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Studded with the beautiful landscape bestowed by the Heavens and boasting the picturesque scenery of Seomjin and Gyeongho River, the area of Mt. Jiri, which is one of the people's spiritual mountains, had many towers and pavilions built in it for generations. However, there has been little research effort invested in them. Thus this study set out to present some comments on the ful-scale study of the towers and pavilions literature of the Mt. Jiri area and offer an overview and a set of characteristics of the towers and pavilions of Hadong of the many communities in the area. Most of the towers and pavilions in Hadong were built or renovated in the 19th and 20th century under a variety of purposes and types including government uses, one of whose examples is Hasangjeong. As for the spatial structures and locations, they would have rooms and floors and be located in remote places less travelled by people when they were built by an individual and thus placed much importance of the characteristics as a private place. When they were built by a group of people, they would place importance on openness and commonness and thus take a form of being open in four directions and a location at the entrance of a village or public place where travel was much. Falling in the latter category, Hadong had many towers and pavilions including Hasangjeong, Akyangru, Seomhojeong, Palgyeongru, and Cheonghakru. Okjong had an overwhelmingly large number of towers and pavilions, being a noble community that represented the noble culture of Hadong. Home of the prestigious noble families, Okjong produced many prominent scholars and literary figures and set up the most towers and pavilions in Hadong thanks to their support. To this day, Okjong has the most towers and pavilions that have kept their original states intact, which is due to the long traditions and histories of the noble families, the pride and dignity of their descendents, and solid financial supports. That is part of the cultural identity of Okjong in Hadong.

Little resources have been left on the situation and terrific condition of Mt. Jiri district duing the Imjin War and Jeongyu War in the late 16th century. Gyeongyeom(慶念), a war accompanying monk, left 『Dairy in Joseon(朝鮮日日記)』and Jo Gyeong Nam(趙慶男) left, 『Miscellaneous during the war(亂中雜錄)』. However, ｢Choicheokjeon｣ reveals no less the severity of the war than these resources whose records correspond with the historical fact. It is, of course, hard to figure out overall feature and progress of the war as ｢Choicheokjeon｣ is based on specific individual's experience. This is the unique point of ｢Choicheokjeon｣ to others. ｢Choicheokjeon｣ is dramatized an actual experience, which describes helpless situation and emotional feeling one suffered specifically and delicately. With this point in mind, this study examines the details of ｢ Choicheokjeon｣ with historical fact and resources to figure out its authenticity and the life of residents in Mt. Jiri district. As a result, it proves that the contents and incidents in ｢Choicheokjeon｣ in the late 16th century are corresponding to historical facts to a great extent, and it also shows a history and life of Mt. Jiri including the brutality of Japanese troops and the life of local gentry in Namwon.

The literary work which makes Mt. Jiri with background is various. Since the early 1970's, especially after the Korean War, Mt. Jiri to deal with in the poems is increased. But simply the fact that treats Mt. Jiri with the material is not important. Finally through the process of poetic perception of the subject and object is a unique a relationship. This paper researches the aspect how the nature or the space which is Mt. Jiri is accommodated to modern poetry subjectively. Chapter Ⅱ revealed at the historical aspects of the wound and pain are examined. In the 1970's the poet mainly see Mt. Jiri from far. Macroscopic point of view as seen from the Jiri is filled with images of death. The poet have such a variety of images that depict the movement to eliminate a historical despair. Chapter Ⅲ mainly covers poems published in 1980. Unlike the 1970s to the 1980s, the poet's eye is very specific and sensory changes. Because of these changes was an abstract and symbolic Mt. Jiri will get even more lively. The distance between the poet Mt. Jiri closer. During the period the poet's attention to the vitality of spring or the market Hwagae. Active sound mix makes images more vivid. Chapter Ⅳ poems dealing mainly distributed in the 1990's, recognition which is dispersed little by little is deepened. Finally it is diffused. At this time the eye of the subject sees through the object. The object and subject are actively sympathetic. A bird's cry is transferred to many other birds. The aspect where the eye which condenses make the opportunity which connects the individual and the community. One man climb a mountain along the way that other people has already passed. The individual's inner anguish is exchanged with common fate of the community or the nation. The perspective eye through which pierces the inside of thing was a mere symbol or emotional space to Mt. Jiri to establish a new aesthetic possibilities. Huge Mt. Jiri is cherishing a historical tragedy plentifully. However, the history of the space is always updated. Unique eye of the poet can create a new space. The poetic recognition causes being understood and the sympathy which are impossible with language of ordinary. Also it simply Mt. Jiri is a space of wound and pain is a possibility to change in the space where is a creative space with a rhythm and evidence of the life which is substantial.

