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One of the important themes in the study of Gojoseon's territory and foreign relations is related to Cang-hai Commandery. Cang-hai Commandery was installed in the area of Gojoseon in Former-Han 20 years before Gojoseon was destroyed. But it is a Commandery that was abolished in three years. In the meantime, there have not been many studies on Cang-hai Commandery, and Several opinions were derived. In this article, we looked at when and why Cang-hai Commandery was installed, why it was installed, where it was installed, and for what purpose it was installed. Cang-hai Commandery is installed in 128 years of B · C as in the previous data. During the installation process, Pangou traded with Namyeo, a chief of Ye. In the Former-Han, Namyeo judged to belong to the Former-Han and installed Cang-hai Commandery in the area where Namyeo resides. At that time, Former-Han installed the Cang-hai Commandery, created a Commandery in the Southwestern Barbarians Area in the south, and installed a new Commandery in the north such as The Shuofang Jun. At this time, a lot of money was spent on operation. In addition, when the Cang-hai Commandery was installed, Gojoseon and Namyeo Group were also abolished in 18 months. Cang-hai Commandery is located on the central and southern coasts of Liaodong Peninsula. The purpose of installing the Cang-hai Commandery in Former-Han is to secure coastal salt and inland iron. There was also a purpose to obtain the geographical advantage of checking Huns by securing the change of Gojoseon which is adjacent to Huns.

In the article, we examined a list of Anchalsa officers as recorded in “Gyeongsangdoyeongjujemyeongki”, and verified that about 25% of the listed people actually served the office, after leaving out cases such as redundant listing. Some errors were found including misspelled names, years or beon, but they are largely the result of a dilapidated manuscript or mistakes during the process of making the manuscript, and as such, they do not undermine the value of the book as historical documents. The book explains that the position of Anchalsa was formerly Dobuseosa, and the change came about because until the Anchalsa system settled in the Gyeongsangdo region, Dongnamhaedobuseo took charge of legal matters, in addition to its primary duty of coastal guard. Regarding the time period when Anchalsa began to oversee provincial administration, we need to take note of the title of Jeong Gwangdo and Jeon Oryun who served as Anchalsa in Gyeongsangdo Province in the fourth year of King Gongmin's reign. Their roles included gamchang (監倉) that supervises taxation and warehouses, anjib (安集) that tends to the needs of local people, gwonnong (勸農) that encourages agricultural activities, jeonsu (轉輸) that delivers collected offerings to the central government, as well as Bangeosa and Byeongmasa that oversaw criminal punishment, imprisonment, and military matters. These suggest that the Anchalsa system as a tool for local administration was firmly established by the fourth year of King Gongmin's reign. The system continued into Joseon dynasty, forming systematic foundations for local administration.

The policy of foreign conquest during the late Koryo started in earnest at the beginning period of King Gongmin. The keynote of policy which had planned and tried the foreign conquest, had great effect on the late Koryo & the early foundation of Chosun Dynasty. The policies of King Gongmin who pursued his own country's area & expanding foreign influence through foreign conquest, went on after the foundation of Chosun Dynasty as well as the era when Yi Seong-gye & the rising group of nobility were dominating the state affairs. The King Woo of Koryo began to develop the intelligence activities for the Territory of Yyodong from the early time of coming to throne, furthermore, he continued the intercourse with the local warlords at the same time. Koryo conflicted with Ming Dynasty with the issue of influence in the territory of Yyodong. In the meantime, as Ming Dynasty notified the issue of establishing Cheol Ryeong Wui to Koryo, the hierarchy including King Woo & Choe Yeong decided to conquer Territory of Yyodong. Finally, the conquest of Yyodong Territory by Koryo ended in failure due to Wihwado Retreat which was led by Yi Seongge and others. The foundation powers of Chosun Dynasty emphasized submission to the stronger as one of the causes for the retreat, which was more aiming at seizing the power. Chosun Dynasty also conflicted with Ming Dynasty immediately after the time of foundation. The most important problem out of the two countries' conflict was the initiative in Territory Yyodong & Manchurian Area. The case in which the two countries' conflict had been maximized, turned out to be the Conquest of Territory Yyodong led by the first king of Chosun Dynasty, Jeong Do-jeon and others. This indicates that Chosun Dynasty tried to establish the national system and magnify the external power of influence as it planned and enforced the foreign conquest.

