Earticle

Silla(新羅) took the districts around the Han River which Baekje(百濟) had recovered in 552. On this account, Baekje attacked the Silla and this battle was a so-called Gwansanseong Battle(管山城 戰鬪, 554). Thus the attack of Baekje on Gwansanseong was to overcome the political blow on leading power of northward expansion and recover a failure in northward expansion according to the advance of Silla in the districts around the Han river. This battle, however, wasn’t short one which end in the Silla’s victory on July 554, as recorded in Samguksaki(三國史記). It was conducted in the 'international war' in which Baekje, Silla and Goguryeo(高句麗) intervened, from July to December 554, in order of failure in Gwansanseong(관산성), Jinseong(진성) and Ungcheonseong(웅천성), defeat and death of Seong, and defeat of Yeochang(여창). The attack of Seong and his son on Silla‘s Gwansan-Fortress which was launched at the risk of domestic opposition had an greater effect on domestic and foreign policies. First, Baekje which was defeated in the battle internally suffered severe crisis and internationally couldn't help neglecting Silla’s annexation of Gaya. In comparison, Silla became powerful and prosperous country on the basis of districts around the Han river and positioned as a new power in the Korean Peninsula. Goguryeo was free from pressure of southbound and gained time to cope with a northern people and north China. In this context, Gwansanseong Battle was the struggle for supremacy in the Korean Peninsula between Baekje and Silla. But it was the important battle to establish order in Northeast Asia.

This paper studied on the process that Je-ju Go clan entered in Og-gu, and on the aspects that they moved from Og-gu to other region. By the middle of the 12th Century, Je-ju Go clan's Go Don-gyum(高惇謙) had been high ranking official in the capital. But he relegated to Og-gu because he tell the truth(spoke in plain words). His descendants have resided in Og-gu for generations after this event. During the late Go-ryeo(高麗後期), they had resided in Og-gu and frequently moved from Og-gu to other region both the eldest son and the other son because of advanced high ranking officials and married the daughters of high ranking officials in the capital and sons and daughters equally inherited the property from their parents and performed ancestral rites. Also, they frequently removed from Og-gu to the other region when they inherited the property from their wife's family and mother's maiden family. However, during the Chosun Dynasty(朝鮮), a small number of the Je-ju Go clan, who resided in Og-gu, entered government service. The officials were not high ranking official but military and local official. They also got married to the daughters of not central high official but local families, especially families lived in Og-gu. This aspects have great changed with the passage of time. As the results, the moving aspects of their other regions greatly decreased in the early Chosun Dynasty(朝鮮前期) than the late Go-ryeo, but it was occasionally existed and there are a few the moving of the eldest son. In the late Chosun Dynasty(朝鮮後期), the moving aspects of Je-ju Go clan, who resided in Og-gu, more greatly decreased than ever. Especially there are few, if any, moving of eldest sons. The moving aspects of Je-ju Go clan, who resided in Og-gu, operated the eldest son-centered religious service and succession to property, together with above-mentioned entered government service and marital aspects.

With a focus on diplomatics, this article reveals the academic meaning of two royal edicts of merit subjects that were used in the early Joseon period. They are the Yi-je’s royal edict of Gae-guk merit subject(開國功臣) in 1392 and the Ma-cheonmok’s royal edict of Joa-myeong merit subject(佐命功臣) in 1401. The major content of this article can be summed up in the following two paragraphs. First, the royal edicts of merit subject in the early Joseon period were influenced by the Goryeo period. The royal edict in the early Goryo period was affected by the royal order of the Sung(宋) dynasty. Since then, it has kept the revised style. However, the style changed during the intervention period of the Yuan(元) dynasty. Also, the appearance of the Ming(明) dynasty influenced to the royal edict’s style in the late Goryo period and the Joseon period that succeeded it. Second, the royal seals stamped on the two royal edicts have very important meanings to both historical study and philological study. The Seal of Goryo’s King(高麗國王之印) on the Yi-je’s document is the only example that exists in Korea. It shows that the Seal of Goryo’s King was used in the foundational period of the Joseon Dynasty. The other seal, the Seal of Joseon’s King(朝鮮王寶), on the Ma-cheonmok's document, had was used before the Ming dynasty sent a new royal seal to Joseon in 1401. It was made in Joseon itself and was used for about 8 years.