This study set out to investigate Joseon scholars' perceptions of Mt. Jiri and Cheonwang peak based on their travel journals of the mountain. Of 74 travel journals left by scholars that traveled to Mt. Jiri before 1910, 52 containing the names of Mt. Jiri, Mt. Duryu, and Mt. Bangjang were examined in the study. Of them, 73% used the name Mt. Duryu, which indicates that Joseon scholars had the greatest preference for Mt. Duryu of the three. It is a reflection of their idea of the country that spread down from Mt. Baekdu. In Joseon, scholars had the following ideas of the status of Mt. Jiri: 1) a guardian mountain that stands wide and big between Yeongnam and Honam; 2) a security guard in the southern regions; 3) a royal ancestor of the South at the southern tip of the nation; 4) a mountain on an east∼west axis with Mt. Kunlun of China; and 5) one of the eight celebrated mountains in the world. With wide variance among individual scholars, most of them shared 1) and 2) to think of the status of the mountain. Joseon scholars had three ideas of Mt. Jiri's symbolism: first, they compared the mountain to a king or sage; secondly, they saw the mountain as the domain of Taoist hermits; and finally, they regarded the mountain as the haven of hermits with the highest academic virtue. Those who dreamed of the peaceful reign of the Yaoshun era valued the first symbolism; those who tried to preserve morality at the time of collapsed morality did the third symbolism; and those who visited Mt. Jiri to mitigate disunion in reality or clear their heads did the second symbolism. They had two perceptions of the name of Cheonwang Peak; first, they regarded it as the highest peak below Mt. Baekdu; and secondly, they thought of it as a peak governed by the king of the heaven. As for the Holy Mother of Cheonwang Peak, they regarded her as 1) Queen Wuisuk, the mother of Goryeo Taejo, 2) the guardian spirit of Mt. Jiri, and 3) the king of the heaven. As for the Ilwoldae of the peak, they regarded it as 2) a place where one could set a sunrise and sunset and 2) the highest point of the peak. Before the 17th century, the scholars took such pride in Mt. Jiri, saying that the celebrated mountain of the world was equal to Mt. Kunlun of China and better than Mt. Tai, Mt. Chong, and Mt. Hua that were the five scared mountains of China. Entering the 18th century, however, their pride plummeted hard, and they regarded the three of the eight celebrated mountains of the world after the five scared mountains of China as the three gods mountains. Those changed perceptions were apparently different from the perception of Kim Jong∼ jik, who said that Mt. Jiri was better than 태산 in the 15th century.

This paper aims at analysing the life histories of male shamans providing mueup(job of shaman) activities in the region of Mudeung Mt. On the one hand, Male shamans are the religious specialists who should serve god of goddess in the sacred realm. Through mubyung and immu(the experience of being possessed of gods), they became shamans as healers and consultants. On the other hand, they carry on ordinary lives as sons, husbands, and fathers in their families. They make efforts to earn money for their family members, specially their children. In contrast with female shamans who generally consider their mueup as rewards on the basis of achievement of economic independence, male shamans are likely to attribute their marginalized and stigmatized social status to jobs of shamans. They can not have the authority or reputation in the Korean society in which job of shamans is still largely ignored and alienated from main stream of society. To be specific, the anticipated role of ordinary fathers who have proper jobs and reputations in Korean society severely distresses male shamans trying to hide their jobs from children.

