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This paper focuses on the narrative trick in a Japanese detective story, and discusses what factors could cause the readers’ misconception about the age of the characters and how these factors are translated into Korean. The results are as follows: One of the factors that causes the difficulty of translation is that the narrative trick is based on the characteristics of Japanese usage of address-terms. In Japanese, sometimes we call a member of the family by the address-term from the point of view of the youngest member of the family. For example, “ojii-san” literally means “my grandfather”, but when the woman who has a grandchild use it, the term could also mean “her husband”. Korean has a similar characteristic, but it is not quite the same as Japanese. Besides, the respect for seniors is regarded as more important in the Korean language than the Japanese language, so it is difficult to keep the equivalence between source text and target text. Secondly, this book gives some hints including unique Japanese culture or custom for readers to reach the truth, as well as the tricks set to deceive them. However, for Korean readers who are not familiar with them, those hints would be meaningless. Cases of this type can be seen in the following items: the usage of teenage slang by the elderly, the elderly's leisure activities, a concrete noun (the name of a real place) and the model number of mobile phones for the elderly. Lastly, this paper points out the difficulty of translating things from Japanese which includes Japanese people’s feeling for them. Japanese people have special feeling for cherry trees. They appreciate not only the blossoms but also the leaves, and differentiate “cherry blossom falls” from “cherry trees in leaf” even if these indicate the same season. In this book, “cherry trees in leaf” implies the elderly’s vital energy. The Korean language does not have the equivalent word for “cherry trees in leaf”; therefore, it fails to tell the theme of this book the author set.

This research focuses on what kind of common and different points of language behavior can be seen in Japanese and Korean in a “scene of a difficult offer to a close-looking opponent”, and analyzes and examines it It was. I conducted a questionnaire survey on Japanese native speakers and native speakers of Korean, using “Discourse Completion Test=DCT”(Yamashita 2001). Japanese native speaker and Korean native speaker are college students. The survey went on in 2012. Analysis of the survey results was done from four perspectives, “number of functional elements used”, “usage rate of communication functions”, “usage rate of functional elements”, “combination of functional elements”. As a result of the analysis, the Japanese and Korean linguistic behaviors in this scene tended to be similar, and despite being a difficult scene, there was a strong tendency to offer with expressions not giving a burden to the partner. However, in Japanese, a certain number of linguistic actions to offer offering while talking to difficulties beforehand while mentioning <condition> was seen. Korean is more likely to offer offers without mentioning difficulty than Japanese, and Japanese tends to offer offers more expressly than expressing their difficulty, such as by stating conditions etc. I found out.

Japanese and Chinese are completely different languages with different grammar. There are words that was borrowed from China to Japan or borrowed from Japan to China. They was seem that their meaning expands, narrows, changes such as meaning shifts as time goes on. So Just writing as same words can not be said to be the same. The Chinese corresponding to the Sino-Japanese is quite the cases that were not change homotype, but were change heteromorphy. Therefore, the correspondence between the two languages needs to be clarified. Especially, on the relation of confrontation of Sino-Japanese and chinese, the case of verb that is ｢verb+verb｣ type has the preceding and following verb is used in the same sense such as ｢gakusyu-suru｣and the two verbs: a preceding and following verbs are used in the other sense such as ｢syoutai-suru｣. So the semantic and grammatical relationship of the components makes the two languages correspond differently. The former corresponds to Chinese of the homotype generally. However, the meaning of a verb is expanded or reduced. It shows the difference between verbs and predicates, and it may also correspond to heterosexual verbs. The latter corresponds to Chinese of the heteromorphy. It is seem the context and the causal relationship generally. If there is no semantic difference between the two verbs, the same type of Chinese correspond to the Sino-Japanese verb in the context. But, if there is semantic difference between the two verbs, the semantic and grammatical role of components is different. So, because the location of each component and the main role of the verb will be different, it gets the heteromorphy.

