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This treatise mainly discusses the prose works of Choi Rip(최립), who was one of the prominent writers of Classic prose in mid - Chosun era. In those days. existing literary circles appreciated the prose of Tang and Sung period for canon. put it to practical used in a writing. At that same time, This general literary tendency brought a feeble gusto upon in the literary of that period. Choi Rip objected outspokenly that prosaic gusto and grouped for solution which consists of restoring literary beauty represented by traditional prose, for example six cannon(六經), before Chin(秦) period and realizing creative spirit in composition. To overcome his low social status that he was from a trifling family. Choi Rip emphasized his literary ability for compensating his social limitation. presenting the literary view that literature should be assessed for it own sake. In addition to that he pursued Ki(奇) and Kan(簡) uncommonness and brevity in his literary works which are connected with his aim of enhancing a creative writing. In this treatise, I analyzed modes of expression represented in Yubeulparksoojaeseo(留別朴秀才序). kosankugokdarmki(高山九曲潭記), Yeulseungjungki(閱勝亭記) and Seongchunbusazickiujeamun(成川俯社稷祈雨祭文) focusing on the style of Ki(奇). At the end I persuaded the fact that the defiant literary spirit of Choi Rip stimulated the literary world of that period especially which had been inclined to the traditional prosaic style of Tang and Sung. and contributed to the formation of reactionary prosaic style after that time.

In this article, I analyzed the characteristics in Nam Kongchuls understanding of Confucian cannons and his approach to The Book of Odes. I focused on the way in which Nam Kongchul proposed his questions and on the references from which he found the answers. Nam Kongchul is regarded as one of the major contributors in the history of the study on Confucian classics in the Late Chosun Dynasty. His unique approach to the Confucian classics is the result of his broad researches over the accumulated contributions of outstanding scholars to the field since Han Dynasty. China. Nam Kongchul firmly believed that Confucius original ideas about canons should be the main purpose of his research. He attempted to explain the meanings in canons in his own terms. However, he accepted the interpretations of the scholars in Han Dynasty as well as those of Neo-Confucian scholars if the interpretations were appropriate. Compared with his approaches to Confucian canons in general, Nam Kongchuls analysis of The Book of Odes appears to be weak in term of depth and originality. Although he had a comprehensive knowledge about previous and contemporary studies on The Book of Odes. he tried to establish his interpretation within the structure of Chu Hee[Ch. Zhu Xi]s theory. In this sense, Nam Kongchul represents the mainstream of academia at that time whereas Chung Yakyongs work is regarded as an independent movement outside the mainstream. Nam Kongchul as a bureaucrat in the court had a close relationship with other scholars such as Kim Chosoon, Suh Yungbo, Shim Sangkyu and Yi Mansoo. who served as bureaucrats in the court. If their approaches to Confucian canons are also examined on top of this article on Nam Kongchul. the common approach, which the literati in the court shared, will be clearly revealed. In order to achieve a more accurate result, the further researches on those mainstream scholars in the court should include the comparison between the individual differences of their approaches as well as the analysis of their common ground as conservatives.

Ch'eng Wei-Shin Lun Lao-yi Deng(成唯識論了義燈) is an important source to find differences between Korean and Chinese Yogacara Buddhism. In this book Huiso(惠沼) concentrates his effort to criticize Wonchuk(圓測)‘s and his diciple Daoding(道證)’s Yogacara Buddhism. I invesgate and analyze these critiques to clarify differences between the two and to determine which is correct or not in this paper. There are many discrepancies in opinions on many problems. for example the reality of mind and the function of mind after enlightenment etc. And there I found the fact that differences between the two are not the matter of 'one is correct and the other is false' but their differences are originated from each point of view and position. Huiso(惠沼) is concerned about analyzing differences of phenomenon and differences of various Buddhist teachings. Therefore he emphasize that Yogacara Buddhism especially Fa-Xiang School(法相宗) is the most excellent and the supreme Buddhist teaching and the other is the lower and insufficient teaching. On the other hand Wonchuk(圓測) is concerned about making all living beings understood and enlightened. And therefore he makes an effort to explain the context and the function of various teachings. In conclusion I can say that Wonchuk(圓測) always keeps the religious purpose to relieve of living beings in his heart, and Huiso(惠沼) takes a scholastic interest to make clear the meaning of various differences.

