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The purpose of this paper is to understand actual circumstances of Sutra translation of the early Choseon Dynasty by looking for the relation between the kukyeol-accompanied sentences of <Neugeomgyeong> (the second half of the 13th century) and those of <Neugeomgyeong-eonahe> (1463), and by examining how <Lotus-sutra> in <Seokbosangjeol> (1447; the first sutra translation since the invention of hunmin-jeongeum) was translated. Part of my argument is to see the sentences written in <Seokbosangjeol> as derived from the kukyeol-accompanied sentences of Koryo dynasty. Before the invention of Hunminjeongeum, the way of translaton Sutra into Seoktokgugyul is judged to go out of use because of its complexity and the invention of Hunminjeongeum. The first sentence of Volume One of <Seokbosangjeol>, a little different from the sentences of Sutra translation, seems to be an effort to make a new kind of sentence. On the other hand, <Lotus-sutra> was translated three times for a period of 16 years after the invention of hunmin-jeongeum: first, it was freely and partly translated without its original text in Lotus-sutra of <Seokbosangjeol>; second, it was greatly revised and enlarged in <Worinseokbo> (1459); third, it was fully translated with its original text in <Beophagyongeonhae> (1463). <Beophagyongeonhae> and <Neungeomgyongeonhae> became a model which Sutra translation by <Gangyongdogam> followed in sevral ways.

Only few Buddhist Scriptures had been translated during the colonial period when Korea was formally annexed by Japan. This can be explained in many ways: because of Japan's colonial policy for Buddhism, because Buddhism had not been popularized, and because people were not sufficiently aware of the need to translate the Scriptures. However, some Buddhist monks perceived the importance of Sutra translation and their devotion bore some fruitful results. This was possible because people became more aware of the importance of propagating Buddhism, awakening nationalism, and educating Buddhist priests. Nevertheless, translation of the Scriptures in the colonial period should be regarded as a beginning stage. There was not much progress in translating Buddhist Scriptures in the 1910s. A few books translated by the Son(Zen) Buddhist Missionary Center and Kakhwangsa were the only works of translation produced in this period. However, interest in the Scriptures was aroused, which provided a basis for its translation. A Buddhist magazine was founded in this period and articles introducing Buddhist Scriptures appeared in the magazine. This reflects the period when the ban on entry by monks and nuns into the cities was lifted and Buddhism was on its way to becoming a religion of the city. The 1920s was an era when there was an overall deepening in the spirit of self-reliance and social consciousness in Korea. Accordingly, there was more progress in Sutra translation. A change in Japan's colonial policy in this period from brutal militaristic rule to the so-called "Cultural Policy" also played a part in this development. Baek Yong-sung and Han Yong-un, both of whom were one of the 33 representatives of the Korean people in the March 1 Independence Movement, were the leading figures in Sutra translation in this period. Their imprisonment made them realize the need for propagating Buddhism and they looked at the problem of translating the Scriptures from this viewpoint. After they were released from prison, Baek and Han organized Samjangyyukhoi(삼장역회) and Bubbohoi(법보회) respectively, and they assumed active roles in translating the Scriptures. Especially Baek, who based himself on Daekaksa, devoted himself to Sutra translation and published numerous works of translations, one of which was the translation of the Avatamsaka Sutra. In addition, young Buddhists returning to Korea after studying abroad emphasized the importance of translating the Scriptures. They also strongly asserted the importance of popularizing Buddhism. However, because of the conflict within the Buddhist community, the unbalance between traditional studies and modern studies, and the indifference of most of the Buddhist monks, the achievement of this period was not very extensive. From 1930 to 1945, the translation of the Scriptures materialized and produced various results. Ahn Jin-ho, Huh Young-ho, Kim Tae-hup, Kwon Sang-ro, Shin So-chun, and Kim Dong-hwa participated as the leading figures in translating the Scriptures. They were either from Kangwon or had studied in Japan; they were all versed in either modern learnings or classical studies. Haeinsa, Tongdosa and Beomeosa joined to establish the Hadong Institute for Sutra Translation and embarked on a serious translating project. Baek Yong-sung also continued translating and produced numerous works of translation. Han Yong-un did not translate the Scriptures himself, but put his efforts to arousing interest in the importance of translating the Scriptures. Especially, Ahn's attempt to analyze and annotate numerous Scriptures strengthened the foundation of Sutra translation. Huh approached the problem of translation from a scholarly perspective, while Kim Tae-hup summarized the Scriptures with the intent of propagating Buddhism and popularizing Buddhist literature. However, partnership between the translators and the patrons was still weak. partly because the Buddhist Order was not established yet. The conflict among Buddhist sects and confusion in Buddhist education were also factors underlying this problem. After war broke out between Japan and China in 1937, the foundation for Sutra translation collapsed and hardly any works of translation were produced.

