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The aim of this paper is to illuminate the achievements of Master Baek, Yong-sung in the period from his age of 63(1926) to his death. The most distinct feature of his achievements in this period is that he proposed 'Kun back seo' in 1926, yet only facing neither social nor national welcome, started to make a substantial effort to expand the Daegak-kyo(大覺敎). The Daegak-kyo building which he constructed in the Yongjung area was the first Korean Buddhist propagation house in a foreign country. Moreover, he established 'Hwakwawon' in Hamyang, declaring the productive Buddhism, and practiced the 'Seon-agriculture Buddhism'(禪農佛敎) by himself. He created original rituals of the Daegak-kyo and new sila-receiving ritual for lay people, trying to establish a clear identity of the Daegak-kyo. The Sunday school founded in the Daegak-kyo house and textbooks compiled especially for the children shows Master Yong-sung's interest in training the younger generation for the Daegak-kyo and education. He wrote the 『Kakhaeillyun』(『覺海日輪』), the book of the Daegak-kyo thought, which gave deeper insight of the Daegak-kyo thought and established body of theory. In addition, he published the 『Korean Avatamska Sutra』,' yet furthermore retranslated its Korean-Chinese combined version, and brought out numerous books and translations around the Samjang translation council and the central headquarter of the Daegak-kyo. Master Yong-sung keenly realized that it was impossible to cooperate with the Japanned Buddhist order in which the precepts were violated, a hierarchy lost, and the monks were having wives and eating meat; therefore he seceded from the existing order. He resigned his priesthood and devoted himself to Seon(禪) Buddhism which he had advocated. Due to the Japanese oppression, however, it was hard to preserve property, so he left the Daegak-kyo property in trust to the Korean Trust Bank, later moving it to the Kyungsung propagation house in Beomuh temple. To make the foundation of the Daegak-kyo much firmer, he initiated his disciples to the tenets of the Daegak-kyo. Finally, the Daegak-kyo was dispersed, and he declared the General Headquarter of Korean Buddhist Seon Sector(朝鮮佛 敎禪宗叢林). He died at the age of 77, on Feb. 24, 1940. Later his disciples have ascertained his achievements and conducted memorial ceremonies, and the Daegak-kyo Foundation was approved and has continued up to date.

In the Koryo period the Buddhist temple obtained the financial income and used it for various purposes. The reasonable and harmonious adjustment of income and outgo is indispensible to maintenance of the Buddhist temple. The Buddhist temple did not attain self-sufficiency and attained the economic aid of the secular society. The financial resources of the Buddhist temple were manifold. The land constituted the essential part. And the Buddhist temple practiced the usury. Also commerce, mendicancy(緣化), almsgiving, and royal grant were the resources of the Buddhist temple. Among them the land and the usury were the resources of most importance. In the aspect of the income scale, income of usury was frequently superior to one of land. The financial income was used for the maintenance of the Buddhist temple. Living expenses of the Buddhist monks, mending cost of the Buddhist buildings, and expenses of the Buddhist mass were represntative of the outgo of the Buddhist temple. The use for social welfare was one of the important expenses. The Buddhist monks were wholly responsible for the financial management, and the laymen did not take part in it. In the late period of Koryo dynasty, the head priest(住持) of the Buddhist temple played the important role in the financial management. The book accounting income and outgo was likely to be made out. The outgo was not determined by the income, and income was adjusted considerin the outgo. Monetary offerings of the believers were not constant and not regular. In the later period of Koryo dynasty, the financial condition of the Buddhist temple was to be inferior. The financial problem, to sum up, was the decreasing of income and the increasing of outgo. Many Buddhist temples went to ruin, and the main reason for it was the financial difficulty. On account of financial difficulty, the Buddhist temple was engaged in the increasing of income. Enlargement of land, compulsory usury of high rate, engaging in mendicancy,and frequent disputes between temples were connected with financial insufficiency. The Buddhist temple was devoted to the increasing of income, and as a necessary consequence it was to be in discord with the national economy. Also the discord between the the Buddhist temple and the secular society was to be increased.

