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전북사학 [JEONBUK SAHAK ; The Jeonbuk Historical Journal]

간행물 정보
  • 자료유형
    학술지
  • 발행기관
    전북사학회 [The Jeonbuk Historical Society]
  • pISSN
    1229-2001
  • 간기
    연3회
  • 수록기간
    1977 ~ 2026
  • 등재여부
    KCI 등재
  • 주제분류
    인문학 > 역사학
  • 십진분류
    KDC 911 DDC 951
제42호 (9건)
No

논문

1

8,500원

In Jangsu County, a fact was confirmed that excellent cultural heritages were scattered a lot than other areas through field surveys and excavation researches that have been made until recently. Among them, tombs, mountain fortress walls located in Jangsu‧Jangye basin were built by powers having been developed based on these areas, and it can be recognized that they had great preservation values. About 200 ancient tombs were investigated in Sambong-ri‧Wolgang-ri‧Jangye-ri of Jangye-myeon,Jangsu County, 12 mountain fortress walls including Hapmi Castle of Daesung-ri and Chimryeong mountain fortress wall etc, and approximately 21 signal-fires at Mt. Bonghwa‧Youngchui, Halmi mountain peak etc. However, these cultural heritages are in the situations of being damaged and destructed owing to lack of recognitions together with long time passages. Therefore, basic academic research‧setting-up preservation and utilization methods‧designating them as the cultural properties‧purchasing of the land‧maintenance projects on these heritages have to be propelled as soon as possible. In addition, building museums around ancient tombs and utilizing cultural heritages as places of historical experiences while developing storytelling are required in respect of preserving‧managing them, and propelling events such like igniting torchlight of the signal-fire when holding regional festival of Jangsu County etc are encouraged to be reviewed. Resultantly, systematic and effective preserving‧managing methods on these cultural heritages shall be made, and furthermore ways of positively utilizing them as tourism resources have to be established.

2

백제 부흥전쟁기의 옹산성 전투와 그 의미

김병남

전북사학회 전북사학 제42호 2013.04 pp.45-72

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6,700원

In the entering of 661, Baekje's Reconstruction Movements were expanded internally due to wining both battles of Duryangi and Gosabi-fortress from March to April. And externally, the situation brightened for them because of Tang's failure of expedition to Goguryeo. But as forces of the Movements had not recovered Sabi and Woongjin from Silla they needed to seek diversified methods. Also, as the aftermath of expedition to Goguryeo, Dang's troops in Baekje couldn't assure independent survival. Thus negotiations between the forces of the Movements and Dang's troops were under way to seek their's compromise.But Silla accepted these negotiations. As the crisis for it thought that Baekje's situation would change according to these negotiations. Silla didn't want this. So it returned to Movements expeditionary force toward Goguryeo to rescue the Dang's troops. Silla took on 27th September the Ongsan-fortress which located in important point on a traffic route linking between the Silla and forces of Dang. So, it dealt a blow to Baekje's forces, and it was supposed to break off diplomatic relations between Baekje and Tang. Therefore it reestablished the relationship with Silla and Dang.As a result, Baekje's forces had large problems with schedule of nation reconstruction. With the return and ascension to the throne of Buyeopoong on September, they tried to revive the their country through the organic network of regional forces. But it's efforts are interfered by the capture of Ongsan-fortress. Furthermore, this leaded to a result that a part of regional forces of the Movements surrendered to Silla, and so their solidarity was damaged.

3

統一新羅 鼓腹形石燈과 實相山門

陳政煥

전북사학회 전북사학 제42호 2013.04 pp.73-106

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7,600원

The Swollen Hourglass-drum Shaped Stone Lanterns have often been compared with those showing a more traditional figure with the octagonal body, resulting in controversies over their formal difference and the time periods when they were built. In this study, the lanterns are classified into two types based on the number of "light windows" and the shapes, cylindrical and octagonal, of the central pillar. Other elements such as the supports of the central pillar and the "fire chamber" as well as the decoration with the cloud motifs are also considered to arrange a chronological order of their construction. A research of the elements revealed that the lanterns in Silsangsa Temple is the oldest followed in order by those in the Gaeseonsa Temple Site, Jingusa Temple Site, Seollimwon Temple Site, Hwaeomsa Temple and, finally, Cheongnyangsa Temple. Meanwhile, an inscription on the lantern on the Gaeseonsa Temple site revealing that it was built in 868 helped researchers conjecture that the Silsangsa lantern was built between the 840s and 850s while the lantern of Jingusa Temple was erected in the same period as the Gaeseonsa lantern. The Hwaeomsa lantern was built either in 886 or 887 when Gakhwangjeon Hall was built or in the 880s, and the Cheongnyangsa lantern was between 890 and 920. It seems to be in 840 when Silsangsa Temple was renovated by Sucheol after the death of Hongcheok who had sought after the union between Seon and Hwaeom (Avatamsaka) that the stone lantern of a totally new style began to appear in Silsangsa Temple, marking a significant new step in the Buddhist art of Unified Silla. Sucheol introduced the lantern of a new style characterized by a drum-shaped body with cylindrical central pillar and the light chamber with eight windows probably because he considered it as a symbol of the harmony between the Gyo ("Textual") and the Seon ("Meditation") Schools and wanted it to help spread the newly introduced Seon Buddhism all across Silla. The following discussion is focused on the stone lanterns in Silsangsa Temple, Jingusa Temple Site and Gaeseonsa Temple Site under the belief that the similarity in the style of lanterns reflects not just an aesthetic but also a philosophical connection as well between these temples. As shown by its stone lantern and Buddha images retaining the same style as those of Silsangsa Temple, Jingusa Temple belonged to the Silsang School. It was also revealed that the name (▨休) inscribed on on the Memorial Stone of Buddhist Priest Jijeung at Bongamsa Temple is Gwanhyu (款休), that name of a pupil of Sucheol. Considering that Gaeseonsa (開仙寺) is the same temple as that (開禪寺) inscribed on the State Preceptor Hyegeo's monument standing in Garyangsa Temple, and the relationship between the royal family of Silla and Seon Buddhism in 868 when the stone lantern was erected and in 891 when land was purchased, the temple was affiliated with the Silsang School.

