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The types of utopias can be variously divided according to the criteria of classification : for example, a static utopia vs. a dynamic utopia, an abstract utopia vs. a concrete utopia, the utopia of escape vs. the utopia of hope, an individual utopia vs. a collective utopia, an ascetic utopia vs. a want-satisfying utopia, etc. However, the most focal types of utopias are the utopia of equality and the utopia of liberty. In the early-modern world, Thomas More was a representative of utopians who supported a utopia of equality, whereas Francis Bacon dreamed of a utopia of liberty and affluence. While More conceived of a self-sufficient society by limiting the human nature, Bacon attempted to construct a society which could satisfy human desires by increasing production. It was the Utopian Socialists of the nineteenth century who tried to reconcile equality with liberty. They tried to build up a society of equality through social systems on the one hand. On the other hand, they also tried to realize a liberal and affluent society through scientific technology. Unfortunately, they did not succeed, as equality and liberty are conflicting values. Where there is liberty, competition and inequality are unavoidable, and where equality is emphasized, liberty is bound to be limited. Then, what is the third way that can transcend the conflict between liberty and equality? It is, I believe, a utopia of fraternity. If liberty and equality are based on the principle of self-love, which focuses on preservation of one's own self, fraternity is based on the principle of altruism, which focuses on the solidarity of the self and others. Thus, Jules Michelet asserted that “fraternity is the realization-transcendence of liberty and equality”, presupposing that “without the prerequisites of liberty and equality, there could be no fraternity.” In this context, it is expected that the ideal society we should aim for will be the society which is based on the principle of fraternity.

In this dissertation, it will be the main goal that studies the relationship between Pansori and the ideal world. Pansori basically materializes a world based on realism. However, we can also find transcendental or fantastic world in some part of the story. So, I think it is possible to search interrelationship between Pansori and the ideal world even though it is hard to confirm concrete shapes of the ideal world as discussed briefly before. The interrelationship can be prove analying spatial background and the name of the place. The main spatial backgrounds in the story of <Sugungga> are the Sugung ― the sea king's palace ― and the shore. The rabbit is threatened incessantly on the shore. And the Sugung stands for a peaceful reign. But, it is diametrically opposed to the real situation. The sea king fell a fatal illness and his retainers consider only for their living. There is another Sugung in the story of <Simchungga>. The Sugung in <Simchungga> is not the place that Simchung tried to reach with a sense of sovereignty. It is the place that the God give her a cordial reception for her filial piety. And it is not the place she lives continuously but the place ready for the next life on the mundane world temporarily. It is very much a difference between the Sugung in <Simchungga> and in <Sugungga>. In <Simchungga>, Simbongsa lives Dohwadong in Hwangju. And there is Mureungchon near Dohwadong. Both places are already imprinted as a ideal world because of <Dohawawongi> written by Doyunmyung. Unlike the original image of ideal world, Dohwadong which Simbongsa lives on is a world of poverty and Mureungchon which the prime minister Jang's wife lives on is described as a world of authority. As we know, Simchung who serves her father with begging falls Indangsu and then she rivive as a queen. And Simbongsa open his eyes. Those are imposible to happen in the world of realism. It is, however, the ideal world that people like Simchung or Simbongsa dreams heartily. Naming like Dohwadong or Mureungchon contains the reading public's complaint which come true their dream. In <Heungboga>, Heungbo who was turned out by his brother Nolbo settled Bokdukchon in Sunghyundong. Bokdukchon in Sunghyundong is kind of imaginary place which Heungbo dreamed about. Pansori is dreaming the world of no-partiality, no-poverty, no-violence and no-war. It is understandable that thece sence of value in Pansori have a thread of connection with the ideal world.

As a part of long-term research efforts concerning potential designation of Jiri-san(Mountain) Area as cultural region, this research aims to understand the culture of Jiri-san(Mountain) Area primarily from geographical perspective with focus on “Location of Jiri-san(Mountain) Area from a Vareity of Perspectives”. It is noteworthy that Jiri-san(Mountain) Area belongs to the Mid-Latitude (30°～60°N) range along with the rest of the Korean Peninsular, as such geographical location affects significantly its weather and vegetation. Jiri-san(Mountain) Area stands close to the sea and high at the boundary between Yeongnam and Honam regions. Jiri-san(Mountain) Area connects to the sea by such rivers as the Seomjin-gang(River) and the Nam-gang(River). Therefore, it is highly likely that the culture in Jiri-san(Mountain) Area blends together local features of Yeongnam and Honam regions and characteristics of mountainous area and maritime culture. Jiri-san(Mountain) Area brings together a chain of mountains in the southern part of the Korean Peninsular and heads northbound with sporadic protrusions at the southern end of ‘Baekdudaegan’, which indicates that Jiri-san(Mountain) Area must have served as a cultural corridor linking the southern part of the Korean Peninsular with the central and the northern regions in cultural terms. Jiri-san(Mountain) Area, which remained a remote region over long and winding historical times, began to experience changes in its cultural significance in response to changes in social/economic climate in the late 20th century. It is also significant that the culture of Jiri-san(Mountain) Area representing the remote frontier of the Korean Peninsular has been inspiring changes to the cultural mainstream of the Korean society. The implication that Jiri-san(Mountain) Area holds to our life may change anytime, depending on geographical, social, economic or political circumstances of our time. So far, the life of local residents that traces back to the geographical features of Jiri-san(Mountain) Area has been the source of its culture. Ultimately, it is ‘People’, notably those living our time, that determine the significance of the culture of Jiri-san(Mountain) Area. Therefore, residents, or the size of local population, will influence its culture to the greatest extent.

