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This articles examines the relationship between Latinitas and the development of Latin grammatical discourse in the early Middle Ages, arguing that the changes in the ideal of Latinitas in that period exerted great influence on the changes of the form and content of Latin grammars. Latinitas in Antiquity meant the ideal of eloquence based on the authority of great authors. It was described as the observation of the purity of the Latin language, and the Latin education aimed at training the students to master the literary Latin language to the highest level. As the groups of non-Latin speakers were introduced into the Roman Empire and at the same time as the Latin became the language of Church, the ideal of Latinitas was transformed into the ideal of Christianity. This transformation inevitably led to the transformation of Latin grammatical discourse. The Latin language and the Latin grammars needed to be re-established as the language and grammars of Christianity, and therefore the grammarians of the early Middle Ages vigorously took up the task of reshaping the language and grammar itself. This task was accomplished in various levels of grammars. The Christianization of the language itself was made through the religious interpretation of grammatical features and the alphabets, and the Christianization of the grammars was made by separating the grammatical discipline from the ancient background. The commentaries on the works of Donatus from the fifth century onwards show one of the methods employed by the grammarians to establish the Latin grammar as an independent field of knowledge by itself. The authority of Donatus was indispensible, but this authority had to be recast into the authority of grammar per se. By expounding Donatus' doctrines in detail and by giving rationale for Donatus' grammatical descriptions, early medieval grammarians attempted to make Latin grammatical works transmitted from Antiquity an objective tool for learning the language. The use of dialectical concepts in the analysis of the definitions of the parts of speech and the etymological explanation of grammatical terms became the main tools in Donatian commentaries. The infiltration of dialectical notions into the grammatical description is also strongly shown in the popular school textbooks of that period, i.e. medieval parsing grammars.

It is evident that the basic hierarchy of feudal vassalage extending from king, dignitaries, the middle lords to ordinary horsemen was formed in the Western Europe centering around the region between the Loire and the Rhine in the early ninth century. Besides such feudal vassalages linking with the king there were autogenous feudal vassalages unconnected with the Carolingian kings in some regions. On the other hand the function of feudal vassalage was inwardly enlarged from originally military to partly judicial, and private relationship between lord and vassal was consolidated enough to neglect military duty for the Carolingian empire. However, it appears that there were considerable lands and freemen that were not incorporated into feudal vassalage until the early ninth century. In the middle ninth century, successors of Louis the Pious urged that every man should become a vassal in the empire, and vassal was legally required to join with his lord in the discharge of all duties including military task. In the close of the ninth century feudal public offices were transformed into fiefs, and vassalage and fief became hereditary according to "the edict of Quierzy" issued by Charles the Bald in 877. During the tenth century there appeared a tendency that local noblemen were independent of the public authorities and feudal vassalages with those as central figures were extensively formed. Thus feudal vassalage spread far and wide at least in the heart of the Carolingian empire between the Loire and the Rhine until the early ninth century. Feudal vassalage developed nearly at the same time in north Italy among border areas. And we can see that feudal vassalage began to develop early and extended considerably in the beginning of the ninth century in Aquitaine, the coast of the mediterranean Sea and the Spanish March. But it is supposed that the development in those regions slowed down after that.

