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While the first eight general councils had been summoned by the authority of emperors, later ones from the First General Council of Lateran, 1139 had been summoned by popes who even took the initiatives of most procedures in councils. Even if the motivations of summon to councils were different from time to time, it was apparent that most of councils were summoned for the purpose of resolving the acute issues on each occasion. Especially in the aspect that the first six councils till the third General council of Constantinople, 680-681 resulted in the definition of orthodox and heresy since the toleration of christianity, they have a great signification in the history of church. General Councils had not only superlative authority to decide orthodox theology, but also established fundamental principles for church discipline and for dealing with various critical affairs. Since they were in a position of coping with those matters and making the last decisions for them, they prosecuted them as long as the matters were confirmed as transgressors, and made a lot of discipline canons in the sessions. Most austere discipline was anathema and excommunication in the ecclesiastical canons. Anathema and excommunication were sentenced to those who were involved in heresy, negligence of prelate, private combats intimidating the peace, default of the crusade, etc. A main concem of the first six councils were concentrated on the matter of heresy. Although the Second General Council of Lateran, 1179 and the Fourth General Council of Lateran, 1215 were not summoned mainly for the affair of heresy, heresy which had been permeated through the southem France was one of significant subjects of the councils. From the review of canons regulated in the general councils it can be said that anathema was sentenced to heresy in the most cases. Excommunication also belonged to the extreme discipline, but it was distinguished from anathema which was pronounced mostly to those who committed a crime of felony and were potentials to devastate the order of christian society such as heresy On the other hand, excommunication was sentenced not to theological issues like heresy, but to the transgressors of canon law. It would be a moral and ethical misdeed, or simple violation of church law. Sins caused by such behaviors was not considered to incur critical disruptions as much as to undermine christianity. From this point of view, it can be concluded that there was a distinct difference between anathema and excommunication in canons of ancient and medieval universal councils. The fact that the penalty for a same crime was regulated differently according to hierarchical status in canons of councils is also attracting our concern. Such a form of regulation began from the Ephesus Council of 431 and was generalized in canons afterward. In the case of felony which could result in excommunication, canons regulated the deposition of priesthood and the deprivation of sacramental right for priest and excommunication for laity.

Patristic relationship with women are seemingly aloof. But Augustine is exeptional in that he describes his vital experience as a repentant son and an ardent lover. In contrast to another patristic writers, he does not display woman-hate as such. He directs his aggression against male concupiscence. The sexless intellect (mens rationalis) is defined as created in God’s image. Augustine is the first author who directly confronts I Cor. 11,7 by affirming that women too are created in God’s image and the sexless rational soul is defined as created in God’s image. Nevertheless, Augustine’s perspective is dualistic, since he argues the androcentric sex roles in terms of God-willed gender hierarchy. This combined malecentered and dualistic perspective is the typology of Augustine‘s view of female sex.

This paper examines the ideology and reality of medieval French adop- tion in comparison with the Roman adoption of classical antiquity and in the light of medieval kinship structure. Adoption in medieval France experienced serious changes in its ideolo- gical and practical level. While Roman adoption made much account of the power(patria potestas) of adoptive father and the interest of his family, medieval French adoption began to take into consideration the interest of adoptive child due to the mutation of medieval kinship structure. What should be noted first of all was that the Roman paterfamilias lost his patria potestas, concomitantly with the rise of filiation indiffẻrenciẻe in which the patria potestas was difficult to ensure. When maternal line was richer and nobler than paternal line, matrilineal structure could be created to the detriment of patria potestas, in the former of which daughter could be designated as heir, or son-in-law as adoptive son. It should be also noted that medieval French adoption was influenced by the ideology of spiritual kinship. Married couples or individuals(widows, widowers, unmar- ried women) having their own child or not, adopted the abandoned or orphan as their child, and nourished the adoptive child like their own one, due to the caritas(charity) and for the honor of God. As far as adoption was concerned, Roman patria potestas waned and the adoptive child, boy or girl, was given relatively human treatment under the influence of filiation indiffẻrenciẻe and spiritual kinship, in particular the latter of which included the ideology of fraternity which made one raise the adoptive child like his/her own one. In sum, profound mutations that the adoption underwent in medieval France might be estimated as one phase in the long-term passage from the Roman practice in which was of importance only the interest of adoptive father and his family to the comtemporary practice in which the interest of adoptive child was always ensured by legislation.

