Earticle

This study analyzes errors in the use of benefactive expressions by Korean learners of Japanese. In particular, it focuses on the expressions -te ageru, -te kureru, and -te morau, which are used to express benefactive actions. A questionnaire survey on benefactive expressions was conducted among Korean learners of Japanese, and the results are as follows. First, no significant differences were found in the number of errors in benefactive expressions with respect to Japanese language proficiency level or length of residence in Japan. Second, while understanding the speaker’s perspective proved to be very difficult for the learners, they were found to understand the direction of benefaction. In other words, it was reaffirmed that the speaker’s perspective is the most influential factor contributing to errors in the use of benefactive expressions by Korean learners of Japanese.

This paper examines the diachronic development of the progressive passive construction in Japanese. While the form is common from the Meiji period onward, it also appears in Kyōgen scripts, which reflect Muromachi-period language, and―though rarely―in Heian-period narratives. This early emergence may not pose much of a problem. However, the corresponding English construction “be being + past participle” is a very recent innovation: examples such as The house is being built do not occur until the mid-18th century (Leech et al. 2009), raising questions about the earlier Japanese data. DeLancey (1982) explains the late development of the English progressive passive through the incompatibility between the perfective nature of the passive and the imperfective nature of the progressive. Focusing on the Konjaku Monogatari-shū, which offers several relevant examples, this study analyzes occurrences of the progressive passive in texts from the Heian to Muromachi periods, with attention to its relationship to related forms such as -(r)are-te aru, -te aru, and their network with -(r)are-te iru.

This study presents a comparative analysis of the Japanese expression “okage (おかげ)” and the Korean expression “deokbun,” focusing on their forms, meanings, and functions. While previous research has explored “okage” in several papers, no studies have systematically compared “okage” with its Korean “deokbun” in terms of similarity and differences. This paper studies the grammatical and semantic characteristics of both Japanese and Korean expressions, and the key findings are summarized as follows: First, when used in simple sentences, “okage” can only take the de case. The de case can express both “desirable results” and “undesirable results.” Second, when used in complex sentences, “okage” can also take only the de case, and four distinct patterns are observed. Third, when used in simple sentences, “deokbun” can take either the e case or the euiro case. The e case can express both “desirable” and “undesirable results,” whereas the euiro case expresses only “desirable results.” Fourth, when used in complex sentences, “deokbun” can only take the e case, which appears in four distinct patterns. Summarizing the semantic and functional similarities and differences as above, both “okage” and “deokbun” are used in simple and complex sentences, and both exhibit several patterns that express “desirable” and “undesirable results.” However, they differ in the cases they can take. In particular, the Japanese “okagede” corresponds to two distinct Korean forms: “deokbun-e” and “deokbun-euiro”. In conclusion, while “okagede” uses a single form to cover its semantic and functional range, “deokbun-e” and “deokbun-euiro” divide these meanings between two distinct forms.

In this paper, I examine adverbs used in the form “X wa,” collecting actual examples and analyzing their formal characteristics with particular attention to their semantic functions. From the perspective of the independent use of “X,” the occurrences of “X wa” can be broadly classified into three types: ＜X / X wa＞, ＜X’ ni / X’ wa＞, and ＜X’ wa＞. The grammatical features of each type are then discussed in detail. The findings can be summarized as follows: In the case of ＜X / X wa＞, two major functions can be distinguished: the expression of a viewpoint and the expression of disclosure. The former includes adverbs such as ‘gutaitekini wa’ (“specifically”) and ‘tadashiku wa’ (“correctly”), which originally denote aspects or perspectives but, when used in the form “X wa,” regulate the content of the sentence while simultaneously influencing its mode of expression. The latter is exemplified by ‘hontō wa’ (“in fact”), which derives from adverbs indicating an extreme degree and functions as a declarative adverb revealing the speaker’s true intention. The adverb ‘jitsu wa’ (“actually”) takes the form ＜X’ wa＞ and conveys the meaning of disclosure, but with the distinctive feature of expressing the speaker’s subjective attitude in revealing something unexpected. Meanwhile, adverbs such as ‘arui wa’ (“or”) and ‘moshiku wa’ (“alternatively”), which denote indeterminacy, as well as ‘yō wa’ (“in short”), which denotes summarization, derive their semantic functions directly from the inherent lexical meanings of “X’.”