The motive that ven. Y ong-sung took part in translating Buddhist Scriptures is, first of all, religious. At the age fourteen he received Buddha's predestination and then forgot it. At the age of forty-seven in his dream Buddha scolded him. He realized it as a hint and undertook to translate Buddhist Scriptures and to write books. Secondly, it was a national motive based on correct recognition of contemporary conditions. He recognized that due to the sudden change of circumstances time consuming Chinese can not cover all of modem subjects. Thirdly, it is a part of his independent activity. It seems to him that the activity of the translating Buddhist Scriptures was not only spreading Korean language, but also teaching ordinary Koreans national soul. Although it was very difficult, his motive and background of the translating Buddhist text made her continue to be translating Buddhist Scriptures. Among them the most distinguished work was to establish Samjangyyukhoi( {}7-J-~ :§:1 ). He registered it as a publishing company and through it he systematically translated Buddhist texts. After he received the pemnss10n from japanese government, it could do marketing, too. Moreover, he translated about 30 kinds of Buddhist sutras and wrote about 30 kinds of them. Among them the best was the translation of ~A vatamsaka sutraJ . And among his ideological works the representative work is ~Kakhaeillyun(Zf-5~ ~ -fr )J . Finally, his translating work was, first of all, systematic. He tried to set up certain system of Buddhist studies rather than depend on his personal taste. Moreover if he was not satisfied with his translating works, he tried to translate it over and over again. Secondly, he established Samjangyyukhoi( %Ad-~ §1) for this work Thirdly, he applied networks to the marketing. Finally, he utilized advertizement and used radical language change and dialogical style in his translation. After the Buddhist purification movement the united Buddhist Orders was established. It became Dongkuk Sutra Translation Center in 1964.

The translation into Korean of Buddhist Scriptures written in Chinese characters can be divided into three periods. The first translation of the Scriptures into Korean were the annotated texts published by Kankyungdogam(간경도감) during the reign of King Sejo. As Sejo's prayer to Buddha, the translation and publication of 9 Sutra texts including the Shurangama Sutra was carried out as a national project, This is very significant, for the translation(1462, Sejo 8) was made not long after the creation of Hangul (created in 1443, Sejong 25; proclaimed in 1446, Sejong 28). The second period is the dark age under Japanese occupation. Monks such as Baek Yong-sung, Ahn Jin-ho, and Huh Young-ho were the leading figures during this period. Sutra translation in this period broke from the convention of translating in archaic or colloquial style and attempted to translate from a more modern concept. The efforts of Baek and Ahn are more significant in that they succeeded in publishing their translations and tried to use as much Hangul as possible in such harsh times. Huh translated not only Sutras written in Chinese characters but also the Diamond Sutra written in Sanskrit. Considering the fact that the translation of Sutras written in Chinese was yet to be completed, this was a noteworthy achievement. The third period is the 1960s and 1970s, when Dongguk Sutra Translation Center became the center of Sutra translation. Two monks named Lee Un-huh and Kim Tan-huh were the leading figures of this period. The Buddhist Order founded Dongguk Sutra Translation Center and commenced on a full-scale translation project. Their objective was to produce a Hangul Tripitaka. This was the most important period in Sutra translation since Korea's liberation, when the translation of the Scriptures was in demand. The two main figures of Sutra translation history, Rev. Un-huh and Rev. Tan-huh, devoted their lives to translating the Scriptures. Rev. Un-huh tried to convey the general meaning of the Sutra using folk language and a colloquial style, while Rev. Tan-huh adhered to a more literal translation mixing Korean and Chinese words. Sungakwikam(선가귀감), which was translated around 1949 by Hangul Sonhak Publication Center (presumed to be translated by Kim Yong-dam), was published as a single volume but holds an important place in the history of Sutra translation. This concise Korean translation is easy to read and has an outstanding power of expression. Also, the translator's annotations, which provides the reader with a considerable amount of information and knowledge, is an example of the new style of Sutra translation. It can be said that this translation stands at the turning point where modern translation becomes contemporary translation. There is another translated text that needs to be mentioned, and that is the Sonyukbon(선역본) of Tripitaka Koreana recently translated and published in North Korea (1993-4). They seem to have consulted the Hangul Tripitaka while translating, but the North Korean translation is superior to South Korean translations in its conciseness of language, style, paragraphing, and use of Korean expressions. This translation uses folk language and colloquial style to give life to Buddha's teaching. It is more moving and conveys its meaning more clearly and definitely than any other translation.