At the end of the twelfth century historians of medieval France returned to a model close to fifty years old. This is a model of political upheavals at the beginning of the eleventh century, which led to the weakening of the power of the counts, the final breakdown of Carolingian institutions, the rise of independent castellans, and the beginning of a 'feudal' age. This idea was originally proposed by Geroges Duby as part of his study of the Māconnais in southern Burgundy, and was still being applied to other pasts of France. The debates most recently have focused on the power and violence exercised by castellans and knights over the French peasantry. These debates were touched of by T. N. Bisson, "The 'Feudal Revolution'". They were continued by D. Barthelemy and S. White, "Debate", and T. Reuter, C. Wickham, and Th. Bisson, "Debate". These scholars focused mainly on whether violence against peasants was greater in the eleventh century than it had been in the tenth, and whether these peasants were forced into new form of servitude by this violence. This article is to review these debates over 'feudal revolution'.

This article tries to refute the conventional opinion that the cotton products began to witness a great success in 17th and 18th century Europe. Many medieval documents show that the cotton products were consumed on a massive scale already in the Later Middle Ages. The cotton industry, whose origin in Europe is difficult to date, had been in existence in the 11th century, specially in Northern Italy, from where it spreaded out to other regions, and was being operated in Italy, France, the Iberian Peninsula, the Central Europe, the Netherlands and England in the Later Middle Ages. The greatest cotton textile producers in the Later Middle Ages were Northern Italy, an established center of the cotton industry, and Southern Germany, a new arriver, which initiated her industry in the 1360s under the aegis of the emperors and the German merchants. The output of those both industrial centers was so grandiose that their cotton textiles such as fustian and barchent were commercialized all over Europe by international merchants, especially Italians or Germans. Therefore, the consumption of cotton products was on increase. The introduction of cotton in Occident led to the birth of a new vogue in clothes called jupon in medieval French, in medieval European society. Besides the use of material for making clothes, the cotton had many other usages, for instance, canvas, papers, napkins, table clothes, blankets, accessories, and candles. Finally, various kinds of cotton products became familiar to the medieval Europeans irrespective of their economic status. Numerous evidences such as chronicles, letters, notarial contracts and guild regulations, reveal that the consumption of cotton products became common during the Later Middle Ages. This fact refutes the conventional opinion that the widespread consumption of cotton products in Europe had come through in the 17th and 18th centuries. It also suggests that in the Later Middle Ages the commercial networks and the transporting infrastructure were sufficiently established to make possible mass supply of raw material, mass transportation, and mass textile production.

Humanism in Italy means the transition from Gothic writing to Carolinger renaissance writing in the view of Paleography. Gothic writing reached the zenith ar the end of 14th and the beginning of 15th through 12-13th. But the decipherment and reading as the original function of writing reduced and the splendid appearance was overestimated. Otherwise, humanists in Florence and Carrara rejected the gothic writing and interesting in the older documentaries in greek and latin world. Then nostalgia for it's writing was increased. Bus the writing humanists hoped was not the simple imitation of Carolinger writing. Writing for book in humanism century and cursive writing we know just now were prepared at the end of 15th and the beginning of 16th by Petrarca and so many contemporary literary men. And the writing in humanism in the process of that lost the sharpness bus acquired the warmness and curve and replete better the shape of alphabet than appearance.

Queen Elizabeth began her annual progresses and visits from 1559 and relentlessly continued until the last year of her reign(1603), except for several years of political turbulence in the 1580s. In a sense, her royal progress may not have been unique considering that many medieval and Tudor-Stuart rulers went on progresses too. However, there was no ruler who made a progress more regularly and systematically than Queen Elizabeth I. She deeply understood the importance of public opinion and reputation of a ruler through her lessons that she learned both from her humanist education and her own experiences.It is significant to understand that Elizabeth acknowledged the fountain of her legitimacy and power as a monarch was from the love and loyalty of her subjects. To create her strong nexus with the people and promote her popularity among her subjects, Elizabeth enthusiastically went on her annual progresses and visits during her whole reign. In conclusion, Queen Elizabeth's systematic practice of her annual progresses had three main purposes. First, her royal progress was her determined political strategy to secure her reign by directly contacting her subjects and by promoting her popularity among them. Second, another aim of her progresses was to stimulate local economy in that her royal train was enormous whenever she visited towns and villages. Third, Elizabeth's progresses and visits were her financial policy based on the give-and-take relationship of the Tudor patronage system, a practical tool of her exploitation of her favorites and richer subjects, to lighten the tax burden of the ordinary people. More importantly, all these strategies originated from her commitment for her subjects and her determination to be a successful monarch in history.