This paper is to summarize in results of 12 “Gut”(shaman ritual) that had performed from July 2008 to June 2010 in the town of Mu-deung moutain area. There are three types of 12 Guts as follows. First, There are many same feature in contents with “Ssitgim-Gut” as a traditional hereditary shaman Gut. These types of Gut are Yi-sangjo's and Yi-jangdan/Yu-samrye's. Second, hereditary shaman and spiritualistic shaman go in couples to perform ritual Gut. These types of Gut are Yi-gyonghwa and Yi-jangdan's, Naerim gut, Yi-jeongnim and Yi-jangdan's Naerim gut, Kim-gyeonghui and Yi-jangdan's Dongto gut, Kang“bosal”'s Gut, Kim-youngju and Yi-jangdan's Mangjahonsa gut, Yu-inseon's Jaesu gut. Third, spiritualistic shaman with “bubsa” play a gut in the structure of standing-gut and sitting-gut. These types of Gut are just the two ongoing small gut, An-huijeong's Jaesu gut, Kim bosal's Jaesu gut, Yi bosal's Cheonjon gut, Yi-doyun's “Hongsu magi” In this article, one by one, each individual rituals of Gut complete the story of an independent unit which is considered a narrative text, shamanism individual religious belief system is structured as a system of generalizations that can be oriented and availability. Typically faith shamanism configuration from any person during the course of individual lives which are difficult to solve real-world challenges meet, and the occult, or visit them to meet shaman who comes from having to attempt to resolve. The occurrence of any personal psychic to meet the problem of identification of problems and go the course of this problem (as shaman) to select the primary way to resolve it Gut. The process of this sort of belief system configuration shamanism epic performance at the same time reveals a structure that holds them. Shaman rituals entire narrative structure of the faith to resolve issues in a series of steps corresponding to the larger body of the narrative as a form of ritual that can be viewed collectively. The narrative point of interest related performance and shaman correlation between story and the sponsors and the formation process, the client's real problem is the content of the resolved. And the narrative is related Shaman that are “bubsa”, “bosal”, and “aksa”(musician). Their stories are related of their lives. Way of narrative representation and narrative contained in the “mu-ga” and ritual of gut through the configuration of the public and emotional characteristics inherent in the city of Gwang-ju

Spacial structure of Shamanism on surrounding Mt. Mudeung made interactions among Gutdang, Mugujeom and fortune-telling house. These three factors is influenced social and economic causes of the regions. these three factors locate spacial spaces. Gutdang(ritual house) locate on surrounding Mt. Mudeung and several Gutdangs select considering placeness. Specially considering social atmospheres Gutdang locate in the distance on residences. Mugujeom(shamanistic goods store) locate surrounding markets and densely fortune-telling houses. Fortune-telling houses locate regions on old history of residence in Gwangju. Specially these appear many deteriorated detached houses. Recently these concentrate these red-right district. Area on shamanism surrounding Mt. Mudeung is reflected to social environments rather symbolism of place. this trend will sustain

Lee kyeong hwa 1955, Kwang-ju was born in the village Ji-ne yong-jeon sangsoe was a master stroke Lee ju wan and well-known in the village gong born between Beom bu deok korean traditional music her extraordinary talents of the meals since she was a kid there were who shares the vision of president Bridges. Learning as a full-fledged Korean classical musician O gyeong hwa in 1963 in ‘Seoul geuk dong Dance art company’, led by Chief while enrolled at, a major artistic experience, Dance, Pansori, Pungmul and the like. Lee kyeong hwa the sinnatrium-gut the first half, the middle, the second half(later) made up of which the first half of the bubsa bu-jeong-cheong-bae over the negative released, it's based on the middle from the shaman in earnest gut progress, and later back from the bubsa nae-jeon through the dwi-jeon and that is released to the part. Lee kyeong hwa gut the lives the life of Korean classical musician, gut because the shaman to express an artistic experience that is taking on. By the age of 21 who have experienced prior learning is an artistic representation of the persistence of memory as the cultural skills were formed, which after 30 years as a shaman by mueop introductory activity is expressed as gut-geori while. Lee kyeong hwa not forget the new artistic experiences and cultural memories, with a new meaning by being reproduced gut reactivation culture, and that was the driving force is going to create a new gut-cultural.