This article describes various meanings and functions of the Japanese adverb betsuni, and discusses the process of the semantic change of that from the point of subjectification. In summary, the semantic change of betsuni can be illustrated as below. Each stage of semantic change is a case of subjectification. Its acquisition of the function as an interjection represents an increase in subjective meaning. 1. Betsuni used with affirmative predicate means “besides”, “in addition”. This adverbial meaning is related to the lexeme betsu “another” and can be noticed that it derives from the adjective betsuno/betsuna as well. In this case, betsuni is synonymous with Japanese adverb hokani. 2. Betsuni used with negative predicate means “particularly”. As a stance adverb, a speaker uses it to emphasize his or her negation. It can be interchanged with Japanese adverb tokuni. 3. Betsuni is used alone as an interjection in response. In this case, betsuni may also carry expressive value as a mild refusal to the addressee. It expresses a negative emotional involvement by speakers as an interjection.

This Study is on “Shinnwa(Internal speech for oneself)” in Modern Japanese Discourse. “Shinnwa” is a very difficult theme because it’s the internal speech for oneself. But the research on “Shinnwa” in communication is necessary and very important. Because “Shinnwa” is a phenomena that occurs in a dynamic way in our communication. Through the analysis of this study we can classify the types of “Shinnwa”. There are five types of it; the conversational, perceptional, judgemental, thoughts-expressional, unmarked types of “Shinnwa”.

This study compares ‘Futsu-gakko Kokugo Tokuhon’, a Japanese textbook published by the Japanese Government-General of Korea and ‘Jinjo Shogaku Tokuhon’, a national textbook published by the Ministry of Education during the early years of the Japanese occupation, in terms of their nature as language-teaching materials and their mutual influence. In particular, main texts of the two books are compared with a focus on their mutual influence and characteristics of linguistic expressions, without taking into account ideological aspects. The results clearly showed a mutual influence between the two textbooks, considering their order of publication. Although the two textbooks were made for different targets, there seems to be a possibility that they shared the process of revision and overlapped partly. It means that ‘Futsu-gakko Kokugo Tokuhon’ is not an isolated publication, but can be evaluated as one of the achievements that were made during the process of revising and improving teaching materials, and that its value as a textbook can be acknowledged. Additionally, by following changes in linguistic expressions by the time period, we could discuss the development of the Japanese language and its education in greater depth and with a consistent view.

This studies divide into Korean Japanese family child and Japanese multicultural family children when in the Korean Japanese school in Seoul is analyze relation with Korean language acquisition and learner factor cause. The main difference between these two groups was that Japanese family members had fewer friends who could speak Korean and had less time to stay in Korea than multicultural family. As a result, it can be summarized in three aspects as ‘Korean language use effort’, ‘Korea-Japan relationship’, ‘Korean language utilization’. The Korean language acquisition of these children showed a big difference in ‘Korean language utilization’.

本研究はソウル日本人学校に在学中の児童を対象に、日本人家庭児童と韓·日国際結婚家庭児童に分けて、韓国語習得と学習者要因との関係を分析したものである。これら二つのグループの大きな違いは、日本人家庭児童は多文化家庭に比べて、学校以外では韓国語学習経験や韓国語で話せる友達が少なく、滞在期間も短いということであった。また、日本人家庭児童(またはこれらの家族)は韓国という場で生活しているが、韓国語を使わなくても生活ができる日本人コミュニティに所属しているため、日本生活の延長線の上に置かれていた。分析結果、‘使用努力’ ‘韓·日関係’ ‘活用’という三つの面で要約でき、この中でこれら児童の韓国語習得は＇活用＇の面で大きな差を見せていた。

