Earticle

본 연구는 외재적 요인에 의해 형성된 장소에 살고 있는 지역 주민들의 인식에 관한 연구로 연구대상지는 강동구 성내동 강풀만화거리이다. 주민들이 장소와 어떻 게 상호작용하고 있으며 인식에 영향을 미치고 있는 요인들이 무엇인지 살펴보고자 하였다. 연구방법은 Strauss와 Corbin(1998)이 제안한 근거이론의 절차를 적용하였다. 개방코딩에서 106개념, 21개의 하위범주와 12개의 상위범주를 도출하였다. 축 코딩 에서는 근거이론의 6단계에 따라 범주들의 유형을 분류하고 패러다임 과정 안에서 해석하였다. 핵심 범주로는 변화의 경험을 통한 장소 인식을 도출하였다. 본 연구 결과가 가지는 함의는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 주민들의 인식은 물리적인 환경, 경제적인 환경, 사회적 환경의 경험에 따라 달라진다. 둘째, 장소의 인식에 있어 실체화된 경 험이 피상적인 경험보다 우위에 있다. 셋째, 행정의 지속적인 유지관리는 관광지와 생활공간이 적절하게 공존할 수 있도록 작용 한다. 넷째, 마을 벽화가 가지는 사업 추진 방법의 한계성을 살펴보고 장소자산 형성에 다양한 검토가 필요하다.

This study explored the process of local residents's perception living in places formed by external factors and focused on Kangfull Cartoon Street in Seongnae-dong, Gangdong-gu. It was intended to examine how residents interact with places and what factors are affecting residents' perception. As for the research method, the procedure of the grounded theory proposed by Strauss and Corbin (1998) was applied. In open coding, 106 concepts, 21 subcategories, and 12 upper categories were derived. In axis coding, the types of categories were classified according to the six stages of the grounded theory and interpreted within the paradigm process. As a core category, place perception through the experience of change was derived. The implications of the results of this study are as follows. First, the residents' perception depends on the experience of the physical environment, the economic environment, and the social environment. Second, actualized experience has an advantage over superficial experience in place perception. Third, the continuous maintenance and management of administration allows tourist destinations and living spaces to coexist properly. Fourth, it is necessary to examine the limitations of the project implementation method of village murals and to review various ways in the formation of place assets.

In this study, Goguryeo tomb murals and murals of the Wei and Jin Dynasties in Hexi , were compared by surveying and statistical methods, and their correlation, succession, and differences were explored. Based on this, the historical value and meaning of the mural were confirmed. The records of Goguryeo and the social life and communication of people in the Hexi area are relatively brief. At the same time, the discovery of tomb murals makes up for the lack of historical records. From the perspective of cultural origin, the tomb culture of the Goguryeo and Hexi areas are influenced by the Central Plains' culture, with many similarities. Still, there are apparent differences in the shape and system of the tombs. Currently, the academic circle discussing the two places is relatively weak. The murals of ancient Goguryeo tombs are known as the "treasure house of Northeast Asian art," which truly reflects the real life and spiritual world of Goguryeo people in the 4th and 7th centuries. They have a history of more than 100 years since their discovery and have attracted much attention from the academic circle because of their gorgeous content and exquisite techniques. The mural's content is highly reproduced in the Goguryeo royal and noble home, banquet, singing and dancing, drama, travel, and other social life. The murals of the Wei and Jin Dynasties are distributed in the Hexi Corridor in the northwest Gansu Province, China. They are known as the "underground gallery." They have gradually accumulated rich materials since their discovery in 1944. The mural tombs of the Wei and Jin dynasties in the Hexi area not only inherited the custom of thick burial in the Qin and Han dynasties, but also opened the revival of the thick burial culture in the Sui and Tang Dynasties, which is an important part of the ancient Chinese tomb art. It can be seen that both the Goguryeo mural tombs and the Wei ＆ Jin mural tombs in Hexi were influenced by the tomb culture of the Han Dynasty, thus forming solid local characteristics, which is an essential embodiment of the spread of the Han culture in the border areas. The famous mural themes in the late Goguryeo mural tombs and the murals in which the Buddha fairy coexist are similar to the early Mogao Grottoes, which were directly influenced by the "Liangzhou mode" of Hexi Grottoes.

本文将高句丽古墓壁画与河西魏晋墓壁画作为材料，运用统计学分析法对两地壁 画墓的形制、壁画的数量、壁画的题材、壁画构图的手法等内容进行比较，探析它们 之间的相关性、继承性与差异性。在分析比较之后，进一步了解壁画本身的历史价值 与意义。 传世文献中关于高句丽与河西地区人们社会生活和交流的记载较为简略，而墓葬 壁画的发现弥补了传世文献记载的不足。从文化渊源上看，高句丽与河西地区的墓葬 文化均受到了中原文化的影响，有着许多相似之处，但在墓葬形制等方面又存在明显 的差异。目前学界尚对两地墓葬艺术的交流的讨论还相对薄弱。 高句丽古墓壁画被誉为“东北亚艺术宝库”，真实的反映了4-7世纪高句丽人的现实 生活和精神世界，从发现之初至今已有一百余年的历史，因其内容绚丽、技法细腻而 备受学界关注。壁画的内容更是高度再现了高句丽王公贵族家居、宴饮、歌舞、百 戏、出行等社会生活。河西魏晋墓壁画分布于中国甘肃省西北的河西走廊，被誉为 “地下画廊”，自1944年发现以来逐渐积累了比较丰富的材料。河西魏晋壁画墓不仅继 承了秦汉时期的厚葬习俗，而且还开启了隋唐时代厚葬文化的再度复兴，是中国古代 墓葬艺术的重要组成部分。 可以看出，高句丽壁画墓与河西魏晋壁画墓都受到汉代墓葬文化的影响，从而形 成了强烈的地方特色，是汉文化在边陲地区传播的重要体现。高句丽晚期壁画墓中流 行的抹角叠涩式藻井、佛仙并存的壁画题材与莫高窟早期洞窟壁画风格相似，应是受 到河西石窟“凉州模式”的直接影响。