This is a paper has been considered about Choo Dam Kimugup(1574 ∼1643) life and poetry. He was from at Jang-Seung, Jeonnam in the middle of the Chosun Dynasty. He is a classical scholar and writer. He taken up not a public office and live in seclusion finishone's life. He devoted himself to the scholarly research and fostered the younger generation. He expressed several literary work for the country. His poem contains patriotic sentiments. This work needs the excellent artistic sense. The problem is literary object he is keep off a misfortune saving the people from distress, so his poetry have tragic beauty and nature fellowship. His poetry is charaterized by abundant use of sensuous description.

A movie titled <Bangjajeon> is controversial in many aspects. However, the meaning <Bangjajeon> gives to us is special. First, it can work as a chance to recognize the value of a classical epic novel in an aspect of succession of the tradition of <Chunhyangjeon>. For it is expected that <Bangjajeon> which was reinterpreted in a modern perspective can work as a stimulus which connects the past with the present. Under such possibility, this study aims to speculate literary aspects of <Bangjajeon> and its value as a modern variation of <Chunhyangjeon>. In conclusion, the literary aspects and meaning of <Chunhyangjeon> were found in the followings: First, distorted and marketed sex, moral insensitivity in sex, that is discourses on sex is described. However, sex in <Bangjajeon> is extremely narrow-minded and unilateral. There is no positive sex anywhere in <Bangjajeon>. It is distorted, obsessive or consumptive. In addition, all the aspects on sex were not seriously dealt with and no discussion on sex was presented in it. <Bangjajeon> presents problems in the present sex culture while dealing with consumptive sex culture which is appearing as a fun and moral insensitivity which is not presented as a critical mind or a progressive reason. Second, the love in it in is involved in ambitions for success and fetishistic love. Characters in <Bangjajeon> are full of ambitions for success. In particular, Chunhyang and Mongryong' were very ambitious. They were much obsessed with and fever for their desires. Third, human duality is described. Humans are double as they are not complete. However, acquired consciousness of moral works as standards of behaviors and controls duality of the god and the evil. However, it did not work properly, in particular, in case of desire and obsession. In the code of <Bangjajeon>, such human duality is well melted. It means that it presents a problem of human duality actively. As seen above, <Bangjajeon> was more fetishistic and commercialized, and describes love as a means of success. However, it makes us moved through Bangja who shows infinite love to Chunhyang as it is out of ambitious life. It seems that it considers pure love in <Chunhyangjeon> as having a permanent value in this materialized world. So, <Bangjajeon> can have a new value as a modern variation of <Chunhyangjeon>. In addition, <Bangjajeon> is meaningful in that it makes us be newly aware of the value of the classic epic novel.

In this paper, the loyalty of many seonhak Honam conscious people who mentioned in literature, the discussion is that what was evident. To this end, the literature of Honam is the most representative artists of the 16th century, who phrases mokreungseongse reul imeokryeong gwa Cheongchul works by targeting a limited time for discussion was deployed. Imeokryeong him well in imbaekryeong gwaui deureonadeut anecdotes section was a determined scholar. Literary works, and how these generic plain looked at whether they are embodied. Imeokryeong yi who pursue life with him at work showing a good attitude who gyoyu breakfast to discuss the work of the plain as the target of sihwadoen will host. As a result, a significant portion imeokryeong literary life, as in the section Sihwa could notice that. Cheongchul in the figures hyowoocheonggae hayeotdaneun is being evaluated. Cheongchul's hyowoocheonggae gareul in literature, I've seen has been poets particularly large proportion Cheongchul political figures of the 16th century, many different paths through history has been passed today. This part of the record to reflect the thesis was to deploy more capacity. Cheongchul was shown in the gukmun market consistently in the literature reveals a limited time bliss was chungeul. Spirit of Honam cool looking, it's the first study to refine the area of operations to consolidated hanmunhak today would consider an acceptable methodology to be.