Unpermitted leave(闌出) means that Japanese people in Japan House went outside Japan House without permission. When there were diplomatic or trading issues between Choseon and Japan, normal procedure was that an official interpreter of Japanese language(訓導ㆍ別差) dispatched by the Choseon Dynasty went into Japan House for negotiation. However, Japanese people often went out from Japan House violating the prohibition and went to Dongrae Office to use armed force to the governor of Dongrae if their demands were not accepted. They attempted armed provocations as a method to pressure the Choseon Dynasty controlling entrance and exit of Japanese people living in Japan House. The Choseon Dynasty called it ‘Nanchul(unpermitted leave, 闌出)’ regarding as an unlawful behavior. Reasons for the unpermitted leaves were complaints about strict control by the Choseon Dynasty or irresponsible attitudes of Japanese people living in Japan House. In the long run, those cases became chances to reinforce the prohibitory decree by becoming diplomatic issues. To the Choseon Dynasty, Japan House was a control zone and Japanese people living in Japan House were considered foreigners who were temporarily staying with benefits from the Choseon Dynasty. However, to Japanese people, Japan House was an overseas Japanese settlement, so they tried to accomplish their purposes by any means including tenacious persuading or armed force if they had something to negotiate with the Choseon Dynasty. The difference of recognition between Japan and the Choseon Dynasty caused unpermitted leaves.

In Jung-pyeong, there used to be four mutual aid societies called ‘Gye’ in Korean: Dong-gye, Song-gye, Janghak-gye, and Heunghak-gye. Dong-gye and Song-gye were organized in mid 1800's, and retained until early 1980's. We don't know exactly the purpose, rules, and systems of Dong-gye, however, it is believed that the Wollang Lees who inhabited in Jung-pyeong did a major part to plan and set up it. People who lived in Jung-pyeong and Jeom-chon organized Song-gye to gather wood for fuel and compost materials. Since Song-gye was surrounded with Mt. Ryugok, people in this area could gather sticks for fire and compost materials that needed to maintain their daily living. Janghak-gye and Heunghak-gye were organized for financial support in educating children during Japanese colonial rule of Korea. When they were organized, there was only one educational institution called ‘Seodang‘-a private school which is for study of Chinese classics. Later, another institution, Ma-ryeong public school, was founded in 1922. Thereafter, children in Jung-pyeong could learn not only at seodang but also at public school. However, Japanese gradually oppressed educating children at seodang, and then much more children couldn't help attending public school instead. The organization of gye in Jung-pyeong consisted of three parts: a ‘Gyejang’, ‘Yusa’, and ‘Gyehoi’. A gyejang was a symbolic duty and was entrusted to the Lees. A yusa carrying out practical affairs of gye was appointed to the oldest member of gye annually, but it was often reappointed the one person. A gyehoi was the meeting held periodically once in a year, which usually took place between October and December of the lunar calendar during off farming season. The financial resources for gye mostly was appropriated by the money which was raised by its members, and the rest of it was supplied by the interests yielded from that money, which targeted the members. The fund from the interests was an important way in order to increase the finances for gye. Additionally, the fund was also made up by a farm rent or by renting the appliances which belonged to gye. The money raised through these various processes was used to repurchase and repair the items they shred, paid taxes, or support seodang. It was generally used to deal with communities' common affairs. On the surface the objective of each gye appears to be different, however, its purpose had been focused on solving common businesses related with everyday life. Other gye were organized in many parts other than Jung-pyeong. Dong-gye and Song-gye were especially organized a lot at the end of Joseon, and Janghak-gye and Heunghak-gye were formed during Japanese colonial rule in particular with respect to establishing schools. Most of Dong-gye and Song-gye were declined or discontinued by the Japanese colonial policy, reforming administrative district of Korea. However, Dong-gye and Song-gye in Jung-pyeong is the case continued during Japanese colonial rule. Janghak-gye and Heunghak-gye in other parts grew smaller or were abolished, supporting funds for founding schools. Unlike them, Janghak-gye in Jung-pyeong just supported children so that they could continue learning.