4

진안고원 초기청자의 등장배경 연구

곽장근

전북사학회 전북사학 제42호 2013.04 pp.107-136

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7,000원

Saemangeum sea area is a place where inland waterways of the Geum-gang, the Mangyeong-gang, and the Dongjin-gang and their adjacent sea routes have been well constructed. After the opening of the Sadan Route in the East China Sea by Jang Bogo's merchant fleet, Gyeonhuieon had the command of the sea and made most advantages of international diplomacy with Chinese government, Owol. He dispatched the first envoy to Owol in 892, and after he proclaimed the foundation of the new dynasty Hubaekje, he had his position as a king of it approved from the king of Owol in 900. Their close relationship continued for 45 years, and it is estimated that Hubaekje received advanced culture such as celadon making techniques of Yuezhou Kiln from Owol through Saemangeum sea area. Broken pieces of early celadons with halo-shaped foot, uncovered in the Jinan Height, are similar to those excavated at Donggosanseong in Jeonju and the fact that there were brick kilns in the Jinan Height prove the possibility. The Jinan Height is identified as a treasury of pottery kilns and the center of pottery culture. It's maybe deeply related to its natural resource, kaoline, which was formed about 100 million years ago, the last geological period of the Cretaceous of the Mesozoic era, and at that time the Jinan Height was a large lake. The early celadons from Dotong-li and Oieugung-li in Jinan-gun opened the first stage of pottery culture in the Jinan Height and are estimated to have been made first in the period of Hubaekje thanks to the transmission of Owol's advanced celadon-making techniques.

5

조선시대 금주령의 법제화 과정과 시행양상

박소영

전북사학회 전북사학 제42호 2013.04 pp.137-166

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7,000원

Confucianism was a national ideology during the Joseon Dynasty in Korea, and the Korean people used liquor for a variety of ceremonies to exercise Confucian doctrines in their daily life. Liquor, also, played an important role as a medicine. Ironically, however, the drinking of liquor was limited through the liquor prohibition law, even though it was widely used in people’s daily life. During the Joseon Dynasty, ‘Three Prohibition Law’ was implemented, which banned heavy drinking, slaughtering cows, and logging pine trees without permission. Since liquor, made from rice, was closely correlated with social and economic issues, the government needed to control the liquor on a national level to maintain social and economic stability. The process of legislation of the afore-mentioned prohibition law systemically shows the phases of liquor development and the stages of liquor prohibition in the Joseon Dynasty because a code is usually supplemented or republished according to social and economic shifts. Based on social changes, Joseon’s liquor prohibition law was legitimated by a selection of codes, beginning with Kyeongkukdaejeon, the first code of Joseon, up to and including Yukjeonjorae, a code published in the period of the last emperor. In the begging of the Joseon era, the major reason for the liquor prohibition law was mainly related to natural disaster while in the latter period of the era, to prevent the wasting of grains for bad years. This change was because, regardless of, people still brewed wine and sold it, illegally. So the government needed tougher controls to stabilize the price of grains. After the 18th century, the social and economic prosperity of the country led the liquor prohibition law to be more strategically discussed and systematically controlled. This also resulted in an active compilation of a new code and advancement of the text in the prohibition law. With the liquor market developed and liquor commercialized, the law was tougher than ever, but in time its limitation of controlling liquor was revealed. The law was exercised so instantly and fluidly that the ruling class could easily abuse it, and it resulted in a lot of corruption. That is, the law was only applied to the public, not to the upper class. As a result, the liquor prohibition law remained a cause of the public's suffering while the ruling class reaped all the benefits.