After the event-Byeongja-Horan, the king Injo went all the way to Namhan-sanseong(Namhan mountain fortress) and gave message to the troops of Honam, southern region of the Korea. Since then, the Uibyeong(volunteer troops) started the actions, legitimately. It has confirmed that the troop of Honam was almost organized at the time of Byeongja-Horan(the Ching's Invasion in 1636). However, there were numbers of separated troops while it was one big frame that all troops were spread to Yeosan. It was broadly separated into three troops with three leaders, Yi Heung bal, Jo Su seong, and An Bang jun. The troop with leader, YI Heung bal, received order from Jeolla province chief, Yi Si bang, which was unified in the Mouicheong(organization of troop) in Yeosan. Although Uibyeong's leaders of each regions were selected and troops were formed, it was weakly assembled, so the accomplishment was also not great. On the other hand, the troops of Jo Su seong in Hwasoon region was formed with non-political people that resulted a strong union. The troop of An Bang jun centered with the political westerners(Seoin literati) also showed a strong assembly, regionally and scholastically. The troops of both present and past administrators led together as the council's request was less systematic than those troops that were led by particular leaders. When we see the constitution of people involved in these troops, most noblemen were involved with An Bang jun's troop. However, under Jo Su seong's troop, his own family members, servants, and farmers were engaged. The size of the Yi Heung bal's troop that was gathered in Yeosan seemed small, although it actually was not. Honam Uibyeong added with Jo Su seong's and An Bang jun's troops was a very extensive scale. These differences of each constitution of Honam troops brought some limits and troubles to leaders. Furthermore, it is an important fact here that there were many significant people who was also involved with Jeongmyo-Horan. For instance, An Bang jun was participated in the Imjin-Waeran(the Japanese Invasion in 1592), Yi-Gwal's rebellion, as a troop member, and later, he, again, involved in the Jeongmyo-Horan as a leader of a troop. In additions, those decedents of people who involved with those incidents were more likely to participate in such events. Meanwhile, there was a complications over the commandment between Jeolla province chief, Yi Si bang and Somosa(a troop commander) Jeong Hong Myeong, because of the disagreement came from their different opinions. Those who were not administrators of Joseon dynasty had thoughts of respecting the king and the Ming dynasty more importantly, but those who were involved with administration believed more significantly with the future of their political power. Honam Uibyeong asserted the justification from the beginning regardless of political affiliation.

Hwaeom-thought spoken on the realm of Buddhism(dahrma-datu) and Heideggers thought spoken on the world of all directions(Geviert-Welt) says a original world before our perception. Because of ‘dahrma-datu’ and ‘Geviert-Welt’ is the ontological world. So the two thought are similar in the ontological aspect. Considering a picture of two worlds, therefore two worlds are similar, and we can ascertain a similarity to Heidegger thought and Hwaeom-thought. further we are enough to show what the two thought are meeting and what the two thought provides guidelines for good life wished by contemporary men.

This study examined the character of Namdo Painting through Sochi(小癡) Heo Ryeon and Namnong(南農) Heo Geon’s Paintings. Sochi Heo Ryeon from a southern island of Korea and Namnong Heo Geon from Mokpo gained fame as painters and created their own styles, focusing on their environment and effort to overcome it in an emotional aspect. Artists from Jindo including Heo Ryeon, his son Heo Hyeong, and his grandson Heo Geon changed their positions by overcoming cultural isolation of the island and suffering from poor reality through steady efforts. As well, they prepared a base where Namdo has become a town of traditional Namdo painting. The most important factor Heo Ryeon overcame isolation and succeeded as a painter was his persistence, but his strong need to be recognized as a literary artist was a catalyst. Heo Ryeon was ranked as one of the best painter in the 19th century, but his descendants inherited artistic talent and pain of poverty from him. They continued to work hard to be recognized as painters defeating against poverty and Heo Geon was willing to accept changes in his painting style for success. His change brought pro∼ Japanese and artistic diversity to Honam painting circle simultaneously. The vein of Namjong Literary Art starting from Heo Ryeon has been connected with Namhwa Research Center(南畵硏究院) in Mokpo led by Heo Geon and Yeonjinhoi(鍊眞會) in Gwangju led by Heo Baekryon(許百鍊). As the vein of traditional painting starting from Jindo led to Mokpo and Gwangju, it became a major painting circle, which indicates that painting of the southwest coast became a base of Namdo painting circle. That is, it has a significant meaning in that the vein was distributed from an isolated island to inland, and from the peripheral area to center.