조선시대 감사 도임행차 재현을 위한 연구의 일환으로 18세기 후반 평안감사를 중심으로 감사 도임행차시 구성에 대하여 고찰하였다. 감사의 행차는 한양에서 교 귀처까지의 행차, 오리정에서 감영까지의 행차, 그리고 순력행차로 구분할 수 있다. 감사는 도임행차를 통해 왕으로부터 부여받은 통치권을 과시하고 도내 수령과 백 성들에게는 신임 감사로서의 권위를 보여주고자 하였으며, 순력행차를 통해서는 도내 각읍의 민고를 살피고 백성들의 고충을 해결하는 한편, 수령들의 업무 능력 등을 파악하고자 하였다. 평양감영에서 펴낸 󰡔평안도내각읍민고정례절목󰡕(1788)에는 감사의 순력행 절목 과 절도사의 도임행 절목은 기록되어 있었으나, 감사의 도임행 절목은 기록되어 있 지 않았다. 하지만 평안감사는 병마절도사를 겸하였으므로 18세기 후반 평안감사 의 도임행차 구성은 감사의 순력행 절목과 절도사 도임행 절목을 근거로 하여 추정 할 수 있었다. 감사의 순력행차에는 절과 월, 교서와 유서, 일산 등의 의장물과 사명기, 청도기, 금고기, 순시영기 등의 기치류, 그리고 전배비장, 감영소속의 통인과 군뢰, 취타수, 문 서색 등이 배치되었다. 도임행차에는 순력행차의 구성 이외에 둑기와 형명기, 관이영 전과 철추, 월도, 장검, 창검, 숙정패가 배치되었다. 또한 병영, 평양부 소속의 통인과 군뢰, 신영이방, 병방, 공방, 영리 등이 도임행차에 추가되었다. 감사의 도임행차는 오 리정에서부터 시작되지만 일산은 지계에서부터 사용되는 것으로 확인되었다. 오리정에서 시작된 감사의 도임행차는 일부를 제외하고는 기마행렬로 이루어진 다는 것을 확인하였다. 기마행렬로 이루어진 감사의 도임행차에는 한양에서부터의 수행인원, 감사를 맞이하러 나온 감영 소속의 아전과 관기들이 더해져 성대하고 화 려하게 이루어졌을 것으로 추정된다.

As part of a study for reproducing the procession of Gamsa in the Joseon Dynasty, the composition of the procession of Gamsa was reviewed with a focus on the Pyeongan Gamsa in the late 18th century. The procession of Gamsa is divided into the procession from Hanyang to the point where the official seals are exchanged with the pre-Gamsa, the procession from Orijeong to the Gamyeong, and the Sunlyeog Procession. The Gamsa wanted to show off the rulership granted by the king through the Doim Procession and to show his authority as a newly-appointed Gamsa to the people in the province. Through the Sunlyeog procession, it was intended to inspect the warehouses of each town in the province, to solve the grievances of the people, and to check the working abilities of the chiefs. In Pyeongando-Nae-Gageub-Mingo-Jeonglye-Jeolmog(1788) published by Pyeongyang Gamyeong, there were recorded the Gamsa's Sunlyeog Procession Jelmog and the Jeoldosa's Doim Procession Jelmog, but the Gamsa's Doim Procession Jelmog was not recorded. However, since the Pyeongan Gamsa also served as a Byeongma-Jeoldosa, the composition of the Pyeongan Gamsa's Doim Procession Jelmog was estimated in the late 18th century based on the Gamsa's Sunlyeog Procession Jelmog and the Jeoldosa's Doim Procession Jelmog. In the Sunlyeog procession of the Gamsa, the Uijangmul such as Jeol and Wol, Gyoseo and Yuseo, Ilsan, and the banners such as Samyeong-gi, Cheongdo-gi, Geumgo-gi, and Sunsi-Yeonggi were placed. And the Jeonbae-Bijang, the Tongin and Gulloe belonging to Gamyeong, and the Munseo-Saeg were deployed. The Doim Procession consisted not only of the Sunlyeog Procession, but also the Dug-gi, Hyeongmyeong-gi, Gwani-Yeongjeon, Cheol-chu, Woldo, Jang-geom and Sugjeongpae were arranged. In addition, the Tongin and Gulloe belonging to the Byeong-yeong, and Pyongyang-Bu, Sin-yeong Ibang, Byeong-bang, Gong-bang, and Yeong-ri were added to the Doim Procession. It was confirmed that the Doim Procession of Gamsa starts from Orijeong, but Ilsan uses it from the Ji-gye. It was confirmed that the Doim Procession of the Gamsa, which started in Orijeong, consisted of equestrian procession except for some. It is presumed that the Doim Procession of Gamsa, which consisted of a horse-riding procession, was made grand and splendid with the addition of the attendants from Hanyang and Gamyeong's A-jeon and Gwan-gi who came to greet the Gamsa.