6

조선통신사의 피로인 쇄환과 그 한계

손승철

전북사학회 전북사학 제42호 2013.04 pp.167-200

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7,600원

The important issue that Joseon was faced directly after the Imjin war (Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592) was the repatriation of Joseon prisoners in Japan. Up to the present time, the study on the prisoners was about the purpose or scale of abduction, distribution area in Japan, their life, and information search on Japan. However, the scale of the whole prisoners, their life in japan, repatriation method and Korean delegations' awareness about the prisoners were not studied sufficiently. This article is to study the prisoner repatriation and its limit through 『Haesarok(海槎錄)』(1607), 『Busangrok(扶桑錄)』(1617), 『Dongsarok(東槎錄)』『Byengsarok(丙子日本日記)』『Haesarok(海槎錄)』『Dongsarok(東槎錄)』(1636), 『Haesarok(海槎錄』『Dongsarok(東槎錄)』『Kaemidongsarok(癸未東槎日記)』(1643). Until 1604, the prisoner repatriation was led by Thusima delegation that requested settlement. After that, that was led by Joseon delegations such as Tamjeoksa, Hoedabgyeonmshoehawnsa, Tongsinsa. The number of Joseon prisoners is not clearly known until now. Japanese scholars are assuming that they were 20,000~30,000 while Korean scholars are assuming that they were 100,000~400,000. The majority of them lived in Guju and the area where 大名 who participated in the invasion of Joseon. Repatriated prisoners were distributed around Joseon delegation's travel route. The repatriated prisoners were under 6,000 people. 768 of them were repatriated by Daemado delegation, 4,885 of them were repatriated by Tamjeoksa and Hoedabgyeomhwansa, and 14 of them were repatriated by Tongsinsa. The reason why the number of repatriated people was small was that Japan was unsupportive, prisoners didn't want to come back, Joseon government did not have policies on this, and prisoners were discriminated, despised or neglected. Due to the Confucianism of Joseon society, only being a prisoner in Japan(babarian's country) was the reason for discrimination and contempt. It was unacceptable in the values that emphasized the fidelity. Also, the common and lowest class of people had no place in the nobleman-centered status system. For this reason, the Joseon Dynasty's prisoner repatriation policy could not help having a limit.

7

효종대의 정국과 북벌론

이희환

전북사학회 전북사학 제42호 2013.04 pp.201-222

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5,800원

King Hyojong strengthened the capital army of the Joseon dynasty, as the domestic situation was settled down to some degree after Ch'ing intervention diminished. He tried to mount even an all-out hunt for fugitive slaves and to enforce a youngjang system for the military expansion and the buildup of local armies. But the attempt was confronted with the public resentment as well as the opposition from the bureaucracy as the country had a bad harvest one after another, then at last it failed. To break the deadlock, the king gave Song Si-yol to responsible posts consecutively, and expressed his willness to launch a northern expedition. But, in reality, to execute the plan for a northern expedition was impossible. The national finance was in a bad condition at the time, then to mobilize of a large scale strength of military power was very difficult, and many government officials went in the opposite direction too. The plan was just an impracticable daydream which had never been carried out. In addition, it was only several months in late Hyojong's regime during when rustic literati(sallim) like Song Si-yol hold important positions. Therefore we have not to grasp Hyojong's political situation focusing on the plan for northern subjugation or Song Si-yol. It was after Hyonjong's accession to the throne that Song used his strong political influence. And a theory of loyalty to Ming at that time also have to be analyzed objectively, separated from the plan for a northern expedition.

8

6,700원

Wie's opinion about history Sang-lon(尙論) were a part of On Ephistemologyg(格物說). Sang-lon was a genre of ‘reading history', so to speak historical commentaries. He wrote a lot of commentaries of history about policies, persons, kings, accidents etc., from Han-Dynasty of China to Ming-Dynasty. Especially, I found a new material to be regarded disappeared, which is named ‘Ming-History'. In Sang-lon Wie discussed the Royal's Road(王道) and the Rule of Force(覇道), the Great man(君子) and the Small man(小人). He respect rather the Three-Dynasties than Han-Dynasty or Dang-Dynasty. And he estimated highly the life-style of fairness. In the center of his opinion, the peace of people's everyday-life was emphasized. These trend of commentary continued to in Ming-History. The commentaries of Ming-History was in stream of the traditional view of history. He uttered the personality of the king, the importance of cultured bureaucrat, the prohibition of participating politics of the eunuch. Secondly, his commentaries gave us a reality of ‘the submission to Ming-Dynasty' of Joseon Dynasty. He criticized the realities of Ming-Dynasty severely. Hoever he had a great appreciation to the Ming's engagement in Imjin Invasion of Japan. In this respect, his idea of ‘the submission to Ming-Dynasty' was not a kind of blindness, but of the impressive experience. In base of clear distinct of the facts and commentaries, he discussed the history under the strain of principle(理) and situation(勢). Wie thought himself neo-confucian scholar and neo-confucianism Sil-hak(實學). In conclusion he read history as realistic base of social reform.

9

학회소식 외

전북사학회

전북사학회 전북사학 제42호 2013.04 pp.251-271

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5,700원

 
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