Enjoying an era of peace, the Joseon government was not prepared for war at all. So, it is a general explanation of the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 (the Imjin War) that Japan's invasion was repelled by General Yi Sun-sin and his naval forces and civilian militia, not the government forces. However, given the regional situation of Six Garrisons in the 1580s, this explanation of the Imjin War is not convincing. The Six Garrisons were devastated by the Tang-gae Ni’s Rebellion, which broke out in 1583, and sometimes attacked by as many as thirty thousand cavalrymen. The government appointed Generals Yi Il and Sin Rip as the commander to suppress the rebellion, and selected about 800 Byeolsimusa (warriors through special examinations) to settle turmoils such as Noktundo Battle and Sijeon Village Battle. These warriors can be called Byeolsimusa against the Tang-gae Ni’s Rebellion. In the process of suppressing the Tang-gae Ni’s Rebellion, generals grew up experiencing actual combat and played important roles in the Imjin War. Yi Il and Shin Rip were defeated generals, but 18 Seonmugongsin were recognized for meritorious achievements during the Imjin War. 11 of them were the military examination passers, of whom 6 include Yi Sun-sin, Won Gyun, Yi Eok-gi and Kim Si-min, who fought against the Tang-gae Ni’s Rebellion. 4 out of the remaining 5 generals, the military examination passers, were also Byeolsimusa against the Tang-gae Ni’s Rebellion. It is concluded that 10 out of 11 military officers who became Seonmugongsin were generals who grew up through the Tang-gae Ni’s Rebellion. 11 generals including Kim Jun-min, Seon Geo-e, Won Ho, Lee Gyeong-rok, Choi Ho and Hwang Jin, who were not Seonmugongsin but played outstanding roles during the Imjin War, grew up through the Tang-gae Ni’s Rebellion as well. ‘Byeolsimusa against the Tang-gae Ni’s Rebellion’ include some of Yi Sun-sin's staff. 11 of 15 prominent staff were the military examination passers, and the remaining 4 staff were Byeolsimusa against the Tang-gae Ni’s Rebellion. It can be concluded that Yi Sun-sin and some of his staff were selected and cultivated by the Joseon Dynasty for the suppression of the Tang-gae Ni’s Rebellion or the regional stabilization of Six Garrisons after the Rebellion.

Yi so-eung(李昭應) life begins the invasion of the West since the mid-nineteenth century, leading up to the Japanese imperialist colonial rule was a time of hardship and adversity. Accordingly, he was constantly struggle in order to safeguard national sovereignty that Jonhwayangyiron(尊華攘夷論) and Uijeongcheoksa(衛正斥邪) thoughts was ever practiced and Uijeongcheoksa movement through the appeals were deployed. He is misusing the country flock to punish peaceful era are affected significantly chunchudaeuiron(春秋大義論) was placed on the meaning. Although you can not win by thirteen Uibyeong fight their weapons, but, he continued to evict Japanese imperialism may protest was deployed. Although the Confucian’s Uibyeong war that conservative nature by Junghwa(中華) thoughts, but heard in the national crisis of the spirit of their dead and chase the definition based on small Junghwa theory been raised in the spirit of nationalism will be able to do. So I'm saying Yeah iso uibyeong of the country's crisis and the struggle for the destruction of traditional culture in the face of death, and seeks to restore the rights of the country Passante you can find.

At present, in Korean history academia, Donghak peasant revolution is anti-feudalist system of movement that was led by Donghak and farmers, and it is considered as the starting point of independent modernization as anti-imperialist movement. 'Anti-feudalism' and 'anti-foreignerism' were two major tasks of the modern history of Korea. The Donghak peasant revolution satisfies both of them. In the process of modernization after the opening of the port, reforms from the upper part, centering on the party of enlightenment, sparked the resistance of the people because of the pro-Japanese line, and the party of xenophobia led to limitations in the liquidation of the anti-feudalism. As a result, the movement of the two routes did not achieve autonomous modernization. In response, farmers pursued reform in another direction, which is the Donghak peasant revolution. This incident also failed in the short term, but it became a nurturing spiritual and practical movement for later national and modernization movements. The Donghak Peasant Revolution has a great place in the history of the modern people movement, as well as in the East Asia, and also in the world history. In this study, we focused on the controversy surrounding the Kobu uprising. As the departure is the most important thing in all things, it is urgent to establish the status through the re-examination of the Kobu uprising that became a signal of the Donghak peasant revolution. The most important thing in history research is based on credible primary feeds, and it takes precedence over theory or interpretation. Based on recent research results, I tried to approach the reality and meaning of the Kobu uprising technically.