Since Buddhism was introduced into Korea, Buddhist monasteries enjoyed the economic prosperity for more than a thousand years until the end of Koryeo dynasty. But they met hardship at the advent of Choseon dynasty(1392-1910) which promoted Neo-Confucianism and suppressed Buddhism. In the early period of Choseon dynasty from King Tae-jong(1400-1418) to King Jung-jong(1506-1544), the economic foundation of the monasteries in Choseon already collapsed virtually. Choseon kingdom confiscated vast fields and slavers which were major resources of monasteries. In addition, Choseon kingdom, having suffered from wars with Japan and the Manchuria war in the middle period of Choseon dynasty made a economic sacrifice of Buddhist monasteries. Buddhist monasteries which had been enforced to send monks to the battle fields had to take part in building of mountain fortress walls and take care of them. Monasteries themselves had to pay huge mount of money for the maintenance of the walls. That was another economic suppression on monastic economy made by the kingdom. Moreover, after the war, monasteries over the nation were ordered to produce paper goods as a tribute to Cheong dynasty in China and for Choseon kingdom as well from the 17th century to the 19th century. That was still another exploitation done by the kingdom. Besides, monasteries across the country in Choseon kingdom were reduced to the crisis of the extinction of their existence by having been made to work for municipal and provincial officers, the two upper classes and Confucian schools. Facing the hardship above, monasteries had to find ways to survive the political and social oppression and the economic exploitation. Their main works to maintain Buddhism in Choseon included the following three things. 1) Monks produced paper goods and hemp-cord sandals and participated in commercial activities. 2) They organized various kinds of a mutual financing association for the maintenance of monasteries. 3) Monks made efforts to create dry fields and paddy fields, and donated them to monasteries. By doing these things Buddhist monasteries secured their economic stability to a certain degree in the late 19th century. There is a significance more than the economic self-establishment of monasteries. Monasteries in Choseon provoked by Chosen kingdom's oppression of Buddhism managed to survive without the aids of kings or political leaders. In fact they became free from the strong attachment they had hold in the past to political powers. This self-dependence of monasteries is a great achievement for Buddhists in Korea.

The temple law under Japanese occupation was with regard to the management, sale and debt of temple property. The management of temple property, however, had been a serious problem since the former Korean government; so this matter was included in the temple law enacted right after the advent of the Japanese invasion. The feature of the management under this law was to invest the abbot (住持) of the temple with full power. The problem of temple property and the abbots had become conspicuous on a full scale after the 3.1 Independent movement. The young monks proceeded with the abrogation movement of the temple law, arguing the issue of property and misconduct of the abbots. The consumption of property was partly caused by the use of temple finance for popularization of the Buddhism, but the most serious problem was that the abbots abused temple property at their discretion. It was not uncommon that the land of the temple was taken as security for self-interest; so debts of the temple were increased. Not only was this the problem for the temple community but also it functioned as a cause of conflicts in the temple. Hence, the Japanese government-general found this matter important and investigated the solution. As a result, in the late 1920's, there was an amendment of the regulations of the temple law and related law of justice. Despite this, the problem was not fully settled. Another matter which provoked the managing problem of the property was the marriage of the monks. Monks' marriage which was prompted after the middle of 1920's, revealed violation of the precepts and weak spirits of practice. In the view of temple property, consuming it for family living expanses was a troublesome aspect. Besides, the Japanese government-general approved the judicial policy which made possible the abbots' getting married; it brought about the monks' marriage commonplace. It spread to married monks' struggle for positions to ensure their family living expanses in the temple. Finally, the monks' marriage consumed temple property and caused a conflicting structure struggling for the managerial position. It brings an understanding of Master Baek, Yong-sung at that time, who criticised the consumption of temple property and monks' marriage, and pushed forward his original Daegak-kyo movement. As above, the consumption and abuse of temple property under Japanese occupation was in relation to the abbots' self-interest and financial problem for their family living expanses. And the background of it was the system of the temple law.