Reflexive constructions are typically not used in the direct passive voice, which characteristically expresses a change occurring to the direct object of the action (as intended by the agent), distinct from the agent. However, Japanese has seen cases where reflexive constructions are naturally accepted as direct passive forms, albeit with limited usage, and these have attracted considerable attention. Previous analyses of Japanese body-part reflexive passives have largely fallen into two categories: those focusing on the reasons why the individuality of body parts is satisfied (Nitta 1982, Kogusuri 2017), and those focusing on the affectedness of body parts―that is, the effects they undergo due to another’s actions (Hosokawa 1990). The purpose of this paper is to focus on how speakers construe changes occurring to the object of an action and to provide a detailed description of the meaning expressed by body-part reflexive passives. Analysis reveals that body-part reflexive passives primarily express either (i) noteworthy changes in the state or position of body parts (§5.1 and 5.2) or (ii) psychological changes in the recipient of the action accompanying a change in the position of a body part (§5.3). This semantic classification indicates not that these meanings exist independently, but rather that there are various instances where the object of the action is construed independently. From the standpoint of this paper, representing changes in the object of action that are worth describing signifies that attention to the object of action is maximized, and this is also considered to be the fulfillment of the distinctness of the object of action.

While kanji often correspond to similar sounds in both Japanese and Korean, sometimes dissimilar sounds occur due to consonants or various vowels. Therefore, systematic investigation of these correspondences is necessary for Japanese kanji education. Korean and Japanese have different consonants, resulting in differences in how kanji sounds are accepted. When consonants and kanji sounds are similar between Japanese and Korean, the sounds of the two languages ​​are similar. However, when the sounds of the kanji are different from those in Korean and Japanese are different from those in Korean, differences arise in how the sounds of the kanji are accepted in both languages. In other words, a single kanji sound is accepted as a different sound. Of course, since the sounds of kanji in Japanese and Korean reflect the original sounds of the kanji, even if there are slight differences between Japanese and Korean, they will generally be accepted as similar sounds. While the pronunciation is created in the same way, differences exist between the languages ​​due to differences in the number of consonants and vowels in each language and the unique development of pronunciation methods. There are differences in consonants and vowels between Japan and Korea, and different sounds exist; however, consonants are pronounced in the same way even if the position in which they are produced is slightly different, so they generally end up sounding the same or similar. Therefore, it is common for kanji sounds in both Japanese and Korean to appear as the same or similar consonants. However, if a kanji sound does not match a sound in Korean or Japanese, Korean and Japanese may accept that kanji as having different sounds. Furthermore, because phonology changes independently for each language, kanji sounds can change due to phonological changes in the native language, and the sounds of kanji in Japan and Korea can end up sounding differently. In this study, we have compiled a table of the correspondence between consonants and single vowels in Japanese and Korean kanji sounds, and described their characteristics in an attempt to prevent errors in the use of kanji in Japanese language education.

