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Pope LeoⅢ crowned Charlemagne Emperor of the Romans at the church of St Peter on 25 December 800. Charlemagne's imperial coronation was initiated by the pope who hoped to acquire a powerful advocate for the Roman Church by promoting the strong king to Emperor of the Romans. Under the guardianship of Charlemagne the pope intended to emancipate the Roman Church from the Byzantine one and finally exclude the interference of the Byzantine Emperors in affairs of the Church. The event of 800 caused Westerners to create a new Empire which was different from not only the Byzantine but also the old Roman. The new Empire of Charlemagne seemed to be the Roman Empire because he outwardly acceded to the throne as a Roman Emperor. But his crown was holy as he became an Emperor through the mediation of a pope according to the will of God. With the coronation of Charlemagne, therefore, the Holy Roman Empire was born in the West. The event of 800 was the turning point in the European history. Historically the Byzantine Empire had been the only one that has legitimately succeeded to the ancient Roman Empire and Byzantine Emperor had been the only legal head of the Church as well as the Empire based on Caesaro-Papism. The coronation of 800, however, resulted in critical changes in relationship between the East and the West: politically, the one Empire was divided two because a new Empire appeared in the West; economically, the Roman Church was able to possess the territories in the Italian peninsula, freeing itself from byzantine bondage; religiously, the papacy at last achieved the final purpose of emancipation of the Roman Church from the Byzantine Church, resulting in the separation the Roman Catholic Church from the Greek Orthodox Church. Both the papacy and the Holy Roman Emperors successfully tried to degrade all kinds of Byzantine values after the event of 800. They asserted that the Western Empire instead of the Byzantine one was the legal one. They also regarded Greek Orthodox as heresy and raised Roman Catholic to the position of Orthodox religion. They went further to admire highly Western civilization to be brilliant whereas Eastern one barbarous. These ideas of medieval traditions were succeeded to the modern western world in which Western Europeans have discriminated against Eastern Europe to be undeveloped, barbarous, and disordered world, while considered Western Europe developed, civilized, and stable world. Thus Westerners described Easterners in a negative view under the base of their superiority and imagination. In short, such bias of Westerners against Easterners started from the event of the imperial coronation of Charlemagne in 800.

The activities of Pope Gregory VII who had stood on the center of church reform movement since the time of Pope Leo IX, were considered as the leading figure in the history of eleventh century. He as a reformer made all his efforts to eliminate religious corrupts and secularization of church such as simony, clerical marriage, and the occupying of church property by laity. Recovery of pure spirituality and breakthrough of habitual misdeeds meant going back to the spirit and to the life of ancient christianity founded upon the tradition of biblical understanding. From this point of view, it can be said that the Gregorian reform movement was looking forward to retrieve the tradition of early christian authority rather than to establish new progressive practices. Nevertheless, it was almost impossible for Gregorian reformers to achieve their aim without official awareness of universal pope, and papal supremacy which differed from the authority of bishop. Such ideas and activities of reformers were destructive to the long time established structure for the bishops and the secular powers who stood against papacy. In this perspective, the reform ideas of Gregory VII could be considered as revolutionary and progressive. The contradicting views on the substance of Gregorian reform ideas could be approached through screening the letters sent by Gregory VII, and Dictatus Papae. The review of material documents written by him made an understanding possible that tradition and innovation were not separate ones which could not be mingled into one element, or could be inconsistent to each other. Gregory thought that these two essentials could be united on the understanding of veritas Christi. Therefore, it is reasonable to take a consideration that Gregory simultaneously pursued those contradicting ideas in his reform activities.

To research the ecclesiastical serf in France in the 10th-12th centuries, it seems attractive to listen the vivacious testimonies and the rich informations contained in the Livre Noir de Saint Florent de Saumur entitled Codex vetustarum donationem Niger nuncupatus. As one of the celebrated abbeys, through this period, the monastery of the Saint Florent not only is located on the heart of Saumur holding strongly the feudal character but also takes an important role with its authority for the other abbeys and the laic seigneurs including their dependent men under the servile conditions. Unfortunately, it leaves no method to explain juristically and to classify obviously the servile men, what we called, ‘non liberis'. In this point, for the purpose to catch especially the ecclesiastical serf bearing the servile conditions in this period, it is worth analyzing the valuable charters of this book which will make be a excellent testifier. Focalizing the incomplete liberty and the limited rights of the ecclesiastical servile person, we can try to examine the precious charters of this book through in first, the donations, exchanges and sales of the serfs by their ecclesiastical seigneurs, secondly, the custom of the ‘formariage’ and finally, the custom of the ‘mainmorte’. However, in reality, this task enables us to reconfirm certainly that the ecclesiastical serf is not expected to have more superior conditions than those of the others serfs, depending on his ecclesiastical seigneur in spite of considering as a person, in the 10th-12th centuries.