As a result of analyzing the dialogue at the first encounter (10 minutes) between opposite gender native speakers from Korea and Japan, the characteristics owing to the cultural differences between the two countries and the gender differences have been found. In the case of the contents of topic, the Koreans recorded higher levels of conversation time and number of topic suggestions with regard to ‘university, personal details, work, participation in studies, and career’ whereas the Japanese recorded higher levels of conversation time and number of topic suggestions with regard to ‘work, residence, personal details, overseas travel, and university’. When it comes to the suggestion of dialogue topics, Korean men suggested twice more number of topics compared to Korean women whereas Japanese women suggested more topics than Japanese men. As a result of analyzing the method of suggesting topics into ‘the question’ asking the opponent about his or her opinion and ‘self-presentation(self-disclosure)’ which suggests the information about oneself, Koreans and Japanese shared the common point of suggesting topics by asking questions. When it comes to the gender differences, the way of suggesting conversation topics differed in terms of gender in Korea and Japan in the sense that Korean men suggested topics by ‘questions’ whereas Japanese women suggested topics by ‘questions’. When it comes to the specific items of ‘question’, Koreans and Japanese differed since Koreans asked more ‘direct questions’ whereas Japanese asked ‘questions of terminal blur(mid-end type)’ and ‘asking for agreement questions’. There were also the differences between Korea and Japan in terms of the specific items of ‘self-presentation’. Koreans suggested topics by ‘opinions and explaining situations’ whereas Japanese suggested topics by ‘personal details, feelings, and memories’. When the examination was conducted based on gender differences, Korean men had more than twice number of topic suggestions by ‘questions’ and ‘self-presentation’ than Korean women. Onthe contrary, Japanese differed in the sense that Japanese women suggested topics by ‘questions’ and Japanese men suggested topics by ‘self-presentation’.

本研究では、初対面会話(会話開始後10分間)における韓日異性間の母語話者同士の話題内容に関する分析を行った。その結果、文化差や性別による次のような特徴が確認できた。 話題の内容において、韓国人の場合｢大学、身の上、仕事、研究参加、進路｣の順に、日本人は｢仕事、居住地、身の上、海外旅行、大学｣の順に話題の発話量(会話時間)と話題を提示する回数が多かった。話題を提示する主体を男女に分け調査した結果、韓国人の場合、男性が女性に比べ話題を提示する割合が二倍以上高く、日本人の場合、男性より女性が話題を提示する割合が高いことが示された。 さらに、話題提示方法を、相手に意見を尋ねる｢質問｣と、研究対象者本人に関する情報を示す｢自己開示｣に二分し分析を行った結果、韓国人と日本人共に｢質問｣によって頻繁に話題を提示するという共通点がみられた。これを性差でみると、韓国人は男性が、日本人は女性が｢質問｣によって話題を提示する傾向にあることがわかった。 ｢質問｣を細分類した各項目においては、韓国人は日本人に比べ｢直接型｣質問が多く表出され、日本人は韓国人に比べ｢中途終了型｣、｢同意要求型｣の質問が多く表出された。｢自己開示｣の詳細項目では、韓国人は｢意見｣、｢状況説明｣を、日本人は｢個人情報｣、｢感じ(感情)｣、｢記憶｣の話題を多く提示していた。また、性差に着目して調査した結果、韓国人男性は｢質問｣型と｢自己開示｣型による話題提示を女性に比べ二倍以上多く行うことが確認された。一方、日本人は女性が｢質問｣型の話題を多く提示し、男性は｢自己開示｣型の話題を提示する割合が高いことから、韓国人とは異なる話題提示を行う傾向が見受けられた。

In the Korean society, the beginning of the flow of Hwatu can be seen from around late 1890. Hwatu was popular among the some high-ranking officers such as Lee wanyong. Articles like this was decorated in the Korean newspaper of the last period Chosun Dynasty. They are most likely to have come to the hwatu through the Japanese who were stationed in Korea and Hanafuda settled in Korea as a tool of gambling. It can be seen that Hanfuda was used as a substitute for tujeon because it was used in the name of hwatu, not hwachal, which is a Chinese pronunciation. At the time, Korea was banned from all gambling, including tujeon after the Gabo Reform, but hwatu were less restrictive, at this time, the hwatu rapidly spread to the general public. According to a newspaper article at that time, it appears that the influx of hwatu into Korea was dominated by the ruling some high-ranking officers. The report also shows that the harm to the people was very great. Some ruling class represented by the some high-ranking officers captivated by self-interest and did not care for the people. In a defenseless state, the hwatu was deeply seated in the people.