Crisis in local society in Josun was heightened in the late 19th century. The existing regional ruling powers gradually lost their control and the status rise of lower-class people was progressing. After that, the capitalists and the figures who were in corrupt relationship with Japanese imperialism during the period of Japanese colonial rule appeared as the ruling power of community. Such reorganization of regional structure demanded 'new regional ruling method' soon. This study explored the phenomenon of regional ruling through regional group which was one of 'new regional ruling methods'. Jeonju Kiryeong-dang was a regional group that had been existing before the period of Japanese colonial rule, which functioned as a catalytic agent to have the government's regional ruling policy be easily spread over local community after modern times. The broad range of local community's activities from modern era to the present day was all closely related to government policies. The correlation with government was related not only to the activities of Kiryeong-dang but also to its finance and member's social position. The biggest part of Kiryeong-dang's income was contribution. The main agents of such contribution were the members but the contribution of public offices such as Jeonju City Hall, Jeollabuk-do Provence and Jeonbuk Police Station took the major part. All the former Jeonju mayors and Jeollabuk-do governors have also visited Kiryeong-dang and left their names on the visitors' book when they started for their new posts. This shows the relation between Kiryeong-dang and government. In addition, the members of Kiryeong-dang were public officers or in a social position easy to control regional public opinion. Due to the characteristic of Kiryeong-dang members who can form regional public opinion, government and Kyryeong-dang maintained a constant relationship. Kiryeong-dang, which was an assembly area of influential figures in the region and utilized as a foothold to form public opinion, showed the nature of a simple nursing home. The cause of the nature change seemed to be the realization of autonomous local government system and the establishment of many social groups. This made it possible to form public opinion immediately and gradually replaced the role of Kyryeong-dang. Therefore, Kiryeong-dang, which was a transformation example of ruling policy for modern community, is now remaining as a nursing home with a long history.

In 1899 when Gunsan Port was opened, a Gunsan Fire-fighting Team was organized at a foreign settlement. Asayama Kenzo, chief of Gunsan branch of the first Japanese consulate, hurried to organize a fire-fighting team at Gunsan for Japanese who settled in Gunsan. As the population and buildings increased in Gunsan, a great number of fires broke out, resulting in much damage. Fires was divided in Gunsan into two stages: In the first stage, most of fires broke out at rice mills: at Samgyo Rice Mill on December 1917, Joil Rice Mill on July 1924, Josun Rice Mill in 1926, and a crop plant in 1931. In the 2nd stage, fires broke out at paper goods stores and drapers run by Koreans as follows: Sechang Paper Goods Store on 1932, a draper in 1935, Youngjeong 2 Jeongmok Paper Goods Store on April 12, 1935, and a draper owned by Kim Jong-Sun on November 1935. As many fires broke out, the Gunsan Fire-Fighting Team was usually in charge of fire control instead of assisting the police. After the Korea-Japan annexation, the title of Gunsan Fire-Fighting Team at Foreigner's Settlement was changed to Public Gunsan Fire-Fighting Team and it was supervised by the police chief. Police chiefs in Gunsan reorganized the Gunsan Fire-Fighting Team to be in charge of fire control and supplemented fire-fighting equipment. Gunsan Police Station invited the police chief of Gyongsung named Okuma to inspect its fire-fighting training, equipment and water system. As advanced fire-fighting pumps were introduced, permanent water establishment which could manage fire-fighting equipment was needed. In comparison with volunteer fire-fighting teams who were engaged in fire-fighting service while having regular jobs, a permanent fire-fighting team became a good opportunity to further develop fire-fighting services. The rate of introduction of permanent fire-fighting service to Gunsan was the highest in our country. The reason why the number of permanent fire-fighters increased in Gunsan was a result of extensive support from rice dealers or rice-relating merchants who took the lead of rice export in Gunsan. The roles of the Gunsan Fire-fighting Team were roughly divided into three: First, fire preventive activity, fire control and lifesaving from flooded River Geumkang. Second, the team assisted the police to secure safety of Japanese. Their assistance was clearly shown in organization of the Gunsan Fire-fighting Team at foreigners' settlements. Therefore, there were much more number of Japanese who lived in Gunsan under Japanese rule. Finally, the team was mobilized for guarding the port and night patrol.

Wanju area that received irrigation’s benefit and improved agriculture, experienced several changes after the opening of a port, Gunsan. After the opening, Japanese plantations were established, and their lands went on increasing. The irrigation association whose fountainhead was Mankyung-river was established in region around Wanju, so farmers in Wanju were subject to restriction of agricultural water and often suffered from a flood had never been before. Besides, after Daea Reservoir and Gyeongcheon Reservoir were built, the area suffered from serious flood damage, so some of them leaved the village. As living far away from their rice fields, they could not cultivate theirs, so the crops failed more and more. Meanwhile, they lost their lands and became tenant farmers with Japanese increasing their land. They could not live a stable life because of higher farm rent of Japanese landowners and movement of tenant land. Therefore, they were to perform collective action against landowners in order to survive.