Tripitaka Koreana was made by companng many versiOns, and thus, it is the most accurate and perfect Tripitaka among the numerous Tripitaka translated into Chinese. However, Chinese characters were used in making the Tripitaka Koreana because it was made before Hangul was invented. Therefore, it was not easy for the gerenal public to read these Scriptures. These Buddhist Scriptures began to be translated after King Sejong created Hangul. In the 15th Century, during Sejong's reign, Wolinchungangjigok(월인천강지곡) and Suckbosangjul (석보상절) were written in Hangul, and during Sejo' s reign (1461, Sejo 7) Kankyungdogam (간경도감) was established and Buddhist Scriptures were translated and published in Hangul for the first time. However, Kankyungdogam lasted only 10 years before it was closed. After the Chosun period, the Scriptures were translated by many temples and individuals, but these were translations of only parts of the Tripitaka. After the purification campaign came to an end, the Jogye Order of Korean Buddhism selected apprenticeship training, propagating, and Sutra translation as the 3 main projects of the Order. The Sutra Translation Committee Law was legislated to place the Committee under the direct control of the Order, and in 1963 and 1964, 38 people were commissioned by Rev. Hyobong, who was the head of the Order at that time, to be members of the committee. Also, an agreement was reached to found the Dongguk Sutra Translation Center within Dongkuk University in order to promote cooperation between the General Affairs Department and Dongguk University and carry the translation project forward. On July 21, 1963, the Dongguk Sutra Translation Center held an opening ceremony and was formally launched. Their efforts bore fruit on June 30, 1965, when the first book of the Hangul Tripitaka, Dirghagama, was published. For 5 years from 1966 to 1970, a government subsidy allowed 8 volumes of Hangul Tripitaka to be published each year, and by 1973, a total of 67 volumes were published. In 1975, the 48 volumes of the facsimile edition of Tripitaka Koreana were completed. After Rev. Un-huh, who was the first director of the Center, became an honorary director in 1979, the Sutra translation project was not very productive, but after Rev. Wol-un became the new director in 1993, the project became more active. The Center was awarded a subsidy of 1.3 billion won from the government for the next 4 years and the Hangul Tripitaka project gained propulsive force. The subsidy was extended for 2 years and the Tripitaka Koreana translation project that had continued for 36 years was finally cmnpleted in 2000 with the publication of 318 volumes. Since 2001, the Center has been supported by the government in a 10 year project for revising and supplementing the Hangul Tripitaka. In addition, in cooperation with the Electronic Buddhist Text Institute in Dongguk University, the Center is working to create an electronic version of the Tripitaka. The Center also plans to review and examine the imperfections of the Hangul Tripitaka such as inaccurate translation and take complementary measures to improve it.