本論文是有關崔漢綺(1803~1877)的氣學硏究的一部分. 崔漢綺身爲活動在朝鮮後期的知識人. 是要通過理論的穿鑿克服當時的諸問題而努力的思想家. 他認爲諸病弊現象背後有利學以朝鮮時代的主導思想. 爲了克復其病弊. 重新詮釋儒學爲實踐的學問. 爲此. 崔漢綺則從兩個方向進行硏究. 第一個是發掘當時儒學的問題進行加以批判的. 這是消極的. 基礎的側面. 령一個是以重新詮釋原始儒學可能受容西歐自然科學的根據. 這是積極的側面. 本論文的目的就是硏究崔漢綺如何認識當時理學的問題. 提出什마代替사的東西. 這樣的話. 通過和當時的理學比較對照. 可以明確的顯出崔漢綺哲學所前提的槪念及其指向. 爲了明鮮的表明這個意義. 筆者在本論文以在崔漢綺的初期著作出現的 ‘推測’槪念爲核心. 而進行分析的. 崔漢綺的 ‘推測’則不外是重新詮釋內涵着儒家哲學的實踐的方法論的意味的 ‘格物致知’. 也是代替理學所解釋的 ‘窮理. 筆者由方法論側面進行硏究崔漢綺哲學的령外的理由是. 認爲收容西歐自然科學的可能根據的儒家哲學的基礎就在方法論. 有關崔漢綺的 ‘推測’的硏究. 就是給我們提供可以理解的根據崔漢綺爲了收容西歐自然科學而下了工夫的積極的側面.

Neo-Confucianism during the Northern Sung period regarded the Great Ultimate(太極), Principle(理), Material Force(氣) as the ultimate foundation transcending the physical world. They were almost all interested in making use of the I Ching[易經] for the purpose of forming the Neo-Confucian ontological theory of the universe. In his I Chuan[易傳], Ch'eng I devotes himself to interpreting the natural order that the I Ching encompasses according to the moral-practical motive of Confucianism. The concept of equilibrium and righteousness[中正] plays an important role when he interprets the hexagram-lines in relation to the moral act. The concept of equilibrium and righteousness through which Ch'eng I makes effort to interpret the sentences of the hexagram-lines has two different implications. First, it has the meaning of man's moral essence which enables him to perform the moral act or attain 'timeliness of act[時中]‘ according to the circumstance. Second, it has another meaning which is derived from positions of the hexagram, or the formal concurrence of its property and position. Ch'eng I often mentions the concept of equilibrium and righteousness in the explanations of the hexagram-lines in the second and the fifth positions. Here he emphasizes the universal and formal meaning of the positions which represent the characteristics of equilibrium and/or righteousness. But Ch'eng I evaluates the good or evil of the judgment of the first-line(初爻) and the sixth-line(上爻) according to not only the concept of equilibrium and righteousness with its formal meaning. but also the synthetic consideration of the entire meaning of a certain hexagram, the property in yin-yang terms of the hexagram-lines, and the pairing/correlative relations between hexagram-lines, etc.. It can be said, however, that the timeliness of act is actualized by the insight into the circumstances originating in the state of equilibrium and righteousness as moral essence. Thus the purpose of this paper is to elucidate how Ch'eng I executes the evaluating judgement of the good and evil in favour of the timeliness of act which can be realized from the standard of equilibrium and righteousness. That is, the author has attempted to demonstrate that at the first and sixth positions not only equilibrium and righteousness which is formal, or means moral essence, but an entire meaning of hexagram-lines, the property in yin-yang terms of the hexagram-lines, and the pairing/correlative relations between hexagram-lines all exercise important influences in the course of attaining timeliness of act. To sum up, in Ch'eng I's evaluating judgement of the good and evil in the explanations of the first and sixth hexagram-lines, the fact that their positions are just the first or sixth is more important than the formal meaning of their equilibrium and righteousness. For Ch'eng I, the property in yin-yang terms of the hexagram-lines, the circumstances which the hexagram-lines symbolize, and the pairing/correlative relations between them play an important role in the evaluation of the good and evil of the first and sixth lines, and in the carrying out of a timely act. Thus each evaluation of their hexagram-lines also varies in accordance with whether the circumstantial meaning of the hexagram-line is good or evil. whether the hexagram-line is in the first or sixth positions, and whether the property of hexagram-lines is yin or yang. In conclusion, though Ch'eng I didn't use the concept of equilibrium and righteousness universally at the first and sixth positions, he considered consciousness of the timeliness of act to be the ultimate standard for moral order. Ch'eng I's idea in the long run reflects his view that the moral order pursued by Confucian philosophy relies on the consciousness of the timeliness of act

