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Whether to regard Sung-li-hak (Neo-Confucianism: Learning of Nature and Principle) and Shilhak (Practical Learning) as two phases of a continuous development or disparate philosophies has been an unresolved question since the 1950s until today. The differentiation between the two philosophies may be enabled by a comparison of their basic "concepts" and "premises" Such is the objective of this paper, and to make the approach clear I take the thoughts of Yi Hwang and Cheong Yak-yong as the representatives of the two philosophies. Considering that Neo-Confucianism is called at times Practical Learning, we need to review the usages of the term "Practical Learning" which are quite different in the two philosophies. In case of Yi Hwang, the term "Practical Learning" is oriented toward the practicality centering on "morality" as opposed to Buddhism which is considered an empty discipline. In comparison, later Practical Learning considers Neo-Confucianism an empty displine, and in doing so it exhibits an even more practical, "governance for the people based on law." Therefore, the two philosophies should not be confused on the mere ground of the term Practical Learning. Cheong Yak-yong refutes the basic assumptions and beliefs posited on the ground of the concepts deployed in Yi Hwang's Neo-Confucianism such as Heaven, li, chi, the mind, nature, and emotion. That is, he denies that "Heaven is li." that "sung(nature) is li," that "one li divides into all things," that "the mind integrates sung(nature) and jung (emotion)," or that "sung(nature) rises to become jung(emotion)." As the result, in his thoughts appear new views on the universe, the humanity, or morality. This leads us to the conclusion that Practical Learning is an altogether different philosophy from Neo-Confucianism. Living at a time when concrete Neo-Confucianist studies were at their height, Cheong Yak-yong founded his early academic career in the Neo-Confucianist atmosphere, like many other Confucianist scholars of his time. He thus did not simply dismiss major Neo-Confucianist theories, but made frequent references to them. In this sense, some may argue that Cheong Yak-yong's thoughts do not differ very much from Neo-Confucianism. However, we need to remember that the implicit objective of his discourse on Neo-Confucianism was not a further development of Neo-Confucianism. Rather, his discourse aims at ending once and for all the misunderstandings and disputes about the existing Neo-Confucianist theories. Therefore, his thoughts render materials that help differentiate fundamentally Neo-Confucianism and Practical Learning. What we should not overlook as well are that Confucianism before the rise of Neo-Confucianism, namely, the "notions of primitive Confucianism" were accepted by both Neo-Confucianists like Yi Hwang and scholars of Practical Learning like Cheong Yak-yong, and that the "formation of the school of Practical Learning" took place gradually, and not suddenly with Cheong Yak-yong's solitary efforts. These facts allow us to realize that Neo-Confucianism and Practical Learning are distinct on the philosophical level, but not exactly separable from each other. The author's belief is that it is inappropriate to conceptualize the flow of philosophical development in such simplistic terms as "continuity" or "discontinuity," for such an approach is liable to cause misunderstanding. Therefore, the rise of Practical Learning from the soil of Neo-Confucianism may be appropriately understood as a phenomenon of "a change in the way of thinking by man as a subject," which took place according to the historical environment. In other words, it was a fresh philosophy (on the universe, the humanity, and morality) arrived at by such scholars as Cheong Yak-yong, based on the concepts and premises that were newly posited from an almost entire revision of the basic notions of Neo-Confucianism, i.e., "a transition in the course of creative thinking" that took into consideration the conditions of late Chosun.

From the standpoint of view of "Silhak"(實學) all the systems of government after "Three ancient dynasties"(三代) including the "principle" of royal ancestor(祖宗之法) was regarded as degenerate and as expressive of egotistic avarice of the ruller. So Silhak found their ideal model of government system not in the neo-Confusianistic government system but in the rule of ancient sage kings and proposed an alternative system of government to realize it. Silhak tried to read Confucian Classics in a radical way stressing positive aspect of human mentality, which is through of a interpretation of good originality establishing a new concept of man through the denial of conservative one. Also finally Silhak reached the conclusion that history would progress. Their progressionism was inferred from the insight that technology in all the field of human society would progress according to increased complexity of human society through continual intercommunications. Silhak is explained to hold a strong conviction that historical progression is determinate. We cannot conclude that their theory of national reform was practically applicable in their time, but their theory was historically significant because it invented the alternative system of government guaranteed by objective and distinct standard for its actualization. Their theory on nation and a government is accepted as more advanced one than before.

不論在大范圍上來看, 性理學派的文學和實學派的文學是同質的, 但兩者存在可以分別的差異. 而且, 此種差異不是同質的, 作者認爲是比同質更需要論定的. 實學派文學和性理學派文學的辨別点是如下面的內容. 首先, 性理學者最重視靜的, 個人的, 內面的自我修養. 然而, 實學派更關心動的, 社會的現實 問題. 其次, 實學者們因爲關心現實問題, 所以不推究理氣, 心性論等形而上學的抽象的理論. 更關心 與民生有關的各種制度的改革, 或是手工業的發展等問題, 文學的題材擴大至農民和城市庶民的 生活上. 第三, 實學者주掉中華主義權威, 在一定程度上克服傳統的華夷觀. 在此基礎上他們帶宥以民 族爲單位的國家意識, 此種民族主題意識具禮體現存實際作品中. 不論對于楚亭朴齊家的解釋不是 沒有不同, 但흔明顯實學者們對朝鮮問題帶有共同的關心. 對于朴齊家的稿應當令當別論, 在此先 不作定論.