漢字は日韓両言語の間で類似した音で対応することが多いが、子音や多様な母音によって類似しない音で対応することもあり、日本語の漢字教育にはこの対応関係を体系的に究明することが必要である。 韓国語と日本語は子音が一致しないため、漢字音を受け入れるのに違いがある。日韓間の子音が類似し、漢字音も同様の場合は、日韓両漢字音は類似したものになる。しかし、漢字音が韓国語と同じではなく、日本語も韓国語と同じではない場合は、日韓両言語の漢字音の受け入れ方には違いが発生する。つまり、一つの漢字音を異なる音で受け入れるということである。もちろん日韓漢字音は漢字の原音を反映するものであるので、日韓間に若干の違いがあるとしても基本的には同様の音で受け入れることであろう。 発音が作られる方法は同じであるが、各言語の間に違いがあるのは、子音と母音の数が言語ごとに異なったり、発音の仕方が独自に発展するからである。日韓間には子音と母音に違いがあり、異なる音が存在するが、子音は音が作られる位置が少し違っても発音の仕方は同様であるので、大概は同じか類似した音になる。従って、日韓両言語の漢字音は同じかまたは類似した子音として現れるのが一般的である。しかし、漢字音が韓国語や日本語に一致する音がなければ、韓国語と日本語はその漢字を互いに異なった音として受け入れることもあり得る。また、音韻は言語ごとに独自に変化するものであるため、自国語の音韻変化によって漢字音が変化することもあり、日韓両漢字音は違う音になることもある。 本研究では日韓両漢字音の子音と単母音における対応関係を表でまとめた上でその特徴を述べ、日本語の漢字使用に誤謬が発生しないように試みた。

This study aims to recognize the change in consciousness of students studying South Korean culture in Japanese universities, by administering questionnaires at the beginning and end of the school term, and comparing the results of the survey. The survey consists of an image survey regarding South Korea, South Korean people, and theKorean language, and a knowledge survey regarding South Korean culture. The results showed that there was no significant difference between term beginning and end in the image survey, whereas at the term end culture knowledge survey, students considered that they were much more knowledgeable not only about contents learned in class, but also about Korean culture items other than class related subjects. The survey subjects were classified into two groups – students with experience in studying the Korean language, and students with no experience. Survey results showed that difference was seen between the two groups at term beginning, but there was little difference at term end, demonstrating that taking South Korean culture courses served as lessening the differences between the two groups.

This study examined how real-life women featured in “Japanese national ethics textbooks” for the 5 periods from the 1st period(the year of 1904) to the 5th period (1941), and realized their roles, proving the women figures and the educational purposes of Japanese government at that time. Those were 25 women figures included in all, out of the 221 historical figures for the periods in those textbooks, which amounts 30 volumes.(6 volumes per a period) The writer found that the female figures were roughly one tenth of the total numbers, otherwise most of them were males, and that the females included were carefully selected for the purposes She(the writer) Pointed out that they applied those contents concerning the ideal womanhood in the Children textbooks regardless of their poor consideration, instead of the Girls’ ethics text, concluded that it was the educational approach of Japanese government at that time. This thesis might be helpful for the further studies for the figures (characters) presented in the “Japanese national ethics textbooks” at the age.

Isao Takahata(1935–2018) was a the postwar ruins generation who spent his childhood during the war period and survived the chaotic period after the defeat. He survived an air raid in Okayama when he was nine years old, but this experience is projected on Grave of the Fireflies an animated novel of the same name by Akira Nosaka(1930-2015). After the historic turning point of defeat, Japan reconstructed and developed in a wave of change, and Isao Takahata and Akiyuki Nosaka, who survived these times, skillfully fictionalized their own experiences in the world of novels and anime, respectively, and created them as works. It is noteworthy that Isao Takahata’s film was released in 1988, and there is a gap of about 20 years since 1967 when Nosaka’s novel was first published. 1988 marked the end of the Showa period(1926-1989). This study revealed the background of the novel, which was weathered, what was the intention of reviving it as an animation in the 1980s.　It is a work that, while representing the tragedy of war, simultaneously illuminates the contradictions inherent in our current era.