Until now many researches have focused upon John of Salisbury as political thinker and less researches upon him as courtier-intellectual. In this I tried to reveal the feature of knowledge theory of John in terms of the its socio-political connotation and in the context of 12th century society as well. John criticizes the frivolities of courtiers including eating, chess and hunting because such frivolities make them not to be interested in learning and act upon not reason and rationality, but senses and chance. John describes courtier as comedy player who forgets his own role. He is so worried about this lifestyle of courtiers that it might cause an unhappy life in terms of individual and a public disorder in terms of a society also. John finds main causes of these frivolities of the courtiers in their lack of knowledge, particularly trivium, which leads a civilization. In his view, verbal arts including grammar, rhetoric and logic are one of the foundations for a sound society and a good body politic. But the problem of the flatter which courtiers confront is a typical example of the distortion of knowledge, that is rhetoric and it is one of so serious problems that it may cause a king to be a tyrant. John says that verbal arts are a kind of social contract and a communication channel between the members of a society as well. On the other hand, John suggests Cicero, who loved trivium and served in public life, as an ideal type of courtier-intellectual. Regarding them, 'pseudo' intellectuals like Cornificians who deny the function of trivium and Epicureans who seek sensual pleasure as essential object in this life are entering into the courts, and they are also breaking the foundation of a society. However, John does not have negative views of the courtiers basically. Rather, in defining courtier not as mere employer but as statesman, he underlines how important courtier's political and social role is. Thus, John advises courtier to live upon not sense and chance taught by Cornificians and Epicureans, but reason and rationality taught by the philosophers like Cicero for a good life and public good as well.

In the medieval ideas of political representation, the entities which represent the whole are two. One is the monarch, the other is the representative assembly. It is argued that the monarch or the representative assembly represented the whole body of the population by acting for the people in the exercise of public power. Contrary many scholars' argument, however, the medieval conception of political representation differs from the modern conception in the interpretation of the issues of who or what is entitled to represent the whole and who authorizes the entitlement. In the Middle Ages. the monarch, as the head of the whole body politics, was to exercise the rights and discharge the duties of lordship. He was the political agent who exercised the power of the community in practice, but the monarchial power was given by God. Moreover, the roles of the medieval representative assembly in managing affairs of a state are limited and supplementary. As the representative assembly had the crown as the true head, the assembly could not sanction the arbitrary power of the crown. Like the modern conception of political representation, in the medieval idea of political representation, there were definite conceptions of substitution for the performance of public action. But the representative power in the middle ages was never authorized by a recognition of the supremacy of the people. That is, the people was not entitled to have supreme power over the monarch or the assembly. The medieval conception did not include an understanding of popular sovereignty. In addition, the examination of the conceptual components of political representation in Middle Ages helps to set out these characteristics of the medieval idea of political representation.

This paper examines the representation of the Middle Ages in the movies, such as Kingdom of Heaven, 2001: Space Odyssey, Star Wars, and The Seventh Seal. The movies concerning the Middle Ages are roughly divided into three types: the 'historical' movies showing the events or personalities of the Middle Ages, the movies exploiting the medieval narratives and images, and the movies reproducing the scene or the equipments of the precedent movies of medievalism. First, the so-called 'historical' movie has multi-temporality. For example, Kingdom of Heaven has three layer. At the bottom, lies the "Hero's journey" formulated by Joseph Campbell. This story pattern, whose examples are found throughout history and all over the world, draws a large audience to the movie. The second layer, above the story of hero, is the story of King Arther and the Holy Grail. Based on the celtic myth and combined with the christianity, this story continues to generate the western imagination from Middle Ages to present. So it is periodically less longer and geographically more limited than the first layer, i.e. hero's journey. The third and top layer is contemporary value, which is easily noticed by to the spectator. It is the democratic credo and(or) the religious tolerance, which is needed more than ever. In a word, the movies, picturing the medieval historical events, address the multi-temporal view of the events and show the transformation of the conceptions and images about the Middle Ages. Second, Some movies, such as 2001: Space Odyssey and Star Wars, borrows the narratives or the images from the Middle Ages. It is remarkable that SF movies use the medieval equipments and mise-en-scène reminding the Middle Ages, in depicting the future as a dark and gloomy world. This relation between the future and the Middle Ages reflects the uncertainty about the future. This pessimistic visualization of the future is the mirror of the negative point of view on the Middle Ages. Third, other movies reproduce the motif of the dark Middle Ages, portrayed in the precedent movies. For example, The Seventh Seal provides the movies of the Monty Python group and Scream with the images such as Grim Reaper, Danse macabre, the plague, the flagellant, the distorted images of monks. So the negative impression of the Middle Ages has been widely accepted. These reproductions and acceptances are based on the modernity. On the basis of the reason and rationality of the modern age, the Middle Age, considered as the Age of Christianity, is regarded as the Dark Age; so it could be excluded from the western history. In this context, the orientalism is applied not only geographically, but periodically; and the Middle Age is a component of the western history, but attached to the Orient.