In modern Buddhist activities, the importance of economic thought cannot be overemphasized. Accordingly, Buddhism has to adopt its own philosophy concerning economic matters, and use it to provide an example to the capitalistic world. To this end, Buddhism must restructure the temple economy while realizing the Buddhist spirit in a social context. In a narrow sense, the term,　temple economy, refers to all activities related to the management of economic affairs in temples and missionary houses. In a broader sense, the temple economy　encompasses all economic activities devoted to the improvement of respect for life. In order to maximize the 　temple economy　, Buddhism has to study the content of Buddhist teachings more thoroughly, attract a larger number of followers and institute fundraising campaigns. Essentially, Buddhism has to redesign its business model. Most important for the development of the 　temple economy, an altruistic mindset needs to be firmly established as the fundamental economic point of view in Buddhism. In a world that measures the value of many things in money, an altruistic, charitable spirit will help differentiate Buddhism from other religions. At the same time, Buddhism has to promote the spread of a Mahayanist non-possessive spirit, which directs people to share their wealth with neighbors. Buddhism has a responsibility to institute the moral pursuit of wealth and to instruct people on how to effectively live a virtuous lifestyle. More specifically, several steps need to be accomplished for the effective development of a temple economy. First, temple finances should be high value-added and transparent. To accomplish this, a thorough understanding of the techniques of asset management is needed. Also, the help of financial experts and the establishment of related financial systems are required to establish a firm economic basis for temples. Second, different sources of income should be explored, such as the collection of fees from Buddhist members, contributions and fund creation. Members of a temple can be encouraged to pay minimum membership fees periodically, and recruiting efforts to gather new members can be revitalized. A practical method to achieve this may include the creation of Buddhist complexes in densely populated secondary centers of cities and in easy-to-access suburbs. Third, businesses in line with Buddhist philosophies should be explored and cultivated. In developing these businesses, points to be considered include the preservation of the Buddhist spirit, the injection of an appropriate amount of funds from the temple, and the seeking of a smooth cash flow in order not to burden the temple economy. Fourth, economic activities must be utilized as a medium to spread Buddhism to companies and greater society as a whole. In particular, entrepreneurs need to recognize temples as a 　living space　rather than simply a place for religious activities, and utilize it in their corporate activities. The final task concerns the improvement of the overall religious and economic competitiveness of Buddhism. After the competitiveness of Buddhism is strengthened, a virtuous cycle can be formed in which the resources acquired through successful economic activities can support Buddhist activities.

Temple fraternities in chosun dynasty were organized in order to promote pious faith to Buddhism and infuse Buddhist disciplinary mind into the members, and further to help out temples, what with augmenting temple properties and providing temples with buildings and things necessary to religious ceremonies. That is, the raison detre of the organizations was not lucre per se but religious faith to Buddhism. In this light, Hyangdo(香 徒) in Shila(新羅) dynasty and Bo(寶) and Gyelsa(結社) can be examples of temple fraternities at that time on a broad sense. Suffering strong persecutions throughout Chosun dynasty, Buddhist temples in Korea faced tremendous economic difficulties. The traditional temples revenue based on donation became far cry in Chosun dynasty. These economic difficulties sometimes forced monks to pervert the course of Buddhist principles, involving them in somewhat impious productions and moneymaking activities. However, even such activities were not commonly carried out in temples at that time. That means most temples had to shut down due to the economic difficulties. Therefore, in order to improve the economic situation, temple fraternities were organized. In eighteen and nineteen century, various kinds of temple fraternities came into existence and became prosperous in Korea. In turn, these groups enabled temples to revive their religious and economic influences in the society. It is said that Chosun dynasty was a period of veneration of Confucianism but persecution of Buddhism. Therefore, chances are that Chosun Buddhism is not talked of without mentioning its waning and ailing situation throughout the period. However, looking at todays Korean temples, which show us chosunian　 influences not only in terms of tangible cultural properties, such as paintings and statues, but also intangible ones, such as music, chanting, and ceremonial procedure, I claim that Buddhism in Chosun dynasty steadily developed, at least well enough to exert such influences on todays Korean Buddhism. Through this study, I found out that one of the engines of this development was temple fraternity.