능가경의 두 주석가인 즈냐냐쓰리브하드라(Jñānaśrībhadra, 이후 즈냐 냐쓰리)와 즈냐냐바즈라(Jñānavajra)는 11세기와 12세기경에 인도에서 활 동한 불교학승들이며 그들의『능가경』주석서를 포함한 대부분의 저서들 이 티베트 대장경에 남아있다. 즈냐냐쓰리는『능가경』이외에도 미륵보 살의 『대승장엄경론』의 주석서와 법칭의『量決擇』의 주석서를 쓴 것으로 미루어 인도불교의 유가행유식학파, 특히 불교논리학에 정통한 북인도 캐스미르의 학승으로 여겨진다. 한편 즈냐냐바즈라는 그의 능가경주석서 의 관점으로 미루어 보아 유가행중관학파에 속하며 연화계(Kamalaśīla, ca. 740～795)의 불교철학체계를 계승한 것으로 보인다. 이 논문에서는 정확히 알려지지 않은 이들 두 주석가들의 생애, 특히 활동 연대를 밝혀 보고자 한다. 그러나 이들의 전기가 남아있지 않아 주 변관계, 즉 10세기와 11세기의 인도불교와 티베트불교의 학승들과의 관 계와 이들의『능가경』주석서의 철학체계와 내용을 바탕으로 전기를 밝 히고자 한다. 즈냐냐쓰리의 연대를 밝히는데 있어서는 두 가지 접근방법이 있다. 첫 째는 북인도 불교논리학의 학승들과의 관계이고, 둘째는 캐스미르에서 수학한 티베트 승려와의 관계이다. 10세기와 11세기의 인도와 티베트의 최고의 고승으로 불리는 아티싸(Atiśa, ca. 982～1054)의 전기에 따르면, 1041년 그가 티베트로 출발하기 전까지 머무른 비크라마 대사원에 라트 나카라싼티와 즈냐냐쓰리미트라 그리고 라트나키르티 등의 세 학승이 있 었다고 전하고 있다. 가지야마 유이치는 이들 세 학승의 활동연대를 11 세기 초기와 중기로 추정하고 있으며, 이들의 불교논리학 저서들에 다른 불교도와 비불교도들의 학설을 소개하고 있다고 하나, 캐시미르에서 유 명한 학승인 즈냐냐쓰리를 언급하지 않은 점을 미루어 즈냐냐쓰리는 이 들과 동시대에 활동하지 않았을 것으로 추정된다. 둘째는 즈냐냐쓰리가 만년에 티베트로 가서 활동을 했지만 언제 갔으 며 어떤 활동을 했는지 전해 오지 않는다. 그러나 그의 주변의 티베트불 교도들의 전기를 통해서는 그가 그의 저서들을 티베트불교도들의 도움을 받으며 티베트어로 번역한 것으로 보이며, 특히 그의 논리학관계 서적은 티베트불교의 고인명(古因明)에 영향을 준 것으로 보인다. 한편 티베트불 교의 신인명(新因明)의 창시자인 록 로짜와 로덴세랍(1059～1109)은 캐스 미르에 1076년부터 1092년까지 수학했으며, 파잡 니마작(1055～?)은 11세 기 후반에서 12세기 전반에 걸쳐 23년 간 캐스미르에서 수학했으나 이들 은 즈냐냐쓰리에 관해 언급하지 않았다. 그 이유로 추정되는 것은 즈냐 냐쓰리는 티베트불교의 대법회가 열린 1076년경에 티베트에 도착한 것으 로 추측되며 위의 캐스미르에서 수학한 두 티베트 학승과 엇갈린 것으로 보인다. 그러므로 즈냐냐쓰리의 연대는 1020～1080년으로 추정된다. 즈냐냐바즈라의 경우는 그의 능가경 주석서에 즈냐냐쓰리의 『능가경』 주석을 인용한 점을 미루어 즈냐냐쓰리보다 후대의 인물임을 알 수 있다. 그러나 이들 주석서의 인용관계만으로는 얼마나 후대인지는 불투명 하다. 그렇지만 그의 주석서에서 ‘식중관’(識中觀, rnam rig dbu ma, vijñaptimadhyama)이란 개념에 유의해야 한다. 이 개념은 11세기의 학승 인 라트나카라싼티에 의해 처음으로 도입된 개념이며, 후기 인도불교에 서는 유가행중관학파의 다른 이름으로 사용된 점으로 미루어 즈냐냐바즈라가 인도불교철학이 북인도에서 활발히 활동하고 있을 시기에 생존했을 가능성이 보인다. 그러므로 즈냐냐바즈라의 활동연대를 1050～1110년으 로 추정한다. 또한 타라나타하(Tāranātha)의 인도불교사에 따르면 즈냐냐바즈라가 인도인이 아니라 중국인이라는 견해가 있는데, 이는 그의 타이틀인 ‘중국 인 학승’(rgya'i mkhan po)때문이다. 하지만 티베트어 ‘rgya’의 의미가 정 확히 중국을 가리키는지는 알 수 없고 타라나타하가 이 단어의 의미를 중국이라 해석한 데서 비롯되었다고 본다. 그러나 그의 『능가경』주석서 의 성격으로 보아 그는 중국인이 아니라 인도불교 학승으로 보인다. 첫 째, 위에서도 언급한 바 있으나, 그는 『능가경』을 유가행중관학파의 철학 체계로 주석하고 있다. 이는 후기 인도불교를 대표하는 학파이고, 이 학 파의 창시자인 연화계는 티벳의 삼예 대토론에서 중국 승려 마하연을 대 파했다. 또한 이 학파가 중국불교에 영향을 미친 기록이 보이지 않는다. 만약 즈냐냐바즈라가 중국인이라면 어떻게 『능가경』을 유가행중관학파의 관점에서 저술했겠는가? 둘째, 중국불교에 있어서의 능가경의 주석서들 은 7세기부터 만들어져 오고 있다. 그러나 즈냐냐바즈라는 인도학승인 즈냐냐쓰리의 주석서를 참조하면서도 중국어 주석서에 관한 언급은 하고 있지 않다.

