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This paper aims to demonstrate the characteristics of the transition of Cologne from an ancient civitas to a medieval commune in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. In Northern Italy and Flanders appeared communal constitutions, known as consul and iurati, through the protests against the German Emperors or the struggles with city lords. According to the liberal historiography, commune as 'municipal community' has been regarded as an privileged space which was liberated from the domination of a variety of feudal lordships. But recently a number of medieval historians see communes not as the isolated islands in feudal society, but as products from the feudal orders. In the 11th and 12th centuries was the feudal hierarchy established, that meant the social disorder. For the city dwellers communes were parts of the peace movement. The appearance of the communes also was indebted to the political unrest through investiture contest, which exacerbated the worldly domination of the bishops. For Cologne there were neither consul nor iurati in the development of commune. It shows indirectly that there were no coniurations against the city lord, Archbishop of Cologne. Rather, the municipal community was carried out with the concession of the Archbishop, who exercised his higher jurisdiction until the end of the 13th century. Actually the leading group of the commune consisted of a number of feudal landowners in name of ministeriales and a small group of merchants. They organized a set of public and private institutions, through which the communal administration was exercised: collegium scabinorum, Amtleutekolleg, Richerzeche. But the city was not united as a whole community under an municipal authority, until the city council(Rat) was established in the first half of the 13. century.

Pope Gregory Ⅶ reformed main political bodies. He aimed to abolish Simony and tried to destroy Nicolisim that is the family life of the clergy. Also Gregory Ⅶ prohibited lay investiture, the crucial measure which would free the Church from lay control. He was trying to enforce the established law. However emperor Henry Ⅳ's opposition to this reform programme provoked the Investiture Contest. First, I think that Investiture Contest have occurred, while pope Gregory Ⅶ had accomplished the church reform programs based on establishing papal government. As Gregory Ⅶ have maintained bishops investiture, he wanted to be a reform leader as pope. Second, Gregory Ⅶ proposed to take a vision that pope should have absoulte power and sovereign authority politic as well as religion parts in the Christian society (societas christiana.). The function of the pope was that of a true monarch, governing the community that was entrusted to him. As a result, this papal government system was an example of church government. Third, it seems that Gregory Ⅶ's theories of papal sovereignty had revealed limit. While pope had struggled emperor Henry Ⅳ, Holy Roman Empire was splitted two popes and two kings. As its conditions had developed very complicated. papal universal power had reduced. Fourth, pope Gregory Ⅶ's reform movement had ,nonetheless, contributed development of medieval political culture. As a result, pope Gregory Ⅶ proposed new vision of Western Europe society in the eleventh century.

As central as Aristotelianism became to medieval education and intellectual life, Aristotle's natural philosophic works were viewed by Catholic church and theologians with suspicion and hostility through the thirteenth century. Indeed, a conservative theological reaction to Aristotelianism, that is the Condemnation of 1277 issued by the bishop of Paris, Etienne Tempier, produced consequences that profoundly affected the course of medieval philosophy and appears to have influenced the character and substance of later scientific discussion. In section Ⅱ and Ⅲ of this paper, I trace the ecclesiastical reactions to Aristotelianism leading to the Condemnation of 1277. The Parisian prohibition of Aristotle's natural books in 1210 and the demand for their expurgation in 1231 reflect the apprehension of some church authorities. But the scientific and philosophical riches in the Aristotelianism made it inevitable to be included into the medieval university curriculum. In face of this trend, Tempier condemned 219 thesis, many of which contained necessitarianism restricting God's sovereignty and freedom. In section Ⅳ and Ⅴ, I discuss the influence of the Condemnation of 1277 and its relevance to the relation of 'Science and Religion' by the help of previous scholars, including P. Duhem, A. Koyré, and R. Hooykaas. And I pay attention to the voluntarist theology, which encouraged Tempier. In rejecting any limits on God, Tempier unintentionally took away some limitations on the medieval science. In conclusion, I more or less lean to Duhem's and Hooykaas' assertions, that is, belief in God's absolute power served to give birth to the modern scientific methodology included in nominalism of fourteenth century.