This study explores how Noh, as a performing art, overcame its “era of suffering” and maintained its status as a traditional Japanese art form today, amidst Imperial Japan’s defeat in the Asia-Pacific War and the subsequent dissolution of the empire. To this end, it builds upon my previous work (2024) primarily examined the issue of censorship and Noh during the GHQ occupation period. This paper, however, focuses on the Noh culture magazine 『Yūgen(幽玄)』 published immediately after defeat, alongside contemporaneous magazines such as 『Nōgaku(能楽)』 and 『Nō(能)』, to examine the perceptions and discourse within the Noh community at that time. The aim here is to shed light on a neglected aspect of modern Noh history by revealing the process of shedding the wartime armor of “martial Noh” and donning the brocade of “subtle Noh”—a transformation period following the Meiji Restoration, the Showa Restoration of defeat. Moreover, this issue extends beyond the Noh world alone. It stems from the grand historical inflection point of Imperial Japan’s dissolution, the GHQ occupation, the transplantation of democracy, and the abolition of ultra-nationalism. Consequently, the study also examines the Ministry of Education’s commencement of the “Cultural ㄴState” project and its lowering of the “Culture” banner on September 15, 1945. By transforming “culture” into a metaphor for defeat, Japan’s power structures and state have performed an 80-year script: veiling the perpetrator’s war responsibility while simultaneously reflecting and diffusing the suffering of atomic bombing and repatriation victims, thereby unifying the memory of war under the banner of “peace.” Simultaneously, the ambiguity of the Japanese people immediately after defeat—unable to clearly define its meaning or depth—freed them from the powerful control of militarism and ultranationalism. They found powerful attraction in “culture,” which hinted at hope for the future, stability, and improved living standards, using this as the driving force for revival. John Dower states in Embracing Defeat: “Japan’s emergence as a modern nation was stunning to behold: swifter, more audacious, more successful, and ultimately more crazed, murderous, and self-destructive almost an illusion―ninety-three-year dream become nightmare that began and ended with American warships..” However, the time when Imperial Japan invaded and dominated Asia was certainly no dream. Rather, the 80 years since defeat―during which GHQ transplanted democracy and allowed the Emperor, the sovereign of Imperial Japan, to live without being held accountable for the war―were the dreamlike years. At least, anyone who lived through both wartime and postwar should feel this way. The first 17 articles of the Constitution of the Empire of Japan dealt with the Emperor, declaring, “The Empire of Japan shall be governed by the Emperor of the Imperial Lineage of Japan for all generations.” This established an empire where the Emperor reigned as sovereign. This political transformation, which placed “Japanese culture” front and center in a nation where the people became sovereign under democracy, differs significantly from the transformation that followed the dissolution of the Tokugawa shogunate and the Satsuma Rebellion. That transformation formally adopted a constitutional democracy but in reality became an absolutist state based on the Emperor’s sovereign authority. This distinction is crucial when considering how the Noh world responded and forms a vital part of modern Noh history. Indeed, the Noh community adapted to the postwar era and demonstrated movements to survive by following the roadmap of a “cultural state” presented by the authorities, transforming Noh itself. A consistent thread running through modern Noh history is that maintaining a relationship and distance with the state and power allows the art form to survive in the short term. In the case of Noh, despite being a single performing art, it has endured for over 600 years, transcending successive powers. This relationship and distance thus represent both the limit that performing arts must accept under the modern nation-state system and an effective means of survival.

This study compared news related to ‘education’ and ‘learning’ reported on KBS News 7 and NHK News 7 during the first half of 2025. By doing so, it examined how the public broadcasting systems of South Korea and Japan portray education and learning, and what cultural values and linguistic customs underlie their modes of expression. The analysis revealed that while both broadcasters addressed ‘education’ within the macroscopic framework of institutions, policies, budgets, and politics, there were distinct differences in the way they deployed this framework and the meaning they assigned to ‘learning’. KBS tended to frame education as a ‘sphere of institution, management, and competition’, whereas NHK News showed a strong tendency to construct education as a ‘sphere of life, narrative, and welfare’. This is considered to reflect differences in the cultural value systems of the two countries. In essence, the two public broadcasters convey the same concepts of ‘education’ and ‘learning’ but reveal different underlying social values, linguistic perspectives, and cultural viewpoints. Notably, a key finding was the concrete demonstration that the distinction between ‘Gakushu(学習)’ and ‘Manabi(学び), a concept discussed in the fields of pedagogy and philosophy, consistently functioned at the level of vocabulary use and framing in NHK’s public broadcast news―a mass and everyday media text. In NHK News 7, ‘Gakushu’ was associated with institutionalized curricula and exam preparation, such as national curriculum guidelines or online learning, while ‘Manabi’ was selectively used to depict scenes of individual internal experience and ethical/existential growth, such as experiences of disaster, illness, or lessons concerning peace and environmental issues.