After the Samil Independent Movement anti-Japanese movement in Buddhist world was based on Shanhai Provisional Government. Buddhist monks involved in the Shanhai Provisional Government played an important role as representatives in Yontongje(연통제) that is the domestic network. When Ven. Man-hae served his term of imprisonment during three years due to the Samil Independent Movement Lee Jong-ook leaded Buddhist anti-Japanese movement. Lee Jong-ook grew up as an anti-Japanese in the process of solving Yoljungsa's land problem. Right after participating in the Samil Independent Movement he became a member of 27 Kielsadai(결사대) and attended Hansung Provisional Government as a Buddhist representative together with Park Han-young. In Shanhai Provisional Government he was very active with An Chang-ho and was appointed as a general manager in domestic network. After the Samil Independent Movement he took the lead in Kim Gajin's Shanhai escape event and King Ui-chin Lee Gang-kong's escape event which astonished Japanese government. He was also a leader of the youth movement, the Korean Women's society and the Korean Red Cross. Lee Jong-ook's position in the Provisional Government was raised and he became a secretary of the Home Ministry and a member of parliamentary government (a representative of Kwangwendo). On the one hand, Lee Jong-ook consulted with Buddhist monks such as Shin Sang-oan, Baek Seng-ook, and Kim Sang-hen and organized Korean Buddhist Monk association for systematically developing Buddhist anti-Japanese movement. He announced 〈Buddhist declaration〉and guided organizations such as 〈Provisional Buddhist monks military association〉and 〈Kimilbu (기밀부)〉. Moreover, he sent young agitators to the whole Buddhist temples for inspiring anti-Japanese and raised funds for independent Movement of the Provisional Government. Right after the Samil Independent Movement the result of independent Movement in the Buddhist world was not only personal activity, but also was the result of the Buddhist monk organization involved about 20 monks such as Lee Jong-ook, Shin sang-wan, Kim Sang-hen, Baek Sung-ook, Baek Cho-wol, and Kim Sang-ho. Of course Lee Jong-ook was the center of this organization. Lee Jong-ook discharged connections between the Buddhist world and Shanhai Provisional Government because he was not only a prominent figure among Buddhist monks but also took a high position in the Shanhai Provisional Government.