One of the causes of misogyny in medieval Europe was a viewpoint of women as the daughters of Eve who seduced a man to be decadent. The negative ideas about women were formed into misogyny and maintained throughout the Middle Ages. Misogyny was more intensified among the religious men and the Church leaders around the twelfth century. Ironically, the cult of women also spread among medieval men in the same period and the objects of the cult of women were limited to the rich aristocratic and upper class women. Then how and why did misogyny and the cult of women ambivalently exist? Above all, the immediate reason for the ambiguous attitudes toward women in medieval Europe can be seen in the structural or institutional changes around the eleventh century. For instance, a lot of medieval men and women were estranged from inheritance and marriage by primogeniture. Medieval men's sexual desires were suppressed by a series of religious regulations such as the Gregorian reform. After the establishment of primogeniture, medieval men, segregated from inheritance of titles and lands, became priests and knights that composed a new rising class. The intensified misogyny as well as the cult of women was a by-product in the process of these medieval men to join the mainstream ruling class. Medieval men who wanted to rise as clergymen saw the religious women in rivalry for leadership through the eyes of distrust and aversion. The poor wandering knights eager for money and lands looked for rich heiresses to marry by admiring women with much adoration. Therefore, the double attitudes toward medieval women were a strategic difference between the priests and knights to rise in the world rather than a contradiction. In this process, it was women that were thoroughly estranged and discriminated from their communities. However, medieval women resisted in their own ways rather than helplessly succumb to the male dominance. Some women rejected traditional ways of living through marriage and childbearing by pursuing independent life. A number of women chose to become religious women by joining religious houses and the beguines, creating their new identities by showing their ardent faith. Women's religious fervor around the twelfth century was truly encouraged by the cult of Virgin Mary, but partly driven by their dissatisfaction with the religious and social systems ruled by men. The evidence of medieval women's resistance against male domination and their struggles with men for religious leadership can be found in that substantial number of women joined the Waldensians and Cathars that allowed them to preach. In fact, some of them preached as clergies. Some religious women even tried to prove their faith equal to that of men through their extreme asceticism like fasting. Medieval women also pursued economic independence by engaging in commerce and handicrafts, rendering aid to the poor in charity. Of course, it is hard to say that there existed feminists who worked for women's rights in a modern standard. However, it is certain that a lot of women struggled to give their own voice in a male dominated society, endeavoring to show their capabilities as an equal member of the Christianity

This article examines two aspects of autobiography, taking for example Guibert de Nogent's De vita sua sive monodies. First, his autobiography, as a person's record, shows how a person became a medieval intellectual: his birth, his education, becoming a monk, election of abbot etc. The fact that he wrote his life after he became abbot. It is assumed that this retrospection is based on the development of self-consciousness, which is not necessarily individualism. The medieval self-consciousness was favored by the sacrament of confession and the idea of private property. Second, autobiography is the mirror of the society. He gives vivid history about the revolts of Laon and the communal movement in twelfth century. The story is often taken as an example of the process of urban uprising: evil conduct of the upper class as cause, and gathering of the masses and their violence, and final harsh suppression. The marriage of his parents shows the transition from knightly marriage to clerical marriage. The former is conjugal relation for the property and descendants, and the latter is characterized as the self control of desire. The story that his father died early before Guibert grew up, implies that Guibert was predestined as a monk and that the prayer is superior to the man of war. So we can read a tripartite society divided by function in shaping in the eleventh and twelfth century. But it is noticeable that his life is very analoguous to Augustine's. So in the next studies, we must examine the similarity between Guibert's De vita sua and Augustine's Confession, and the difference between Guibert's book and Abelard's Historia Calamitatum in the context of medieval intellectual traditon.

In this article, we purpose to catch the historic significance and character of the new chivalry which is described as the ideal type of middle age through the De laude novae miltiae written by St. Bernard. As the excellent witness of the second crusade and serious historian in narrating about the clerical and warrior world, St. Bernard preaches not only the inevitability but also the legitimacy of crusade. Besides, he is charged with granting the ideal and value of the new chivalry in the XIth and XIIth centuries for the sake of realizing the justice of God. The De laude novae miltiae is composed by two parts(I, 1-V, 10 and V, 11-XIII, 30); one is devoted to justify the monks-chivalry, what is called, who show the ideal type of new chivalry and the other is dedicated to explain the holy land including Jerusalem by the biblical analyse. St. Bernard presents a new model of chivalry that is competent for accomplishing the battle against pagans, like a professional, in getting under arms. Most of all, It is certain that the new chivalry must protect the church and weak. In addition, the brave chivalry must fight against infidels for the glory of God. In a word, St. Bernard tries to recreate the new chivalry in pursuing the religious itinerary and the practical principes. Briefly described, St. Bernard takes an important place of the apostle holding responsible for the new chivalry through the De laude novae miltiae. It is possible to speak that the new chivalry means the ideal type in the christian world for him.