Those who used to have sovereign power of the nation are called influentials. Studies on influentials by region have been made nationwide, as they help understand how the ruling system during the Japanese rule controlled individual regions of Korea as a colony. However, few studies have been conducted so far on the influentials in Jeolla-do(province), even though it underwent drastic changes in its social situations, due to economic plunder by Japan earlier than any other region. Therefore, the author intended to examine what role the infuentials in Jeollabuk-do had during the Japanese rule of Korea, focusing on the case of Jong-cheol Hong, one of the influentials of Go-chang. To this end, previous literatures on influentials were looked into first, and in order to inquiry into his activities during the period, Records of investigation into Specific Activities Contrary to the Nation, Summary of Banks, Companies, and Associations of Chosun, Registry of Staff of the Chosun Governor General Office, and news articles from Dong-a Ilbo were used as reference. In addition, information on social situations in those days was collected from interviews with Go-chang Culture Center Director Gi-wha Lee and elders of Hyangsan-li, a village where many members of Nam Yang Hong family lived. In conclusion, although some influentials in this region during the Japanese rule were involved in politics, while others were not, those who were involved in politics like Jong-cheol Hong enjoyed extensive foundation for power, and for such foundation, social activities as influentials were also acutely affected by the change of colonial policies of Japan. Moreover, the study concluded that those influentials who participated in politics maintained such power even after the liberation of Korea from the Japanese rule. Nevertheless, it is hard to apply results of this study to all the influentials in Jeollabuk-do, since this study focused on Jong-cheol Hong of Go-chang, one of the influentials in Jeollabuk-do, which should be solved through further studies.

The ‘Green Revolution’ in South Korea has been commonly understood as the development and dissemination of new rice varieties (Tongil-rice) and the rapid increase of rice yield in the 1970s. However, revolutionary success in agriculture was not the only green revolution South Korea experienced; another green revolution lay in the success of reforestation. In the 1970s, South Korea’s reforestation was closely related to its agricultural revolution in several ways. Therefore, South Korea’s Green Revolution was an intrinsically linked double feature of agriculture and forestry. This two-pronged revolution was initiated by scientific research—yet accomplished by strong administrative mobilization under an authoritarian regime. The process of setting goals and meeting them through military-like strategy in a short time was made possible under the authoritarian regime, “Yu-shin” and the administration failed to fully acknowledge scientific expertise in the process of pushing to achieve goals.