The purpose of this study is to research other modernity in Lee, si-young's poems. Lee's life have been clear, but his poems walked up and down the borderland between poetry and post-poetry. This point must be definite, the aesthetic-effects in his poems could be exposed. We have made a distinction between aesthetics modernity and social-historic modernity. Before everything, I looked into the process to take form modernity in 1920's. Soon after, I looked into how to change to mutate modernity in Lee's poems. From the side view of romanticism, to Lee, si-young, nature is text now. Take the side of realism, a society is text. From the side of modernism, a language is text. The modernity Lee's poems have passed over above all. His poetry is going to other place/time/people. He don't where to go intention-point, like leaders. Like his comment, poet is not to write poetry but poetry is not to write poet. I expect to his poems to be opening newly linguistic horizon that will become another modernity of Korean aesthetics-modernity.

This thesis analyzed the methods and characteristics of self-discipline contained in the School of Nam-Myoung Jam (箴; Proverbs) after dividing them by period. Jam pieces from the 16th-17th Century strived to pursue and secure methods for disciplining oneself. The School of Nam-Myoung was very weakened during the 18th Century due to the Injo Ban Jeong(仁祖反正; King Injo’s coup d’etat) and the Moo-Sin Violence(戊申事態; violence occurring in the Moo-Sin year, also named the Lee In-Jwa’s Rebellion). Park Tae-Mu, who lived during such times, created a great number of Jam pieces whose contents expressed the goals and actuation methods of the self-discipline pursued by oneself. The characteristics of Jam pieces created during the 19th Century is that most pieces were written for others. Also, even with the content of pieces written for others, a certain topic necessary for the other was set and advised on or the meaning contained in the name of a building was elaborated for its owner to appreciate.

The Lesson through in the Ming emperor(『明皇誡鑑』) and The Inner Teaching(『內訓』), compiled in the early Chosŏn period, are two of the most representative works on women of the time. In The Lesson through in the Ming emperor, the entire blame for the rebellion was shifted onto Ān Lùshān(安祿山), Yang Guifei(楊貴妃), and Yang Guozhong(楊國忠), much to the benefit of Emperor Xuanzong of Tang (唐 玄宗). The Inner Teaching, which succeeded The Lesson through in the Ming emperor praised how the emperor's relatives in law never interfered with the power structure of the political system, and criticized the stewardship of the emperor's mother. The kings of early chosen were extremely cautious of potential threats to their reign, such as possible abnormal succession and political interference from the in∼laws of their wives. This is to say, the virtues that were advocated the most to women of the palace had to do with sustaining the patriarchal structures within the public sector. For the dynasty itself was the intended family to the wives of the king. Patriarchy functioned both as a political system and a means of control by linking filial piety and loyalty together in a holistic way, posting the king as its formats ruler. As the king fulfilled the role of the national father figure, he had to have submissive queens and concubines. Consequently, these women had to follow the order which was promulgated upon them according to the needs of the king. The women within the palace could not have any political or social relationships, and if they could not keep this order they would be considered as having caused a problem that threatened the dynasty from its foundations. The sustenance of the king's political power was done by maintaining patriarchy as a political system, by which the king could control his people. The cultural methods by which this was done were books one women, such as The Lesson through in the Ming emperor and The Inner Teaching.