1914년에 조선 총독부는 군의 통합을 실시했다. 그럼에도 불구하고 지방 유지에 의한 네트워크는 ‘옛 군현’을 영역으로 유지되었다. 본고가 분석 대상으로 하는 익산군은 1914년에 네 곳의‘옛 군현'인 여산군, 함열현, 용안현, 익산군의 합병에 의해 만들어진 행정 단위이다. 또한 군청이 자리잡은 이리는 일본인이 주도하는 '개발'에 의해 만들어진 신흥 도시이다. 본고는 ‘옛 군현'이라는 영역에 주목하면서, 첫째, 각 읍면의 행정 · 경제 · 교육을 위한 공공 시설의 배치에 대해, 둘째, 조선인 · 일본인 지방유지의 인적 네트워크에 대해 각각 분석했다. 일본의 자본과 식민지 권력의 작용에 의해 이리 등 철도역이 들어선 지역의 ‘개발'이 진행되어, 옛 읍내의 지위는 후퇴했다. 또한 옛 군을 넘어선 네트워크 (조선인들 사이, 일본인과 조선인 사이)의 형성이 진행되었지만, 옛 군을 영역으로 한 전통적인 조선인끼리의 관계도 또한 뿌리 깊게 남아 있다는 것을 확인할 수 있었다.

In 1914, the Governor-General of Korea ordered the unification of counties (郡 Gun). However, the former counties maintained their territories, and local elites’ social networks remained intact. This paper focuses on Iksan (益山) County, which consisted of four former counties. Iri (裡里), where the new county office was located, had recently emerged as a city and had been primarily developed by Japanese immigrants. First, this paper analyses the locations of public facilities for administration, economic activities and education in each town and village in Iksan County. Second, it analyses the social networks of Korean and Japanese local elites. Japanese capital and colonial power brought development opportunities to some areas, including Iri, where the stations were located. The centres of former counties were less developed. On the one hand, the social networks of Koreans and those of both Koreans and Japanese were newly formed beyond the territories of the former counties. On the other hand, Korean local elites maintained their traditional networks within the territories of the former counties.

1914年に朝鮮総督府は郡の統合を実施した。にもかかわらず、地方有志によるネットワークは「旧郡」を領域として維持された。本稿が分析対象とする益山郡は、1914年に4「旧郡」の合併によって作られた行政単位である。また、郡庁が置かれた裡里は、日本人主導による「開発」によって生まれた新興都市である。本稿では、「旧郡」という領域に着目しつつ、第1に、各邑面における行政・経済・教育のための公的施設の配置について、第2に、朝鮮人・日本人地方有志の人的ネットワークについて、それぞれ分析した。日本資本と植民地権力の作用によって裡里など鉄道駅立地地域の「開発」が進み、旧邑内の地位は後退した。また、一方では、旧郡を越えたネットワーク（朝鮮人間、日本人・朝鮮人間）の形成が進んだものの、旧郡を領域とした伝統的な朝鮮人同士の結びつきもまた根強く存続していたことが確認できた。

This article is a follow-up paper of introduction to materials about drifting foreign ship handling in modern Ryukyu <進貢 ‧接貢船, 唐人通船, 朝鮮人乘船, 日本他領人乘船, 各漂着并破船之時, 八重山島在番役々勤職帳> and review about its historical material characteristics (1) which is not dealt with due to lack of space. In the paper, historical materials regarding the duty guideline for when foreign ship no other than Japanese drift over, guideline for when Southern Barbarian ship passes, drifts or is shipwrecked, guideline for when Dutch ship passes, guideline for when Dutch ship drifts or is shipwrecked, equipment that Christians have, how to preserve with salt, examples of meal provision in case of shipwreck or drifting are translated and introduce, and tried to review the characteristics. As confirmed on the historical materials, the crews from the drifting or shipwrecked ship were transferred to Ishigaki Island, transferred again to Okinawa, and repatriated to Satsuma after investigation. This process consumes quiet a lot of time and energy when considering the ship condition and weather. The alignment of administrative system taken in this process is a factor marking Ryukyu kingdom, the archipelago country. Also, there are detailed regulations regarding the food provision to drifters which gives an opportunity to take a look at the administrative system of Ryukyu regarding drifting of foreign ship.