This study looks at how Sata Ineko’s 1953 short story Mune ni Egaku(Painted on the Hear) portrays the life of a Korean man living in postwar Japan. Through the figure of Choi, the narrative shows how the traces of Japan’s colonial rule continued to shape everyday relationships, often placing Koreans in an uneasy and highly visible position within Japanese society. Choi appears as a familiar neighbor, yet he never fully enters the narrator’s world. The way others notice his face, his Japanese, or his clothing quietly marks him as “outside,” and these details reveal the kind of distance that remained between Japanese and Koreans even after the war. Scenes such as his attempt to offer raw pig entrails, or the way he walks without looking around, hint at a person who has spent years managing other people’s gazes―balancing pride, embarrassment, and a habit of holding himself back. His living situation also reflects the instability many Koreans faced at the time. Moving from one temporary lodging to another and losing his position at a Korean school after its forced closure, Choi drifts between jobs and homes. He also avoids returning to his family in Korea. Taken together, these aspects echo Robert E. Park’s description of the “marginal man,” someone who belongs fully to neither society and survives in the space between. Although Sata’s depiction inevitably carries the assumptions of her era, the story also shows her attempt to understand the emotional weight carried by people like Choi. Mune ni Egaku thus illustrates both the persistence of discriminatory ways of seeing and the vulnerable humanity of those forced to live along the borders of postwar East Asian history.

本稿では、佐多稲子｢胸に描く｣を通して、戦後日本社会が在日朝鮮人をどのような視線のもとで捉え、その認識が個人の生をいかに左右したのかを考察した。作品に描かれる｢崔さん｣は、労働者･知識人･文学志向という複層的側面をもちながら、日本社会の内部にも朝鮮にも定着できない境界的主体として位置づけられている。この二重の非定着性は、戦後文学に繰り返し現れる朝鮮人表象とも呼応し、境界に置かれた主体が抱える不安や逡巡を際立たせている。 作品には、植民地期に形成された朝鮮人像の残滓がなお認められ、｢一目してすぐ分かる朝鮮人の顔立ち｣や日本人女性との関係を｢釣り合はない｣とする語りは、戦後にも続いた差別的視線を示している。佐多自身もこうした時代的まなざしから完全に自由であったとは言いがたいが、それでも｢崔さん｣の生活史を丹念に追うことで、植民地･解放･分断という歴史的経験が一個人の生活世界と情動に刻んだ痕跡を可視化している。非定住的生活、職の喪失、朝鮮人学校閉鎖などの具体的経験は、表象を支える社会的背景を照らし出している。 また、｢豚の臓物｣をめぐる場面に見られる文化的差異の露呈や、語り手との微妙な距離感は、近接と隔たりが併存した戦後社会の複雑な相貌を象徴している。日本社会にも朝鮮にも定着できない｢崔さん｣の姿は、ロバート･E･パークの｢境界人(marginal man)｣概念と響き合い、帰属の不確実性から生じる緊張と自己分裂の心理を具体的に示している。孤立感、帰郷への逡巡、不安定な生業の反復は、境界的主体が抱える内的矛盾を端的に物語る。 佐多は｢崔さん｣を単なる被害者や異国的他者としてではなく、矛盾を抱えつつも生を営む主体として描き出そうとする。自尊、諦念、かすかな希望といった情動を丁寧に捉える姿勢は、作品に内在する時代的限界を一定程度補い、在日朝鮮人像の再定位を試みる文学的意志を示している。 以上より、｢胸に描く｣は、植民地経験と戦後責任を横断しながら境界的主体の生の複雑さを浮き彫りにし、戦後日本文学における在日朝鮮人表象の再検討を促す重要なテクストであるといえよう。