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The Mediterranean is a cradle of civilization which is combined with Asian, African and European culture and now being newly re-created through mutual relations of various civilizations that had existed in the past. Furthermore, the Mediterranean is not Mare Nostrum of Rome any more, but the womb for European multi-identities and coexistence. Geographically and Culturally, Sicily is a core of the Mediterranean. As a center of the Mediterranean civilization, Sicily is bearing whole civilizations around the Mediterranean according to the Fractal Structure(Concept). It is not an easy task to define the Mediterranean civilization in a broad and receptive term. Moreover, the Sicilian civilization is not acknowledged as the microscopic sample for the Mediterranean civilization even though it was a representative one that the factors of Mediterranean civilization were intertwined and progressed. Sicilian cultural identity can be characterized with its symmetrical and coexisting features. In other words, two conflicting identity factors are coexisting in their society. The first example to this is the co-existence of masculinity and femininity in Sicilian society. On the one hand, the society of Sicily had been developing patriarchy as the androcentric tradition within their agricultural- centered economic structure that had been acquired from Greek-Roman control. However, on the other hand, femininity influenced by their cultural worship toward the Virgin Mary as a symbol of maternal instinct is also inherent in Sicilian society. The second example of the symmetrical identity is co-existence of an identity of collectivism (high-context culture) and individualism (low-context culture) in its society. Since collectivism in Sicily is affected from Arab nomadic society’s ‘Murah’ (the principle of ‘honor’ and ‘disgrace’), it is collective, hierarchical, competitive, and extrovert. Sicily’s male-dominated society, however, allows coexistence of historical individualism at the same time. Historical individualism develops to defeatist individualism, disrupting and violent individualism, and individualism that people played their lives. Finally, Sicilian society shares being-oriented identity and behavior-oriented identity. The former signifies the reality which accepts and discredits control simultaneously, while the latter is the identity of creativity and imagination diffused from Sicilian culinary culture. The exertion to understand Sicilian cultural identity as the principle of the symmetrical identity is because of this island is the symbol of cultural value. In addition, the social obligation of Sicilian economic value guarantees the futurity of the culture.

The 'cardinals' were simply the senior clergy of Rome. The word itself is probably derived from the term for hinge or joint, and was first given to the twenty-eight parish priests of the titular churches of Rome. The cardinals had been crucial to the success of the reform movement from the very beginning. And the cardinal bishops emerged as the pope's principal advisers during the 1050s. The prominence of the cardinal bishops in the counsels of the pope dates from the inception of the reform papacy in the pontificate of Leo Ⅸ. The Roman aristocracy was opposed to the papal reform movement, which had robbed them of their control of papal territory and revenues. Nicholas' papacy was to be a further landmark on the road to reform. He manifested itself on a new procedure for papal elections. A synod at the Lateran in April 1059 promulgated a new papal electoral decree, confining the actual choice to the seven cardinal bishops, with the subsequent assent of the cardinal priests and deacons, and then the acclaim of the people: vague and grudging provision was also made for imperial approval. Peter Damian had called cardinals 'the spiritual senators of the Roman Church', and considered that the prerogatives of the cardinal bishops transcended those of patriarchs and primates. The three orders of cardinals had become absorbed into a single college. These orders in the college exercised this right as equals. Henceforward there was no longer any question of the special right conferred on the cardinal bishops by the decree of 1059 nor of the exclusive rights of election claimed for the cardinal priests and deacons by Cardinal Deusdedit. There were in theory up to fifty- four cardinals at any one time. The term collegium, designating the cardinal bishops, priests, and deacons as a single unit, first appeared in 1150. Later twelfth century, furthermore, references to college tended to assume that the authority of the cardinals was independent of that of the pope. After the mid-twelfth century there was no doubt about the cardinals' exclusive right to elect the pope. In conclusion, we could recognize that the college of cardinals was to develop gradually democratic system, that is its own institutions independent of papal curia, even though is not completed.

The complex relationship between the Venetian and the Byzantine culture in the Middle Ages poses interesting questions to us. This paper is to trace the cultural policy of Venice in relation to the Byzantine Empire around the period of the fourth Crusade. In the early Middle Ages, the Byzantine Empire, as the successor of the Roman Empire, was highly esteemed by western countries for its authority, its power, and its wealth. However, as time went on, the Byzantine Empire became the object of contempt by the West. One of the turning points of this dramatic shift was the fourth Crusade, when Constantinople, the capital of the Byzantine Empire, was conquered by the Crusade in 1204. The role of Venice for the conquest of Constantinople was conclusive and it was also Venice who most enjoyed fruits of the conquest. To justify their conquest of Constantinople, the Venetians needed to disparage the Byzantine Empire, emphasizing on her heretical religion (i.e. the Greek Orthodox) and immorality. In addition, to legitimize their new empire, they adopted two complementary policies, which found expression in the exhibition-policy of holy relics and artifacts plundered from the Byzantine Empire. Many of the most important spoils of Venice, added after I204, made the Venetians proclaim themselves as the rebuilders of the Byzantine Empire, or even as the true heir of the ancient Roman Empire. The message of this was clear: God permitted those spoils and made Venice's authority over the Byzantine Empire - that is, the conquered territories were now under the duty of Venice through the divine justice. This ideology could also help rule those who once belonged to the Byzantine territory. The more powerful Venice appeared, the more repudiated the Byzantine Empire. This ideology was blossomed during the Enlightenment Period, especially by Gibbon, Voltaire and others, when “the Otherness of the Byzantine Empire” became unquestionable for the Western Europeans.