Naehun(내훈) is an ethics text written in the 15th century, and published during the Chosun dynasty(1392-1910). It is a list of rules which a "proper" woman should keep. The seven chapters of the text also reveals the definition and the personhood of "proper woman". The author is a woman with the surname of "Han", which is also her maiden name. According to Korean custom, women do not change their surnames after marriage. Since they were not given any official forenames before the early 20th century, the lineage names of their natal family became their only identity after exogamous marriages to other lineage of different surnames. Han(1437-1504) was born as a daughter of one of three prime ministers, married to become a daughter-in-law of a prince, who afterwards usurped the throne and became the King Sejo. After that, Han became the crown princess. However, she did not become the queen because of the death of the prince. After her son became the King, Sungjong, she was highly respected as the King's Mother, Insudaebi. Naehun was written when Han had power as the king's mother and the queen's mother-in-law. In Naehun, the personhood of woman is structured in several ways: daughter, daughter-in-law, wife, mother and mother-in-law. Among those aspects of personhood, Naehun focuses on the roles of wife and especially of daughter-in-law. Following the filial loyalty of Confucian ethics, Naehun displays how a "proper" daughter-in-law serves her parents-in-law and her husband to become a "proper" woman. The personhood of the author is mother-in-law and the personhood of targeting readers is mainly daughter-in-law, who is obliged to have at least a single son to become a mother-in-law. In this sense, through projecting women's identity of socially recognised person onto the roles of daughter-in-law. Naehun supports Confucian ethics' aim of continuity of the family. The apparent patrilineal continuity of family can be guaranteed only by the continuity of social roles from mother-in-law to daughter-in-law. The definition and category of "women" has been contested and reconstructed in society throughout history. At the same time, the category of women includes many definitions of the personhood of women, which are very different from each other, and even antagonistic. When the personhood of women is employed as the analytic concept of research on "women's matter" in general. the research becomes clearer and far more productive. Since many feminist scholars began to study the universal subordinations of women and women's struggle for power, women's domestic role has been focused on in many ways. Naehun is the guideline and the strategy to inform women how to achieve power in 15th century Chosun society. To be a "proper" daughter-in-law is the first step to get access to power in the domestic arena. When the son brings in a "proper" daughter-in-law, he becomes the head of the family and reaches a higher position in the social ladder, once the daughter-in-law becomes the mother-in-law, who is the most powerful within the family boundary and may exercise a certain degree of power depending on her son's social position. Such is the case with Han, the author of Naehun. In this context, Naehun is read and interpreted as a rare and important feminist text in the study of women's history in Korea.

<Bongpyuong Stone tablet> was erected in 524 (11th year of King Beongpheung 法興王), and it was designated as 242nd National Treasure. Kiljiji Mojinsari from the central government wrote and inscribed the text of it. The stone tablet only contains brief text, however, it is possible to glance the cultural history of the age by his way of calligraphy. Moreover, by analyzing calligraphy, we can presume the influence from the neighbor countries and major stream of calligraphy of 6th century Silla as well as the calligraphy style(書風) and handwriting habits(書寫習憤). In the period of North and South Dynasties, the font was in the transitional period shifting from Li-Shu(Official Style) to Kai-Shu(Regular Style). Therefore, the calligraphy style was free and plain because there was no fundamental rules for the writing orders(筆劃) and the constrution of letters(結構). Since the writing orders. the constrution of letters and the work of the entire formation(章法) were not either defined in Silla, the writing orders and the constrution of letters had no shape restriction similar to ancient style. <Bongpyeong Stone tablet> displays Li-Shu as in <King Gwanggaeto Tombstone> as well as the sharp beginning and finishing to express the tip of the writing brush as in <Jeokseong Stone tablet>. These two kinds of Li-Shu were found in the text of <Bongpyeong Stone tablet> in addition to very small number of Kai-shu and Palbun. There were two sorts of constrution of letters in Silla era of the sixth century. In the first half of the sixth century, majority had the shape of perfect square. However, in the latter half of the century, most of the characters resembled diamond shape as in <Jeokseong Stone tablet>. As the characters in <King Gwanggaeto Tombstone> appeared as perfect square, the diamond-shaped characters in <Jeokseong Stone tablet> was slanted to its right due to the emphasis of left parts and weakness of right parts of the characters. In <Bongpyeong Stone tablet>, there were few reverse diamond-shaped characters from <Jeokseong Stone tablet>. however the number was insignificant. Therefore, the constrution of letters of <Bongpyeong Stone tablet> is composed of the perfect square shown in <King Gwanggaeto Tombstone> and the diamond shape from <Jeokseong Stone tablet>. The characteristic of the entire composition of <Bongpyeong Stone tablet> was wide space between the letters and narrow space between the lines like Palbon. <Jeokseong Stone tablet> and <Namhansinseong Fourth Stone tablet> were the examples of Palbun. It is also shown in <Bongpyuong Stone tablet>. In the other word, the text of<Bongpyuong Tombstone> may be declared as Li-Shu of Palbun and it best exemplified Palbun among the epigraphy of sixth century Silla. As a conclusion, by searching the history and culture of the first half of the sixth century through <Bongpyeong Stone tablet>, calligraphy style was unsettled in <Bongpyeong Stone tablet> and it showed Li-Shu that was mixed with Kai-Shu. The text of <Bongpyeong Stone tablet> was also oberserved as Palbun of square Li-Shu.