The “Chunhyang-jeon” was first performed in 1938 by Japanese theater company. The play used the play written by Jang, Hyeok-Ju as the performance script. This paper examined the play of Jang, Hyeok-Ju's script “Chunhyang-jeon”. In particular, there are two things that can be mentioned as features of Jang, Hyeok-Ju’s script. First of all, it is a scene that creates and expands scenes that were not in the original text. Secondly, it is a scene in which scenes in the original text are omitted and reduced. In this paper, I analyzed the meaning of such expansion or contraction with his ideological aspect deeply related to the identity of Jang, Hyeok-Ju as Koreans and professional literature.

｢春香伝｣が日本の劇団によって最初に上演されたのは1938年である。この演劇は張赫宙が執筆した戯曲を台本として使われた。本稿は張赫宙の戯曲｢春香伝｣について考察した。 特に、張赫宙の戯曲の特徴としてあげられるのはふたつある。まず、朝鮮の古典にはなかった場面を創作したり、拡大した場面である。次に原典にある場面を省略、縮小した場面である。 本稿ではこのような拡大あるいは縮小の意味を朝鮮人としての張赫宙のアイデンティティーとプロレタリア文学に深い関係した彼の思想的な側面に照らし合わせて分析した。

This paper is aimed of the analysis and its consideration on “Ujishui Monogatari” Vol.11-7 comparing with “Konjaku Monogatarishu” Vol.16-30. “Ujishui Monogatari” is a collection of narratives written around the beginning of the 13th century. “Konjaku Monogatarishu” is a collection of Buddhist stories collected as being established in the second half of the 11th century. As a result, first, “Konjaku Monogatarishu” Vol.16-30 is described as ‘one’s fate(宿世)’, a Buddhist term. However, “Ujishui Monogatari” Vol.11-7 does not describe it. Next, it is focused on the differences between the end-of-speech words added at the end of the narrative. Comparing with the analogous stories of “Konjaku Monogatarishu” Vol.16-30, so that, “Konjaku Monogatarishu” Vol.16-30 has an instructive slogan at the end of the story. On the other hand, “Ujishui Monogatari” Vol.11-7 completely lacks the doctrinal comments. From the accumulation of previous research, the dream at that time was thought to be a means to receive revelation from the outside world. In harmony with the belief of the dream at that time and the attitude of aggressive women, we are working on the development of the story of “Ujishui Monogatari” Vol.11-7. It seemed that the description intention of the editor of “Ujishui Monogatari” Vol.11-7 would be not a story of honoring Buddhist thought, but a story which he wanted to tell of a poor woman who gained the happiness of life getting a long-term wished magic cloth through the revelation in dreams.

The townspeople of Edo are who had at the same time of pride of Edokko(a person born and raised in Edo) and anxiety about disaster. Many Kaicho were held in Edo in order to quell anxiety, and events that were supposed to be unusual are to be carried out on a daily basis. This leads to the pursuit of a new God & Buddha, and the epidemic gods, Hayarigami will become popular one after another. Mimeguri Inari Shirine, located in Mukojima is a Hayarigami that was especially popular in relation to the Mitsui Group. By its popularity, Mimeguri inari was used as a spatial background of Tamenaga Syunsui's novel "Ume no haru" and Deus ex machina, its popularity has doubled. Such a process was due to the economic thought of Edokko who acknowledged the combination of religious acts of worship and business.