This paper is to examine the conception of nirvana which means the Buddhist salvation, and its characteristics related to the social practice, and to see how they are related to the actual social activities. The Hinayanist nirvana has two characteristics. First, it is realistic and experiential. Attaining the liberation in order to realize mutual causality without subject-object opposition is very realistic; that it means the psychological state free from greed, craving, curse, anger is experiential. Second, it may have a very passive and individualistic aspect in that by eliminating attachment of the phenomenal world which is expressed as six sense-base and six sense-sphere, it aims ultimately to cut off the real world represented as pain and unsatisfaction. Yet the Hinayanist nirvana has changed with apparence of the Mahayana Buddhism. Stcherbatsky defines the Mahayanist nirvana as ‘transforming consciousness.' <Maha-Prajna paramita-Sastra> (大智度論) explains that nirvana means to stay in the world of six-senses and think of the condition of nirvana, and asserts that dreams and nirvana are neither two nor different (幻夢涅槃不二不 別). It may be a creed of an idea that since no ideal world separate from the real world exists, we should establish a pure land in the real world. Different from the Hinayanist view, the Mahayanist nirvana is realistic, positive, and expresses a strong social inclination. The <Lotus Sutra>'s view of nirvana belongs to the one of Mahayana at large, sharing similar conceptions. The characteristics of the <Lotus Sutra>'s view are as follows. First, it presents two kinds of nirvana thought: The thought of ultimate(究竟) nirvana and means(方便) nirvana. It is the thought of means nirvana which appears to lead all the sentient beings to the world of the ultimate nirvana. It is said to be completed by practice of the Bodhisattva who has given up oneself for the benefit and comfort of the sentient beings. Second, to logically connect the relation between social activity and nirvana, the <Lotus Sutra> relates nirvana with the Bodhisattva's 'wish to be born'(願 生) and 'basic wish'(本願). The former is that the Bodhisattva volunteers to be born in a secular world and practices the Bodhisattva way, giving up the pure land of nirvana; the latter is that the Buddha appears in the world to lead all sentient beings to the buddha world by helping them to see the truth and attain enlightenment. Third, the <Lotus Sutra> emphasizes the 'giving record‘(授記); it is to predict one's attaining Buddhahood for which the prerequisite is practice the Bodhisattva way. It is also called as the 'cause record' (因記), which makes the greatest of social practice. Without concrete activities for the social well-being or benefit and comfort of the people and heavens, the <Lotus Sutra> insists that the true nirvana is impossible. It is the consistent point of the <Lotus Sutra> that nirvana is to be attained by activities, and the pursuit of nirvana cannot exist solely without practice.

In the Hua-yen Sūtra, Sāgaramudṛa Samādhi is explained in the context of three chapters: Shi-di-pin(十地品), Xian-shou-pin(賢首品), and Ru-lai-chu-xian-pin(如來出現 品). However, if the overall content of the Hua-yen Sūtra is examined, then among the many different kinds of samādhi discussed, Sāgaramudṛa Samādhi appears to have the same meaning as Hua-yen Samādhi. Among the many different types of samādhi, the Sāgaramudṛa Samādhi of the Hua-yen Sūtra is considered to be the fundamental meditation of the Hua-yen School. For example, the second Patriarch of the Hua-yen School, Zhi-yan(智儼), was one of the first to describe Sāgaramudṛa Samādhi as the way to achieve the teachings of the One Vehicle. The great teacher of the Hua-yen School, Fa-zang(法藏), also declared that Sāgaramudṛa Samādhi was the fundamental meditation of the Hua-yen School. In particular, the fourth Patriarch of the Hua- yen School, Cheng-guan (澄觀, 738-839), further developed the teachings of the Hua-yen School. He upheld and maintained the teachings of the previous masters, and in this can perhaps be seen the influence of the Wang-jin-huan-yuan-guan(妄盡還源觀). However, he went further and taught that Sāgaramudṛa Samādhi was in fact the very wisdom of the Buddha. In this way, he explained Sāgaramudṛa Samādhi in a more positive manner. He also taught that Sāgaramudṛa Samādhi was the stage of no-mind(無心), out of which arose the mind, thoughts, fundamental nature, and hopes of all sentient beings. Cheng-guan also explained Sāgaramudṛa Samādhi as the manifestation of the meditative mind of the Bodhisattva, which encompasses unlimited potential. He quoted the Xian-shou-pin(賢首品) chapter of the Hua-yen Sūtra to support these teachings, and in the Hua-yan-jing-shu(華嚴經疏) described Sāgaramudṛa Samādhi as being the same as enlightenment or Bodhi. The implication of this is that the foundation of Sāgaramudṛa Samādhi is also the foundation of the true wisdom of Buddha and is the functioning of correct enlightenment. However, Cheng-guan's explanation differs from the traditional explanation of the Hua-yen School. That is, his explanation does not appear in the works of Zhi-yan or Fa-zang. Thus, this part of Cheng-guan's explanation provides a unique perspective among the teachers of the Hua-yen School.