So far, studies on the administration of the Buddhist Order have focused on analyzing the phenomena and searching for problems and solutions. This type of study was insufficient to raise the study of the administration of the Buddhist Order to the level of a science. This presentation will discuss the identity of the study of the administration of the Buddhist Order so that it can take shape as a scientific study. Rather than discuss the phenomena of the administration, I will focus on its characteristics as a science. Before we go on any further, I should define the term I am using. I will comprehensively define the study of the administration of the Buddhist Order since 1960 as "a science that serves the organization that learns and follows the teachings of Buddha." In order to discuss the identity of the study of the administration of the Buddhist Order, we need to define the nature of this scientific study and its objectives. I will first look at the nature of this study and then talk about its objectives. First, the study of the administration of the Buddhist Order belongs to applied Buddhist studies. The study of Buddhism as a science can be classified into pure Buddhist studies and applied Buddhist studies. The study of the administration of the Buddhist Order is a branch of applied Buddhist studies. Second, the study of the administration of the Buddhist Order belongs to private administration. Administration can be classified into public administration and private administration. The subject of the study of the administration of the Buddhist Order is the administration of a religious order, which is a nongovernmental organization, so it is a branch of private administration. However, unlike other kinds of private administration, which are based on the logic of market economy, the administration of the Buddhist Order has normative characteristics. The study of the administration of the Buddhist Order as a private administration must take this into consideration. Third, the study of the administration of the Buddhist Order is an interdisciplinary study. It is a scientific study that combines adminstration with Buddhism, and inherits the scientific method of the study of administration and Buddhist studies. Then, what is the objective that needs to be pursued for the study of the administration of the Buddhist Order to become a scientific study? First of all, the tools of analysis should be expanded. The subject of the study of the administration of the Buddhist Order is the administration of the Buddhist Order, and as for the fools of analysis, both Buddhist Studies and Public Administration are needed. In other words, the study of the Administration of the Buddhist Order is "a field of study that uses Public Administration and Buddhist Studies to research the phenomena occurring in the Buddhist Order." Of course, this is a concocted definition. Next, we need to differentiate the study of the administration of the Buddhist Order from the study of general administration. Ancient countries existed for the monarch or the emperor, and modern countries are said to exist for the people; administration exists to serve this purpose. However, in the Buddhist Order, anyone who believes in Buddhism has a priority over the monarch or the people. The administration of the Buddhist Order serves so that a person who believes in Buddhism can experience spiritual awakening, and this is the subject of the study of the administration of the Buddhist Order. Finally, pure Buddhist studies and the study of the administration of the Buddhist Order should coexist. The distinction between pure Buddhist studies and applied Buddhist studies was not made artificially but is purely a historical phenomena. There is no saying what is right and what is wrong. Each age has its own Buddhist studies, and in this age, this is how we define Buddhist studies. Therefore, when we talk about Korean Buddhist studies, it is proper to include all kinds of Buddhist studies without asking whether it is from the old days or belongs to a recent field of study. It will be enough to point out that traditional studies and modern studies each have its own characteristics. I hope this presentation will be of some use in fostering the development of a scientific study of the administration of the Buddhist Order.

This study intends to consider funeral culture and environment shown in temples so as to settle cremation system which is controversial around the society and lead funeral systems to right direction. In addition, this study intends to prepare design criteria for building up lotus pagoda garden in buddhist temples with buddhist concept introduced so as to present alternatives for establishing reasonable funeral environment, and it also intends to present the alternatives of design for lotus pagoda garden with the concept applied. First of all, this study pointed out two problems of lotus pagoda garden introduced in current buddhist temples: Inordinate establishment of lotus pagoda garden over excessive area and indiscreet formulation of lotus flower pagoda. Then, the study focused on the right direction for the solution of those problems. This study also noted the right application in compliance with current relevant laws and the inherent dogma and faith system of buddhism for the establishment of lotus pagoda gardens. As a result of the study, it can be found that the cremation system has been followed as a funeral method since the time before the introduction of Buddhism into Korea and the system was settled as our inherent funeral method with certain formalities accompanied by the introduction