스페인 갈리칸 지역에 있는 산티아고는 예루살렘과 로마와 함께 중세 3대 성지중의 하나다. 이중 가장 늦게 생긴 것이 콤포스텔라의 산티아고인데, 이곳은 사도중의 하나인 성 야곱에게 봉헌된 곳이다. 이곳은 11세기 후반부터 유럽의 순례객들을 매료시켰는데, 이때가 십자군과 도시들이 전개된 때이다. 1085년 세계지도(mappa mundi)에 따르면 콤포스텔라는 삶과 죽음을 의미하는 땅의 끝을 뜻했다. 동시에 삶과 죽음, 영혼과 신체를 이어주는 거룩한 중심이었다. 콤포스텔라는 저 세상과 이 세상을 이어주는 거룩한 곳이었다. 13세기 제노바 주교 야코부스(Yacobus de Voragine)도 콤포스텔라에서 일어난 많은 기적을 증언하고 있다. 순례의 주요 동기들은 영적인 구원과 세속적인 혜택이었다. 순례는 순례자들이 그리스도가 행한 길고 어려운 여행을 재 경험하는 것이다. 순례는 개종을 의미했고, 개종한 순례객들에게는 질병의 치료에서 기적과 전쟁에서 승리 같은 것들이 부여되었다. 스페인 북부가 이슬람에 대항하는 중요한 전진기지였다는 점을 고려할 때, 야곱의 이야기는 이슬람 세력에 반대하는 도구로 사용되었다는 중요한 의미를 지닌다. 일반적으로 순례자들의 70%가 남성이고, 30%가 여성이었다. 여성순례는 일상적인 집안일로부터 해방을 의미했다. 나이를 보여주는 자료는 빈약하지만, 19세기 산티아고 자료를 근거로 할 때, 평균나이는 45세였고, 대부분 40-60세였다. 순례자들의 직업은 왕과 귀족에서 병자와 빈자에 이르기까지 다양했다. 검소한 거주지나 병원들은 일반인들이 사용하고, 귀족들과 왕들은 성채 등을 사용했다. 순례를 떠날 때는 유언장을 만들거나 자선을 행했다. 그리고 교구교회 미사에 참석하여 지팡이와 여행도구에 축복을 받고 순례를 증언하는 확인서를 받기도 했다. 순례 길을 떠날 즈음에는 가족과 친척들은 동네 어귀까지 나와서 배웅했다. 순례자들의 의복은 성에 따라 달랐다. 남성은 짙은 갈색 옷, 바지, 모자, 신발, 여성은 바지 대신에 스커트를 입었다. 순례에서 자기 고향으로 돌아오면, 일가친척 등과 함께 기존사회에 편입하는 의식을 행한다. 이 의식을 통해 순례자들이 개종자로 존경을 받고, 사람들은 이들의 의복과 몸을 만지기도 한다. 이렇게 형성된 성 야곱 형제단은 중세 봉건사회에서 여러 가지 면에서 중요한 사회적 역할을 담당한 단체로 잘 알려져 있다. 콤포스텔라에 이르는 구간에 빈자들과 약자와 병자들을 위한 많은 자선기관들이 있었다. 자선기관으로는 교회와 수도원이 중요한 공헌을 했다. 14세기 이후, 궁정기관들과 시, 형제단들이 이러한 사역에 동참했다. 각종 구제와 호스피스 기관은 영적인 측면만이 아니라 세속적인 이익을 위해 유지되고, 또한 사회적인 위상과 권력을 위해 작용한 점도 많았다.