the research findings will address the desires of adult interpretive audiences in Okutama-Kohan Park in Japan. Because the availability of choices/control and social interactions during a program influence the free-choice learning experience, these two aspects were especially analyzed. Audiences preferred experiencing more diverse topics in a wide variety of ways and enjoyed interacting with group members and an interpreter. Specifictendencies were also observed in relation to their age, group compositions, and gender. As marketing play sacritical role for on-going growth and sustainability, more efforts should be placed on empirically derived information.

India has 597 Protected Areas including 95 National Parks, 500 Wildlife Sanctuaries and 2 Conservation Reserves, covering 155,979.85 ㎢ which is 4.75% of the geographical area of the country. All the protected areas in the country are surrounded by human habitations who have been traditionally dependant on the forest resources. After creation of the protected areas people living around were denied access to the forests. This led to conflict and protection problems. Aninitiative was undertaken to train local educated youths to gain employment in lieu of the opportunities lost due to the creation of a protected area. The youths are trained as Nature guides thus achieving the dual objective of providing a livelihood and also strengthening the protection of the park.

Jolsoojae lived in the middle of the 17thcentury in the midst of social irregularities, contradictions and vices caused by severe political strife and controversy. He came to realize through the father of the study of history, Yujogyum, that history is a mirror of the present, and he came to develop a perspective that recognized that reading about history is a scholarly pursuit and that this knowledge must be outwardly expressed in real life. Based on this, in the cultural backdrop of decadence and inconsistency, realizing that only the way for him to have a mutual understanding with the society around him was through his studies and with the mind frame of attempting to find satisfaction from his own misfortune and filtering his resentment through history and great persons of late—this was the background behind writing “Doksa Yoogam.” Thus, through criticism of the political authorities and the social mindset of people of his time, he took aim at the social conditions of his time. He viewed the great people of late and their lives, and expressed his desire to participate in social life, and the hopelessness that he felt from the gap with reality, he resolved by reflecting on nature. The hopelessness that he felt from the conditions of his time and the resentment, the book shows that he tried to overcome by scholarly achievement. Thus, “Doksa Yoogam” reflects on the times through history, suggests a solution to the problems of reality, and reflects well the thinking of Jolsoojae that there is scholastic value within history.

The latter part in Chosun dynasty was the time that self awakening occurred to Gisaeng who were women employed to please man of upscale by singing and dancing. They came to present their self consciousness, refusing the notion that they should become an object of interest for pleasure of the Yangbhan who was a upper class of old Korea. In spite of that, Gisaeng was evaluated as a passive figure in the Hwejol novel in the latter part in Chosun dynasty. Especially Gisaeng, appearing in Jibonjon, Junghyangjon, Jongokjon, Oulanjon, all of which were old novels written in chinese character, was generally regarded as a passive figure who was acting by the direction of conspirators for forgoing Yangbhan's integrity. So, this thesis revealed by analyzing works that Gisaeng appearing in Hwejol novel written in chinese character had had self consciousness. I raised an argument about the fact that Gisaeng was underestimated because of male's viewpoint, although they were self-conscious. On chapter 2, I closely investigated the images of Gisaeng through works. So far, the many roles of Gisaeng in Hwejol discourse and Hwejol novel was referred to as no more than the means of conspirator for forgoing integrity. So on this chapter, I concentrated on the fact that Baekok, Jonghyang, Hyanglan, and Oulan were the subjective figure with self-consciousness. I considered that the self-consciousness was made in the course of satirizing the dualism of Yangbhan. Sarcasm used for satirizing Yangbhan man makes lose the dignity of Yangbhan. This is the upset of Yangbhan and through this upset, Gisaeng got possession of self-consciousness. On this paper, I tried to see Gisaeng, the minority at that time, in their side, which can be meaningful.