Excommunicates' loss of legal rights in the medieval canon law had its origin in Roman infamy. Roman emperors in the late empire legalized the loss of legal rights against infames who were defamed due to their undesirable behaviors. In the beginning, infamy was accepted in canon law for the protection of priests from the destructive and trivial criminal sues against them. Pseudo-Isidore decretal collection rendered all the excommunicates as infames, so that it attempted to take off the legal rights from them. It was Decretum Gratiani which systematically legalized the loss of legal rights against excommunicates, analyzing that of infamy in Roma law. Gratian considered that the plaintiffs should be equal with the defendants in moral purity. On the other hand, he admitted an exceptional case that the excommunicated could accuse enormous wickedness just like heresy and sacrilege to the criminal court. Even though the dignity of Deretum Gratiani was in the highest position, it caused a polemical controversy among the canonists. In the subjects of strong controversy there was 'exception' which could be suggested to the judge in the court. Its purpose was not only to report that plaintiff was in the state of excommunication, but also to take off his legal rights in the court. Temporally there was an inclination to mitigate the burden of plaintiff to be suspected as excommunicate under the reign of pope Innocent IV. Nevertheless, the mitigation was criticized by strong conservative canonists like Hostiensis who was very close adviser to Innocent IV. Through thirteenth century excommunicates' loss of legal rights became to be hardened. Main reason of this situation could be found in the wide spread of heresy in the century.

In modern European discourses the earth beyond the boundary of Europe was feminized. The muslim communities within Spanish Christian society was feminine, situated on colonial context. With the advance of 'reconquista', Spanish Christian society oppressed the muslim communities by means of the double standard of laws which was a absolutely favorable condition for the Christians: in a series of Christian laws a Christian man committing sexual intercourse with a Muslim woman was not punished, while a Muslim man committing sexual intercouse with Chrisian woman was severely punished. In addition, Muslims as defeated enemies lived in poorer surroundings than Jews politically and socioeconomically. Muslim communities could not easily prevent Christian men from violating Muslim women. As a result, Muslim women served as slaves, concubines or prostitutes. It is one reason which the sexuality of Muslim women is a a trope of medieval Spanish culture.

The historians of the late nineteenth and the twentieth centuries echoed and exalted the modernity of St. Francis of Assisi as the initiator of the Renaissance and the modern world. So was he a Renaissance man? What did he have these factors? Through this thesis I want to compare St. Francis's world view with Leonardo da Vinci's one. What kind of connection with them? Or difference? At first, I found that they have several things in common. The first, they recognized new natural world views. The distinctive features of St. Francis, freedom of spirit, love, pity, joyful serenity and familiarity were long to form the originality of Italian Christianity. Also Leonardo was the first artist who, by demanding a synthesis of nature and intellect, established a fundamentally new creative principle. St. Francis and Leonardo were filled with compassion toward animals and other creatures. The second, they moved to more popular people. St. Francis as an imitation of Jesus Christ went to the poor and the marginalized, whereas monks stayed in the cloisters. Furthermore Leonardo should have quarreled with the classical and literary Renaissance in which he was brought up and should have turned to a more popular and naturalistic Renaissance. The third, they did not train enough formal education. Though they knew a little Latin or nothing classics, they used mother tongue. Through these they could represent their own world ideas. The fourth, moreover St. Francis and Leonardo's understandings were based on four factors of Aristotelian nature view. And they believed in God's creation of the universe and nature. It seems that such thinking way had continued to Renaissance time. However, they had very different world views. The first, St. Francis discerned the hidden things of nature in his sensitive heart, whereas Leonardo da Vinci, who is scientist and artist, analysed the nature and light through his eyes. The second, they had different life goals. The former tried to achieve imitation of Christ, while the latter attempted to attain new style and way of thinking by experiment and analyse. In conclusion, even though they lived in different ages and life style, they are really Renaissance men as well as moderns

Giles of Rome's De regimine principum constitute a matrix text in the field of 'the politic' in the late Middle Ages in France characterized by the formation of the Modern State system. This text belongs to the genre of 'the Miroir of Prince', political text before the political science. It advices the king and the prince to be a 'wise ruler' for the good government. Two dimensions must be considered for this text. First, in the dimension of the contents, it present the most comprehensive political themes for the contemporaries. Above all, it mark three points of renovation in the genre of the 'Miror of Prince': consideration of all the three phases of aristotelian virtues (personal, familial and political) in the context of the political community; new relationship pastoral between the papacy and the kingship as the leader of the 'res publica' aiming the 'common good'; application of the methode of rhetoric for the political science. Secondly, it is marked by the enormous production of manuscripts and by its large diffusion in the late Middle Ages. Seven sorts of French translations prove also its great popularity among the political society members such as not only the nobles but also the bourgeois in the French Kingdom. This analysis of the production and the circulation of the De regimine principum aims therefore at the ideological praxis of a text in relation to the medieval society and to the political situation in Fourteenth Century.