In <Izutsu> and <Matsukaze> of Noh that is middle ages drama of Japan, a lady wandering heavens in a dress of her lover during her lifetime appears. In addition, in <Miwa> and <Kazuraki>, two gods as a god in traditional epic appear as goddess. In this study, androgyny motif being unfolded in these works and the topic of the works being exposed through such motif were analyzed as follows. First, Cross-dress motif being shown in <Izutsu> and <Matsukaze> was interpreted as metaphorical tool representing desire of unity with beloved one. In addition, as if shaman wears dress of opposite sex in order to greet god, male attire of this two heroines was interpreted as formal dress in order to marry Narihira that is god of erotism. Meanwhile, it was noted that appearance of god as goddess in <Miwa> and <Katsuraki> is an incident of rising a revolt against traditional sex transformation theory. As its result, Katsuraki god was destined to suffer endless agony with sattva as a female. On the other hand, <Miwa> unfolded light of sattva salvation by being one in body and spirit with Amatera that was the strongest goddess in the middle ages.

能 <井筒>と<松風>には、男の形見を掛けてさまよう女たちが登場する。なお、<三輪>と<葛城>ではかつて男神であったものが女神になって登場する。本稿ではこれらの曲で広げられる両性具有的モチーフの様相を考察し、なおかつその作品のテーマを探ろうと試みた。 まず、<井筒>と<松風>における異性装のモチーフには愛する人との合一への欲望が内在していると言えよう。なお、シャーマンが神を迎え入れる際、異性装という礼服をかけるように、<井筒>と<松風>のシテたちは男装をして神を迎え入れる神妻として現れたことを指摘した。 一方、<三輪>と<葛城>において男神が女神になって登場することは、伝統の變成男子說を拒否し、衆生救済の新しいパラダイムを提示したこととして受け入れられよう。ところが、その結果は二人の女神に異なる運命の道を歩ませることになった。すなわち、葛城の神が仏法の呪縛から離れられず、天の岩戸の闇のなかへみずからを幽閉したのに対して、素盞鳴尊の子孫である大物主尊が伊勢の天照大神と同体になる両性具有のファンタジーを具現した三輪大明神は、天岩戸の扉を開き衆生救済の光明を与えたのである。

This Study is aimed for the analysis on the Japanese christianity and under the affection of it and the descriptions revealing christian ideas in Japanese modern and contemporary literature. Especially, aimed for the analysis on the relation with Dazai Osamu and Bible. Under the pantheism of religion in Japanese climate, most of the youngman Christian pursued the humanism of love and thought of equality than the faith in only God since Meiji epoch. It would be said that beginning the writers who are surrounding Utimura kannzo, most of them, attending the Bible-study of Utimura kannzo, they made an effort on the Bible-study for the answer of “How to live a human being?” Dazai Osamu having read and impressed by reading the Bible study book written by Utimura kannzo “Depending on the volume of the Bible, the history of Japanese literary history can be divided into two without divisions in the past” He loved the Bible so much as he could say, he was familiar with the Bible. Since 󰡔HUMAN LOST󰡕, the teachings of Christ and the words of the Bible did not separate from the backstroke of Dazai Osamu and worked as the central axis of thought

本稿は明治以後の日本の基督敎とその影響の下での日本の近·現代文学のなかの基督敎文學における基督教的描写を考察した論文で、特に太宰治と聖書の關係を分析した論文である。日本の多神的 宗敎風土のもとで明治以後、基督靑年 大部分は 唯一の神という思想の基督敎思想よりは愛と平等思想を基調とした人道主義を追究して、基督敎は時代を率いる一つの革新的な思想に留まっていたのである。. 日本の近現代文學と基督敎の關係は内村鑑三をめぐる作家たちをはじめとし、彼らのほとんどは内村鑑三の聖書硏究會に參加しながら、｢人間は如何に生くべきか｣についての答えを得るために聖書硏究に励んだとも言えよう。 内村鑑三の聖書硏究書を讀んで感動を受けた太宰治は「聖書一巻に依りて日本の文學史は過去になき二分化される現狀ができた｣と言えるほどに聖書を愛讀し、聖書に精通していた。『HUMAN LOST』以後、太宰治の腦裏からキリストの教えと聖書の御言葉が離れなく、思考の中心軸として働いていたのである。太宰治は小說と隨筆の中で聖書の御言葉を100回近く引用したし、自己否定と自虐の自責の中で僞善と利己主義を以て生く人間にたいして抗拒した眞のプロテスタントだったのである。