自古以来,中日这东亚两因其地缘、文化的原因形成了相互交融的历史关系。但进入20世纪后，这两国的历史关系和命运出现严重的危机。中国遭到邻国日本无情的侵略而陷入日本的半殖民地状态。日本帝国主义对中国占领区文艺界实行文学压迫政策的同时, 也在中国进行了日本军国主义文学的传播,通过这两种方式来逐渐掌控两国占领区文学创作活动。沦陷区”，在这个特殊历史空间里，中日两国扮演着怎样的角色，它们在这一个特殊的空间里为自己国家和民族的利益做出什么样的贡献？对这些问题的研究是很有价值和意义的工作。本文正是从这一历史类型研究的前提出发,以被日本强占的中国沦陷地区为背景，以处于日本帝国主义文艺统治下的中国文学创作为对象进行了概略性的探讨。我们所说的亲日派”，在中国称之为汉奸”。按照《辞海》的解释，“汉奸原指汉族的败类。现泛指中华民族中投靠外族或外国侵略 者，甘心受其驱使，出卖祖国利益的叛徒”。可见汉奸就是叛国者”。但这里所涉及到的亲日派作家是包括汉奸文人在内的更广泛意义上的概念。“亲日派的原意是和日本有所亲近、亲和的人。这些人对 日本的历史、风俗、生活习惯和日本人表现出善意、友好。如果,在中韩两国近代历史上没有日本侵略事实的话，这亲日派的概念可以如前解释的那样具有善意的概念。但是围绕三国的近代历史不是如我 们所愿的方向展开，日本以非常恶劣的手段来侵略中韩，用严厉的措施来控制整个文学界。在这种不寻常的历史时空里，谁能对日本具有好感呢？因此在这种情况之下，“亲日的作家可以理解为汉奸或 韩奸”。因此，在这里所说的亲日派作家以及亲日派文学指的是活在抗战时期日本占领区的文人当中对日本军国主义文化、政治、社会、政治等各方面以写作等方式表示赞美、支持态度的文人及 其文学。“亲日文学家是在抗战期间，通过写作、言论等活动明确地支持或赞同日伪政策的文人。他们的作品具有直接服务于日本帝国主义扩张侵略和日伪政权统治需要的内容。这些亲日派文学家的大部分是由于日本军国主义对思想、信念自由的蹂躏、拷问和虐杀而造成的。他们也是这场战争的最大牺牲者，他们都是战争统治者对文化人犯罪的结果。他们的文学完全丧失了最起码的艺术价值，堕落为日本 军国主义战争政策的宣传物，他们一辈子要带着民族的变节者的历史枷锁。总之，日本帝国主义所发动的战争不仅影响中国人民的生存问题,也大大损中国文学的良好发展。在战乱之中，殖民地文学的生存环境是非常艰难的，但这些文学仍是中国民族文学的一部分。这就是占领区文学的本质，也是须研究的价值所在。

Song Soo-Kwon’s is a poet who is creating a clear and unique poetry world while succeeding traditional lyric poems of Korean modern poetry's 100-year history. He made his debut in 1975 at the age of 35 with releasing four poems including ‘Leaning over a Buddhist temple’, and is actively creating poems until now publishing Planting the frozen ground wite Chosun Maehaw. He has published 11 books of poems so far. He has firmly created own artistic world based on ‘The Spirit of Nam-do(南道)’. His ‘The Spirit of Nam-do(南道)’ means ‘the spirit of bamboo’, ‘the spirit of yellow soil’ and ‘the spirit of mud flat’, which are referred to as three spirit of our land by him. That is, ‘the spirit of bamboo’ is associated with historical consciousness, while ‘the spirit of yellow soil’ is related with his experience in his hometown during childhood. In addition, ‘the spirit of mud flat’ that is formed after he moved to Gyeokpo-ri, Byeosan means his affectionate eyes on people with the strong smell of mud flat. Characteristics of Song Soo-Kwon’s 's poems are as follows. First of all, his poems succeed and recreate tradition of melody and forms of Korean lyric poems while expressing folk nature and national emotion through simple folk language in South Jeolla Province and emotions of Nam-do. Secondly, his poems strongly present his love for nation or people and historical consciousness. Thirdly, he insisted that national lyric poetry should harmoniously unite original melody of folk language, nation's unique spirit and historical will, that is, Sam-hap-ron (三合論, unification of three theory) for ‘language, spirit and rhythm(melody)’. Fourthly, most of his poems deal with nature and contain affection for traditional things and common people's life. Moreover, these poems related with naturally-friendliness and criticisms on civilization are well presented in ‘the spirit of yellow soil’. Fifthly, it is found that his poems are based on Buddhist imagination and our nation's shamanistic traditional view on the world. In conclusion, it is clear that Song Soo-Kwon’s is a poet who is creating his own unique poetry world while succeeding the trend of traditional lyric poems. Nevertheless, few meaningful studies on his poems have been conducted. I expect that Song Soo-Kwon’s will be assessed properly in terms of the history of poetry on the basis of broad understanding of his poems and various approaches to his original poetry world.