The beginning of the Hansa is marked by the founding in Wendish territory in about 1159 of the city of Lübeck, a western European gateway to the east. It soon became, and thereafter remained, the head of the Hansa. But in 1418 Lübeck had just been officially recognised as the head of the Hansa by the Hansetag, the general diet, attended by delegates from all the towns. Key issue in this paper is to examine Lübeck'sposition in the Hansa towns before the Hansetag of 1418 conferred the leadership of the Hansa. When German migration towards the east began early in the twelfth cnetury, Lübeck, as a assembling-point for emigrants from the west, imparted continuous impetus to the foundation and expasion of the maritime towns of eastern Europe. A number of towns were build on or near the coast, accessible to seaborne shipping. according to the law of Lübeck. Although the Empire had lost its authority in this area by the mid-thirteenth century, Lübeck had obtained a chater from Frederick Ⅱ,extending its privileges and granting it the status of an "imperial city", which was to be awarded to no other town beyond the Elbe. The dignity of imperial city certainly contributed the recognistion of Lübeck's pre-eminence within the Hansa community. Lübeck's leadership was generally conceded because of its merchants' early preponderance in the community's affairs, and most of all its central geographical position; goods shipped from the eastern Baltic had to be unroaded for transport by land across the Jutland peninsula on their way west. The special Visby's status as the center of the international merchant community was abolished in 1293, when the Wendish towns resolved that the court of appeal for Kontor in Novgorod should be transferred from Visby to Lübeck. Most of the towns from Prussia to Lower Rhine combined to withdraw the right of Visby seal in 1299 and ratified using the Lübeck seal. Thus Lübeck was recog- nized of her superiorty from nearly all German towns. Finally, it was also Lübeck which took the initiative in summoning a general diet. Its council sent the summons to the other Wendish towns and to the principal towns, which in turn passed on the invitation to the other towns in their area. the Hansa community relied on Lübeck to take all the necessary decisions, except in matters of major importance, since Lübeck was in fact in charge during the intervals between general diets. The leadership of Lübeck had become firmly established as early as the thirteenth century. In the fourteenth century, it had become even more marked, and it was officially recognised in 1418, when the towns was asked, in association with the Wendish towns, to take charge of the interests of the community.

Erasmus(1466-1536) played a major role spreading and finishing the humanist movement over all Europe. Above all, he applied the textual criticism to the Bible, chiefly to the New Testament and the Church Fathers, that he might not only gain access to Greek and Latin original texts, but also interpret grammartically, historically, but based on this, spiritually, that is, allegorically and morally. Luther discerned sared philology took place according to Providence. For God in His widom and providence provided the means by which purification and reform of doctrine might come about. As he alluded, Erasmus was a model to textual criticism in the Renaissance age. His textual criticism and Biblical exegesis paved the way to not only a true salvation among desirous laymen, but also to a true theology among his young scholars and Reformers, such as, Zwingli 1484-1531, Luther 1483-1546, Bucer 1491-1551, Melanchton 1497-1560, Calvin 1509-64. In Paraclecis, one of introductory materials in his New Testament, he defined the great theologian in the days to come as follows: he will be neither such ones as Scotus, Thomas, Averroës, nor ones following those persons, but ones following authors of the Bible and imbibing, holding, carrying into effect the teachings of Christ through those authors. He chiefly applied textual criticism to the Bible as a grammarian, but he was obliged to interpret the Bible. His Biblical exegesis was involved in major subjects, such as, ‘Justification’, ‘Grafting on Christ, chiefly refering to Imitating to Christ’, ‘process of Santification’, ‘the problem of Free Will’ and so on, which later would be elaborated as essential doctrines by Melanchton, Luther, Calvin, or even Wesley. In view of this, he prepared for the Reformation, whether he recognized or not, whether each of Reformers admitted or not. Thus he attempted to combine learning and piety, culture and religion. This was his real contribution. He accomplished it through the unification of bonae litterae and sacrae litterae. This unification might be accomplished in Christ who incarnated, was dead on the cross and rose again for mankind. This meant the fusion of humanitas and pietas. This fusion come forth evidently in Philosophia Christi , his famous term. In Paraclecis he says as follows: what else is the Philosophy of Christ, which He Himself calls a rebirth, than the restoration of human nature originally formed? Christ revealed and accomplished wholly teachings and philosophies of all philosophers, wisemen, prophets. Erasmus was an excellent Bible theologian who gave his body and soul to loving, investigating, and peaching Words of this Christ.

This article is a study on the intellectual origin of Queen Elizabeth I's celibacy both by examining her academic background and by analyzing her own statements. Unlike other historians' works which have been focused on the exteriors of Elizabethan politics, this monograph discloses the invisible connection between Elizabeth's political strategies and her intelligence. Queen Elizabeth decided not to marry although she was supposed to marry in order to fulfill her responsibility for the dynasty. Her celibacy was unusual even without mentioning that marriage was women's destiny by the norms of 16th-century society. Elizabeth used her virginity as an effective weapon to be a successful ruler, dedicating herself to politics. Her success as a ruler was largely dependent on her education. Indeed, Elizabeth's humanist education was pivotal in developing her political strategies including her celibacy. More specifically, by the intellectual influence of Plato, Elizabeth set her goals to be a successful monarch in history, adopting various political tactics to fulfill her ambition. Plato, who showed an idealistic model of the "philosopher-king" with his emphasis on the celibacy of a ruler and the equality between men and women in politics in The Republic, was a strong inspiration to Elizabeth in pursuing fame and glory as a ruler by choosing celibacy. In short, several conclusions can be made about Queen Elizabeth's celibacy. First, Elizabeth was significantly influenced by Plato's ideas in shaping her statecraft, particularly in choosing her celibacy. Second, her ultimate goal as a ruler was to leave her monumental fame in history and in fact she won her reputation as a great queen of England. Third, Elizabeth showed her consciousness of her gender as a woman and her sense of equality between the sexes in politics, trying to follow the examples of her role models such as Alexander the Great in history. Lastly, Elizabeth demonstrated her capabilities in politics and diplomacy as a single woman, creating a unique identity as a virgin queen by rejecting marriage.