In the High Middle Ages developed many cities trying to have their own parish church. But it was not easy, that a medieval city church founds an independent parish. For this, the city has mainly to be able to have to cope financially with the parish. The count intended to found a collegiate church at first in Monterberg and then to transfer to Kleve. After transferring the collegiate church should also play the role as the parish church. So this Study investigates the transfer of the collegiate church from Monterberg to Kleve, which consists of 13 praebendae. Above all we will deal with the question of why the count had to transfer the collegiate church. This may be seen one, that the count has carried out the transfer of the economic reasons. So he needed the economic power of citizens of Kleve. Besides, he wanted to a magnificent church as the cemetery seat for himself and his descendants. In order to realize his dream like this, he had to solve two problems. First, he had to handle the conflict with the archbishop of Cologne arising from the legal issues. Second, he has tried to harmonize with the citizens who dreamed upward mobility through economic power. All of this depended on the diplomatic ability of the count. This study therefore shows how the relationships between count, archbishop and citizens developed so that the collegiate church arises.

This study discusses the ideas of empire by Engelbert of Admont (✝1331), whose tract ‘De ortu et fine Imperii Romani’ (1312-13) reveals important features of the language of justification of the Holy Roman Empire in the early 14th century. It concentrates on how Engelbert explained and justified the origin and development of the Roman imperial rule, as whose heir he understood the contemporary German empire. It also discusses how he defended the Holy Roman Empire against various sorts of scepticism and criticism and compromised its claim of the unlimited universal rule over the world and its limited (even declining) political influences in reality. By way of this discussion this study ultimately indicates the unique features of the later medieval imperialist imaginations.

This article evaluates the previous discussion of urban growth and decline in the late medieval England and aims to provide an alternative view which highlights the impact of broader social changes on the urban reconfiguration. The debate on late medieval cities had been bifurcated between the conventional emphasis on decline and the revisionist insistence on growth, too often ending with competing ideas unable to render a comprehensive view. For a coherent account of the urban topography of the period concerned, a structural analysis of the urban transformation in reference to labor supply, changes in warfare and industry, and rise of London in the context of plagues and war, must be taken into consideration. The circumstance in which late medieval English cities found themselves was an entanglement of decline and growth following a series of plagues in the 14th century, the effect of which extended to both urban and rural England. With the plague, the symbiosis between cities and country, especially in terms of immigration, had broken down, leaving some cities more vulnerable to intermittent supply of labor, let alone permanent shortage. Still other cities witnessed an aggravating situation, when the prolonged war between England and France had multiplied urban residents' tax load. Concurrently, a gradual shift in industry from wool to cloth worked in favor of some cities at the cost of others. And the ascent of London as the unrivaled center of trade and industry, under the royal auspice, placed some in decline and others in prosperity. The findings suggest that the late Middle Ages was not a period of irreversible urban decline but one in which cities reconfigured themselves in diverse ways to adapt to the structural transformations.

인쇄술은 당시 위엄을 자랑하던 프랑스군주제를 제외한 유럽 전역의 많은 기관들에게 “변화의 행위자”(E. L. Eisenstein)이었다. 출판에 대한 왕정의 초기 관심은 새로운 기술을 사용하여 국가 사업이나 정보를 선전하자는 데 있지 않았고, 오히려 왕들이 그들이 선호하는 책이나 개인적인 관심을 출판하고자 이를 사용하였다. 학자들은 소통의 결정적인 도구가 되었던 인쇄술이 왜 프랑스 군주제와 같이 오랜 역사를 자랑하던 유럽의 제도는 바꾸지 못했는지를 설명하기 위해 인쇄업과 왕정과의 관계를 자세히 검토해 왔다. 이 논문은 왜 인쇄술이 초기에는 왕정의 권익을 선전하는 도구로 여겨지지 않았는지를 설명한다. 첫 번째 부분에서는 새로운 발명에 대한 샤를 7세의 호기심을 살펴보면서 어떻게 효율적인 소통체제를 갖는다는 것이 그의 대를 이은 왕들이 공식적인 업무를 위하여 인쇄술을 사용하도록 설득하는 데는 실패했는지를 논한다. 비록 프랑스 왕정이 처음에는 인쇄술을 적절하게 활용하지 않았다 하더라도, 이 신기술은 왕들에 의해 특별한 경우에 사용되었다. 그러므로 이 논문의 두 번째 부분은 초기간행본으로 인쇄된 몇 개 안 되는 왕의 칙서를 다룰 것인데 여기에는 1501년 이전의 왕의 칙서 중 가장 많이 재판된 1499년 블루와 법령(Ordinances of Blois of 1499)을 포함된다.