King Sukjong(肅宗) ascended the throne at the age of fourteen because of King Hyoenjong(顯宗)'s sudden death. The early political situation was unstable because there were faction, for example, the issue of King Hyojong(孝宗)'s succession. So King Sukjong took advantage of the political shifts(換局) to strengthen royal power, and forty years later, he attained the strengthen royal power by obtaining the position, the doctrine of trinity(King-Master-Father; 君師父) in relation to the acquisition of Honorable(尊號) and the political shifts of 1716(丙申處分). However, weakening of the crown prince's position which had stood on the basis of Soron(少論) was inevitable, because Noron(老論) came into power. Especially, Noron who led the political shift of 1694(甲戌換局) and execution of Queen consort, Hui(禧嬪張氏) couldn't permit the succession of Queen consort Hui's son. In this situation, King Sukjong carried through the single conversation in 1717(丁酉獨 對) and the regency of the crown prince at the same time, he could make a basis for natural succession with Noron's support. King Sukjong could mollify Noron's aversion to succession and accomplish secure succession by gradual relinquishment of power for the crown prince in the regency. So the crown prince could get enough time and experience for political administration by this gradual relinquishment. King Sukjong did not allow Noron's leading in military power because of protection for the crown prince. Moreover he appointed Soron's leaders to Pibyonsa(備邊司) constantly in order to assist for the crown prince. It is also a part of King Sukjong's plan that he chose a woman of Noron's family for the crown price's marriage partner in order to allay hostility. In conclusion, King Sukjong made and carried out his plan for secure succession of throne by the single conversation in 1717 and regency, in the teeth of Noron's opposition and condemnation.

Cho Kyŏnghan, hailing from Sunch’ŏn (Sŭngju), Chŏllanam -do, participated in the independence movement in Korea in conjunction with the Gunners Group and the Korean Independence Group, among others. Afterwards, in May 1927, Cho Kyŏnghan went to Manchuria (northeastern China) to seek asylum, and threw himself into a very bumpy armed struggle against the Japanese. In January 1934, he advanced into Nanjing and other cities in China to lead various political parties that were devoted to the independence movement. Also, in the first half of the 1940s, he served as a member of the cabinet of the Korean Provisional Government, as well as in an important post withthe Korean Restoration Army, vigorously campaigning for the independence movement. In this way Cho Kyŏnghan was able to conduct diverse independence movements overseas for 20 years. Such exploits were rare among independence activists from the Chŏlla-do region. As the Japanese pushed for a full-blown attack on Manchuria in thewake of the September 18, 1931 Incident (the so-called Manchurian Incident), Cho Kyŏnghan, in October of the same year, joined the Korean Independence Army, which had been established in northern Manchuria by the Korean Independence Party, as one of its major leaders. Afterwards, having been appointed to major posts such as the chief of staff and the head of the publicity unit, he fought many battles against the Japanese in conjunction with Chinese volunteer military units such as the Jirin Self-Defense Army. In particular, from January 1932 to October 1933, he joined numerous battles against the Japanese, including those of Shulanxian, Shuangchengbao, Jingbohu, Dongjingcheng, Taidianziling and Dongningxiancheng, dealing great blows to the Manchurian National Army and the Japanese Army, and earning himself great victories in the process. Notably, in the Battle of Taidianziling, he led his army to take a vast quantity of the Japanese Army’s military supplies, thereby achieving a great victory. The independence movement - led by the Korean Independence Army - in the Manchurian region, where Cho Kyŏnghan conducted such vigorous activities, not only contributed greatly to the liberation of Koreans in northeastern China (Manchuria), but also struck serious blows against the imperialist Japanese campaign in Manchuria, lending the movement even greater significance. Furthermore, together with major figures from the Korean Independence Party and the Korean Independence Army, he moved to mainland China to join the independence movement forces active there, thereby making a great contribution to the development of Korea’s overseas independence movement. Such achievements deserve to be highly evaluated. The joint battle against the Japanese, uniting the Korean Independence Army (which Cho Kyŏnghan joined) with Chinese volunteer military units, has been evaluated as part of the efforts of the populace to form a united front against imperialism and to campaign for anti-Fascism by confronting the imperialist Japanese invasion of China.