In 1920s, Tianjin was the second largest industrial city in China. With the outbreak of the world war I, China could achieve remarkable industrial development. Tianjin could also develop it's industry in a short period time. In 1920, there were over 6000 factories established in Tianjin. Even if small and medium sized factories occupied 99% of all the factories, a few of large factories were globally competitive, especially in the textile and flour industries as well as part of the chemical industries. There were several factors that made it possible for Tianjin to achieve the rapid industrial development in a short period time. In the first place, in the early 20th century, the expansion of railway network revolutionized the transportation of commercial goods and industrial raw materials. The large amount of industrial raw materials, collected from various areas of North China such as cotton, wheat, fur etc, could easily be transported to Tianjin without geographical hindrance, and lots of industrial products produced in Tianjin could also be easily supplied to various areas in North China. Secondly, the financial market had well been developed in Tianjin since Ch'ing dynasty. During the early years of the republic of China, there were three kinds of financial groups: the foreign banking group, the Chinese banking group, and the Chinese traditional banking group. The large enterprises borrowed the industrial funds from the foreign or Chinese banks, and most of the small and medium sized enterprises borrowed their industrial funds from the traditional Chinese banks. Most of the small and medium sized enterprises didn't have enough collateral to take out the industrial funds and, therefore, they favored the Chinese traditional banks which had been lorning on a credit basis since Ch'ing dynasty. The development of the financial market made it possible for businessmen in Tianjin to secure their industrial funds easily. Thirdly, to establish large factories, a large amount of investment could be made in the textile, flour, and chemical industries, mainly by the warlords and government officials. The investment of warlords and government officials could contribute not only to take the lead in promoting Chinese national industries in Tianjin, but to put a stop to foreign capital's penetration into the Chinese industry. Fourthly, constant investments to produce industrial raw materials, such as cotton, wheat, and fur, had been made since the end of Ch'ing dynasty. Especially foreign capitalists made a large amount of investment in the northwestern area of North China to collect fur. The cotton producing districts which covered a wide range of North China rpompted the rapid development of textile industry, and the expansion of fur collecting districts into Northwest China contributed to developing the leather industry in Tianjin. The rapid development of industry in Tianjin had an effect on the commercial development. For example, the development of industry led to prompting the warehouse and distribution industry, and, in the various areas of North China, caused a lot of wholesale markets to be established to supply the industrial products.

China is a country with well developed road traffic from old times. however, the government stressed importance on railroads and steamships after Qing Dynasty relatively neglecting the road traffic. The fact that there was no department exclusively in charge of road construction even until the early stage of the Nationalist Government's establishment shows the underestimation on road traffic in China. In 1931, Department of Road was place in the preparatory office and the road construction business was managed extensively according to the agreement between U.S. federal government to cooperate with the road construction. Such movements triggered the eventual establishment of an organization exclusively in charge of road construction oriented by central government level. It is said that the range included in road traffic is very wide. Besides the construction of roads and proposal of transportation business, research and development for vehicle and fuel as well as cultivation of technical manpower are the areas that cannot be underestimated for the development of road traffic. Nonetheless, the vehicles and fuel that were demanded in China were all imported from foreign countries causing immense damage on the national economy while working as a factor to hinder the development of the road traffic. In this extent, Department of Road Construction made great efforts to prevent financial leakage from the country and to supply the vehicles and fuel needed internally. Owing to the constant effort and research, there was an impressive progress to develop the vehicle that used steam for prime power; however, it was not practicable and caused a failure to achieve a certain level of self-sustainable capacity. Thanks to the efforts made by Department of Road Construction, the construction of the roads to be connected between each castles were completed. Meanwhile, the effect of the road operation gradually gained the public attention through the government's active proposal.

During the reign of Charles V and Charles VI, the French royal revenue witnessed considerable changes, characterized by its remarkable and consistent increase, which might be called 'the financial revolution'. These changes were materialized by the permanent tax system and the royal monopoly of taxation. The royal regime also managed to appease the resistance of ruling classes to this practice by exempting them from paying the taxes and allowing great seigneurs and municipalities to take a portion of tax revenue from their jurisdictions. In the reign of Charles VI, however, when the royal control withered away and the influence of royal princes, so-called 'sires des fleurs de lys' grew, the increased royal revenue became a stake that instigated the ambition and struggle among the princes. The issues of this struggle consisted in: who would take the greater part of the government purse, and conversely, in order to be victors it was necessary for them to take more than their rivals. Consequently, the large reservoir filled with tax income was being transformed into private sources by which several factions of princes were able to maintain and increase their protégés who were eager to seek protection from the powerful. When the royal taxation was about to be a main channel to absorb resources of the subjects, in the root of the crises the French kingdom faced was the privatization of state finance and the consequent réféodalisation.