Buddhism, which has been devoted for so long a time to inner spiritual practice, has contributed greatly to the peace of the human mind through many kinds of spiritual practice. Especially Seon today, which has not only deeply influenced the spiritual and physical peace of modern man but is also the best means of Buddhist practice to achieve enlightenment. Seon is the essence of thought and practice. However brilliant concepts and philosophies maybe, it can not be the guideline for practicing in daily life. Philosophies that are not realized in daily practice is just of no value, so it is hard to be passed down. Nowadays as the number of people who practice Seon is growing and the study of Seon is increasing, Seon has a big influence on our lives through practice. We are usually confused when we do not know which states of samādhi we are experiencing. we would fail if we did not meet a right instructor. Thus to know right things about the situation is the best policy. But when doing practice, usually hindrance will occur without fail, thus to know where the hindrance comes from, what it is and how to overcome it is the compulsory thing to practice in the right way. In the Seon practice and in regular life, there occurs hindrance usually so called and expressed as māra. The scope of this study will be confined to the disease of Seon which is māra, and the method of study will mainly be done by comparing documents. Thus generally achieving understanding on the māra, we will come to understand that it is not a real existing devil but only a metaphor to indicate the uneasiness in our mind, namely anxiety and uneasiness. Occasionally the evil is described as an objective substance, but this is just the outcome of the inner aspect being reflected on the outside. It is the condition of mind that appears and disappears just like a phantom.

Yogācārabhūmi, the early text of Yogācāra School consists of 57 chapters in 100 volumes. The original text of Yogācārabhūmi exists in part now. There are two translations, Chinese translation and Tibetan one. Maulibhūmi's 13th Śrāvakabhūmi, Yocārābhūmi's first chapter of the five chapters was found in Ri-phung temple, a branch temple of Tibet Sha-lu temple on 27th May, 1938 by Rāhula Sāṅkrtyāyana. After that, the part edition of the same text was published by Alex Wayman(W), Karunesha Shukla(Sh) and Śrāvakabhūmi Study Group of Taisho University(Ta). I want to edite the śīlasaṃvara part(Taisho Vol.30, 402a21-403b28) of Śrāvakabhūmi in this text. śīlasaṃvara as a part in the Sanskrit Text has been already edited by Karunesha Shukla and Śrāvakabhūmi Study Group of Taisho University. But there are many errors in the said two editions, and I make a comparative study about Chinese translation text and Tibetan one because they got some mistakes.

Many modern Buddhist scholars have investigated Wonhyo's life. Their investigation has been very successful in obtaining philological achievements, though the existing materials with regard to his life are very limited in quantity. Through comparison among both similar and differing records, they have clarified historical truth and falsity. However, their success remains within philological study, and shows fundamental limits in their understanding of Wonhyo's life. First of all, they failed to exhibit a rational approach to the key point, which is the co-relation between the strong pathos in his life, manifested in his eccentricities and denial of precepts, and his scholarly achievements. Most existent studies were approached from a teleological perspective, and idealized Wonhyo's life. According to these studies, Wonhyo was a sage or bodhisattva who founded Korean Buddhism and exerted a strong influence on the entire East Asian Buddhist tradition. Thereupon, all the episodes related to his life were seen as necessary for the creation of his sagehood. All the historical records were rearranged based on the scheme of mechanical causation, in order to show that he followed the same steps that the hero of the “Ten Cow Painting" took through to become a perfect sage. Wonhyo was depicted by these scholars as an other-worldly figure, standing remote everyone else. The image of Wonhyo idealized as such might arouse some yearning in people's minds. However, this image is not only different from the reality of his life, but also opposes the spirit of his life. This article intends to depict Wonhyo as natural human being of his society. A rational approach based on the historical records has been taken; the eccentricities and denial of precepts in his life has been perceived as evidence of his internal conflict.