Chosun's scholars, who proposed Bukhakron(北學論) in 18th century, argued that Chosun had to accept the developed civilization of Quing China. What was remarkable in Quning civilization was various production tools and living things. The scholars of Bukhakron(北學論) not only tried to make people's living condition more efficient and convenient by improvement of production tools and living things, but also pursued to establish a totally new culture or civilization. In that sense, Bukhakron(北學論) had an aspect to theory of civilization reconstruction. In Bukhakron(北學論), we can find the vestiges of toadism to chinese culture as well as deconstructing phase of that toadism. We can find also at a time the viewpoint that distinguishes between fact and value, and the viewpoint that does not in Bukhakron(北學論). The scholars of Bukhakron(北學論) seemed to think the newer the better, since they believe that there is a progress in history. They did not any more keep the viewpoint that there was a center(China) and the peripheral(Chosun), instead they started to compare the east(Asia) to the west(Europe). In a word, Bukhakron(北學論) was a landmark to show that the scholar's viewpoint on civilization had been changed to the modern one in 18th century.

I shall investigate the theories of ethics in Neo-Confucian scholars especially those of Seo-in(西人), the political leading group in the 17th century of the Chosun. At first I will describe the characteristics of Neo-Confucian theory of ethics. Neo-Confucian assumptions in ethics are that the norm is realization of intrinsic human nature, the desire is derived from body. So there are two way of achieving moral activity. One is cultivating and realizing the human intrinsic nature, the other is controling and regulating the desire. Yun-J'ng(1629~1714) the scholar who was the leader of So-ron(少論), the minority of Seo-in, emphasizes Dosim(道心), the actual realization of the human intrinsic nature. He gives superior status to realization of Dosim to regulation of Insim(人心), the desire of body. His doctrine emphasizes the autonomous moral ability of human. This doctrine weakens objectivity of norm. Song Si-yl(1607~1689), the leader of No-ron(老論), the majority of Seo-in, thinks much os regulation of In-sim. His doctrine emphasizes the objectivity of norms and weakens the base of autonomous moral ability. It seems that there are relations between doctrine of ethics and doctrine of politics. No-ron were hard liner to Nam-in(南人), the minority political group in late Chosun and to Ching Empire but So-ron were soft liner. Consequently, these two doctrines are deprived from the assumptions of Neo-Confucian ethics and show us possibility that can elucidate the problem of Neo-Confucian ethical doctrines in two different perspective even though their theory has still some limitation in the detailed arguments.

This study is about the history of Hwianzi(淮南子)‘s study in Chian and Korea. So far, esseys for Hwianzi are relatively very few. The reason for this maybe from a misunderstanding for Hwianzi : Hwianzi has no a core thought. However this text is a essential book for the study of Hwang-Lao(黃老學). Because it has abundant materials for the early Taoism and the Hwang-Lao Taoism. Therefore we have to study this text profundly to know the outline of Hwang-Lao. Nowdays, not a few scholars have concern for Hwianzi and not a few essays have produced. So we can expect a great growth in study of Hwianzi in the future.

It is notable that there have not been published specific studies concerning cursive script (草書) in Korea. Practicing and studying of cursive script require many times because it is the most abbreviated type in Sino-Korean characters. For this reason, it is only calligraphers and scholars of classics who can read and write this script. Generally, traditional calligraphers copied several Chinese famous models for the purpose of practicing calligraphy. Scholars of classics had a responsibility to read, understand, and teach it for their students on the base of teachings of masters' Therefore, cursive script has been thought to be the secret and it caused to make difficult in building any theories on it. In today's Asian countries sharing Chinese characters, cursive script dictionaries containing famous calligraphers' works have been compiled. In this context, this paper attempts to explore some aspects as follows. In the first place, the writer investigates what stage of cursive script in the successive changes of Chinese characters is. Running script (行書) was devised in order to write clerical script easily as well as rapidly in Chin dynasty China. The writer attempts to erudite that cursive script was derived from clerical script(隸書), and running script was derived from standard script(楷書) in the development of cursive script from Han till Tang dynasties China. Secondly, the development of cursive script of the Joseon dynasty was broadly fallen to the first and second stages. In the first stage, early Joweon period, cursive script was written without regulation while it was controlled by disciplines in the late Joseon period. Yi-Ik(李瀷) and Yi Kyu-hyeong(李圭景), scholars of the late Joweon period, remained their writings concerning cursive script. Finally, this paper explores characteristics of cursive script showed in calligraphic works, letters, and historical manuscripts. Aspects on social status of calligraphers, size of each character, and documents are also considered. As mentioned above, this paper only is an attempt, but it covers all formative stages of cursive script throughout the Joweon dynasty. For the further research, other undertakings such as an analysis of calligraphic details and materials are waiting.