of buddhism. It was also found that Pudo sector (memorial monument area) which is usually shown in traditional buddhist temples originally intended to be the representative funeral culture facilities of temple so as to enshrine the tomb pagoda of buddhist monks. According to Korean history, however, the burial system originally led by noble classes since the mid of Choseon dynasty resulted in wrong or distorted funeral culture. Moreover, it has still yielded some negative effects in terms of land use. Thus, the Korean government has been recommending the cremation system by enacting 'Law on Funeral Affairs", and many Koreans has been also positively recognizing the cremation system. Following these movements, it is recommended that the buddhist society should more positively accept the cremation system and make various efforts to establish funeral environments for enshrining the last in more comfortable ways. In fact, however, it is shown that inordinate establishment of funeral environment and indiscreet use of pudo pagoda types have rather done harm to the environment of temples. Accordingly, this study presented the recommendable design criteria for lotus pagoda garden and the corresponding alternatives of design so as to provide a guidance for the establishment of lotus pagoda garden in temples in the future. In compliance with current 'Law on Funeral Affairs', the study established the area of lotus pagoda as 500㎡, which is introducible into current temples, and presented the corresponding design criteria. The design criteria presented in this study is as follows: First, the design concept of lotus pagoda sector was made so as to embody immanent meanings such as life is death and death is life as well as nirvana in terms of buddhism. Second, the site plan of lotus pagoda sector had divided spaces in connection with the basic facilities and the ancestor memorial ceremonies in temples. Third, the type of lotus pagoda sector was differently designed depending upon the subject of operation, the type of location, the subject of enshrinement and the type of placement. Fourth, the type of lotus flower pagoda modeled itself on monk's Pudo pagoda, but the former was designed to be different than the latter in terms of type. Fifth, in case of the area of facilities, the size of lotus pagoda and the unit area for spatial composition were calculated in 0.09㎡ of unit area, on the basis of the volume of cremated ashes and the resulting size of charnel container, while the standard area was calculated in consideration of worship, traffic and maintenance according to the subject of enshrinement. If the criteria is applied to 500㎡ as the area available for installation in compliance with current relevant laws, 400㎡ except 20% of landscape area is the area available for installation of lotus pagoda. For the calculation like this, it was concluded that about 100 sets of lotus pagodas could be installed. Meanwhile, according this design criteria , this study presented the alternatives of design for the following pagoda area: Flat type lotus pagoda garden based on its formal framework such as Hwaom Ilseung Beopgyedo; Slope type lotus pagoda modeling the type of Banya Yongseon Considering the result of this study, it can be found that the lotus pagoda garden to introduce into Korean buddhist temples absolutely needs to create its type with the content based on buddhist concept rather than general design concept. Conclusively, it is recommended that the buddhist society should establish more reasonable funeral environments in advance, before the lotus pagoda sector is going to be settled as a funeral culture according to the popularization of cremation system in the future. And it is necessary that the studies for the establishment of funeral environment should be further performed from now on.

It is very difficult to express the process of enlightenment by means of words and languages. Especially because in Zen world the process of enlightenment is a transcendental process it is regarded as the supreme teaching based on the teaching without words and the transmission without scriptures. Fortunately in Song dynasty Ven. Bo-meng and Ven. Kwak-am described 『Mokwoodo』and 『Sipwoodo』with poem and painting respectively. 『Mokwoodo』which is 10 kinds of paintings painted by Ven. Bo-meng described the process that a cowboy trained a wild black cow thar lost the cow-house and wandered from place to place. It is described the progress of practice that all black feature from head to tail makes white step by step although the black cow is contaminated by impure mind. By contrast, Ven. Kwak-am's 『Sipwoodo』does not describe the contaminated black cow which changes into white one. It focuses on reovering the original true self, finding a human nature which is originally in it. Therefore it is not necessary to find the cow because it has never been lost. Through these two paintings it can be realized a difference between the self-feature before practice and the changed self-feature after practice. If we can compare the process of Soen practice with the process of consciousness from sub-consciousness in S. Freud's 『Psychoanalysis』, A. Maslow said that everyone was born with instinctive needs, but it is induced to weak motives. It can be said that children become adults and that gradually strengthen self-consciousness and pursue self-realization. Like 『Sipwoodo』shows the process of enlightenment it is very important to realize self-feature for oneself. Therefore, it is the nature of self-realization that human beings recognize instinctive needs, and get rid of attachment to it, and open mind.