공간에 개발주체로서의 제국주의 일본을 찾아내어 칭송하는 특징을 밝혀내었다. 한편 본 논문은 군(軍)과의 내재적인 관계와 전시 하에 이루어진 사실의 의미도 밝히고자 한다. 관광여행 공간은 점령지나 전장의 인접지에 머물지 않고, 전장의 후방이나 부대의 방문에까지 미치고 있다. 군의 점령공간에 비례해 광역화하는 ‘만주관광여행’은 구조적으로 자유로운 경제활동의 소산은 아니다. 본 논문에서는 제한이나 부자유에 관련된 구조에 주목하면서, 사례로서 외무성 ‘대지문화사업(對支文化事業)’제도가 1937년 전후에 주로 고등교육 및 관계자에 의한 ‘만주․조선․지나(滿鮮支)’에로의 시찰여행을 허가한 사실과 허가를 요구하는 여러 학교의 논리를 검토하였다. 신청서의 대부분은 ‘만주’ ‘지나’ 유학생과의 문화교류, 본국 일본인 생도․학생의 취직문제, 문화교류로서의 ‘지나어’ 어학연수․실천 등 제국(帝國)을 판도로 한 사람들의 이동을 포함한 것이었다. 한편 ‘무엇을 보여줄 수 있을까?’ 하며 방문지를 구성한 정치역학에 대해서는 전적(戰跡)관광을 검토하였고, 학교배속장교 제도와 황군 위문을 이유로 한 실시 허가 등 1930년대를 관통한 군과의 밀접한 관계를 밝혔다. 관광여행은 때때로 ‘상품’으로서의 과거를 읽어내는 작용도 지닌다. 전시 하의 전적지 관광의 경우는 현재 이전의 공간을 과거의 전적지로 잘라내는 것으로, 현실의 전시 하와의 관계를 볼 수 없도록 하며, 동시에 ‘관광의 시선’의 대상으로 된 공간과 사람들을 타자화하는 역할을 하는 것이었다. 이와 같이 ‘제국(帝國)’의 공간적 확장을 전제로 한 관광여행과 그것을 전시 하에 전개한 사실은 다양한 위상으로서의 문화적 메시지가 난반사하고, 정보와 문화표상의 질이 변화하며, 상호관계에 영향을 초래하는 것이었다.

법률의 疏密과 사회治亂 사이의 관계를 규명하려는 작업은 그 역사가 아주 오래된 것으로, 고대부터 현재까지 많은 학자들이 법률이 세밀해지는 것이 각종 사회의 모순을 야기하는 원인으로 지적하고 있다. 이에 본고에서는 기존의 연구 성과를 기반으로 하고 동시에서 서양의 사회통제이론을 적용하여, 宋代에 이러한 현상이 나타난 것에 대해서 해석을 시도하였다. 이러한 문제의식을 바탕으로 이 논문은 송나라 사람들이 송대 薦擧制度의 법령이 점점 엄밀해진 결과 그 폐단을 없어진 것이 아니라 오히려 더 많은 폐단을 만들어냈다고 지적한 것에서부터 논의를 시작하였다. 송대에 이러한 현상이 나타나는 이유는 첫째, 중국 고대사회에서는 덕이 내재된 통제를 중시하지 않았다는 것과 관련되어 있다. 두 번째로는, 봉건시대의 체제와 중앙집권정책의 추진이 행정과정 중에서 상향적 책임을 관원들이 명령을 받들어 수행하게 하는 원칙을 만들어냈고, 이러한 규칙과 관료사회의 일처리 방식은 법은 있지만 그것에 의거하지 않거나 법은 있지만 의거하기 어려운 상황을 만들었다. 이것은 동시에 법령은 세밀해졌으나 오히려 집행하는 것과 준수하는 것을 어렵게 하였으며, 이로써 송대 추거제도가 법령이 세밀해질수록 폐단은 많아지는 현상이 더욱 격화되었다. 앞에서 언급한 두 가지 원인은 송대 천거법령의 정황에 적용될 뿐만 아니라 모든 중국고대의 법률제정과 실시정황을 거의 다 개괄할 수 있다. 송대에 추천제도를 실시하는데 있어서, 법령이 세밀해질수록 폐단은 많아지는 현상을 초래한 원인은 세 번째 원인을 통해서 규명할 수 있다. 그것은 바로 송대에는 천거제도가 銓選체제 안에 포함되었기 때문인데 특히 選人을 추천하여 관직을 제수하는 과정은 반드시 천거를 통해서만 실현되었기 때문에 士人들은 科擧후에 관직생활을 하면서 두 번째 큰 장애물을 만나게 된다. 선인으로 관직에 추천된 후에는 상당한 이익을 얻을 수 있지만, 그렇지 못하였을 때에는 궁핍한 생활을 하게 되는 것의 차이는 너무나 뚜렷한 것이어서 그 자신이 각종 폐단을 너무나도 쉽게 만들어냈고, 법령의 영역에서 송대는 중국 고대 법률제도의 일반적인 폐단을 갖추었다. 이것은 한걸음 더 나아가 천거법이 많아질수록 병폐도 많아지는 상황을 더욱 심화시켰다.

本文从宋人对宋代荐举法令愈来愈严密，结果不是救弊，反而造成弊病愈来愈多现象的议论入手，通过对前人研究成果的借鉴并引入西方社会控制理论，对这一现象的产生进行了解释。认为在宋代之所以会出现这样的现象，首先与中国古代社会不重视德的内在控制有关；其次，封建时代的体制与中央集权政策的推行，造成行政过程中对上负责成为官员奉行的原则，这样的规则与官场处事方式，造成了有法不依、有法难依的情况，这也造成了法令虽繁，却执行难、遵守难，加剧了宋代荐举法密弊多现象的产生。上述的两条原因不但适用于宋代荐举法令的情况，几乎可以概括整个中国古代的法律制定与实施的情况。之所以荐举制度在宋代的实施会出现法密弊多的情况，则取决于第三个原因，那就是宋代将荐举制度纳入到了铨选之中，特别是选人改官必须通过荐举方能实现，成为士人在科举之后，仕途上所遇到的第二大障碍。改官之后的巨大利益和未能改官的窘迫生活之间的对比又过于的强烈，这本身就极易产生各种弊端，而在法令的层面上宋代又具备了中国古代法律制度的通病，这就进一步加深了荐举法愈多而弊病愈多的趋势。