Earticle

This study the error of the “お+verb conjugation+ます” found in KL’s errors. The sentence pattern of the textbook is “お +verb masu형 +する”. Therefore, the error of “お+verb masu형” can be seen. And it was expected that errors such as “*お待ちます” would occur. Therefore, we analyzed the data of this study to compare Ueno(2024). Unfortunately, this study was unable to provide data that would help to clarify the error of *お待ちます. However, there are also important points that have been revealed through the analysis of this study. First of all, the error I saw in this study was the error of “お+verb conjugation+ます” and the mix of verbs and nouns. Next, I instructed KL to combine the three components to express the meaning of humble language. As I looked at the tendency of errors, KL gradually lost the error. This shows the effectiveness of instruction.

This paper focused on the single verbs and the compound verbs: “oshi-” which can be replace by each other, and compared the meanings of these words according to the types of meanings of the preceding verb “osu.” I clarified there are three major types of meanings of the preceding verb “osu”: (1) apply force that moves the target away from subject of action, (2) hold down (3) give a feeling of pressure or intimidation. As type of (1), I considered “mawasu, oshi-mawasu,” “wataru, oshi-wataru,” “hirogeru, oshi-hirogeru,” “hiromeru, oshi-hiromeru,” “itadaku, oshi-itadaku,” and “agaru, oshi-agaru.” As a result, it became clear that the addition of the preceding verb “osu” adds the meaning of “to apply force that moves the target away from subject of action” or as type of (2), “to hold down.” As type of (2), I considered “korosu, oshi-korosu,” “kakusu, oshi-kakusu,” “koraeru, oshi-koraeru,” and “damaru, oshi-damaru.” As a result, it became clear that the addition of the preceding verb “osu” adds the meaning of “to hold down.” As type of (3), we considered “tsutsumu, oshi-tsutsumu,” “yoseru, oshi-yoseru” and “semaru, oshi-semaru.” As a result, it became clear that the addition of the preceding verb “osu” adds the meaning of “to give a feeling of pressure or intimidation” or as type of (1), “to apply force that moves the target away from subject of action.”

In this paper, I examine the sentence-final particle “mon” and classify it into three main categories. The first category is <explanation>, where “mon” is used to provide reasons or supplementary information regarding a judgment or situation. The second category is <opposition>, where “mon” is used to assert a statement contrary to the listener’s opinion. The third category is <emphasis>, where “mon ne” is used to reinforce the speaker’s statement for greater impact. A common feature among these three categories is that the speaker asserts the legitimacy of their statement. Furthermore, each category differs in terms of the existence or connection of the underlying situation as follows: First, in <explanation>, before the utterance of “…mon,” there exists a situation such as the speaker’s judgment or claim that should be explained. The relationship between the situation and the explanation is not a strict logical one but maintains a hierarchical structure. Next, in <opposition>, a situation precedes the use of “…mon,” but it involves a claim, question, or directive from the listener that opposes the speaker’s opinion or position. “Mon” is used in response to this, and unlike <explanation>, it does not carry an explanatory function. In this case, the preceding situation and “…mon” are connected in opposition. Finally, in <emphasis>, “…mon ne” does not rely on any particular situation, distinguishing it from <explanation> and <opposition>, as “mon ne” can stand independently.

This study systematically examines the fictive use of the Japanese kinship terms onee-san(“older sister”) and onii-san(“older brother”). These kinship terms function as linguistic tools that extend beyond their literal meanings, adjusting the relationship between the speaker and listener and assigning social roles. Based on Suzuki’s(1973) classification, this study categorizes fictive kinship usage into two types: the first type, where the speaker constructs a hypothetical kinship relationship with the listener from their own perspective, and the second type, where the speaker adopts the perspective of the listener or a third party to use kinship terms. Furthermore, this study introduces a new perspective, the transformation of fictive kinship usage, to explore patterns of kinship term usage that cannot be fully explained by existing frameworks. By applying frame theory, this study demonstrates how kinship terms contribute to the adjustment of interpersonal relationships and the formation of social roles. Through this research, it has been shown that the use of kinship terms in Japanese is not merely an expression of blood relations but is deeply connected to social and cultural contexts.

This study analyzed trends based on metalinguistic expressions using actual speech data, and clarified characteristics from conversation examples. As a results,(1)J appeared more than KJ in the number of appearances of metalinguistic expressions. As for each scene, J appeared in the mother tongue scene and KJ appeared in the contact scene a lot. (2)Looking at the number of appearances by function, both J and KJ had the most function of searching for expressions. The next most common subclassification of contextual development is that J is a term that is repeated in both the mother tongue and the contact scene The eyes were the most common, and KJ was the item that interrupted the conversation in the mother tongue scene and started the conversation in the contact scene. (3)In the beginning of the conversation, there was a tendency to ask questions, tell your own stories, and share common stories before the beginning of the conversation, and in the interrupting speech, there were many expressions that blocked the other person’s speech from being in sync or nodding.

This study empirically examines the usage patterns of ‘mitiaida’ in conversations of Japanese high school students and university students. Looking at the frequency of ‘mitiaida’ and ‘yoda’ in conversations of Japanese high school students and university students , it was found that ‘mitiaida’ is overwhelmingly more used than ‘yoda’ as indicated in many existing Japanese language textbooks where ‘mitiaida’ is presented as a colloquial expression of ‘yoda’ . However, compared to conversations of university students, the significantly higher frequency of ‘mitiaida’ in conversations of high school students suggests that high school students use ‘mitiaida’ more often in actual conversations and prefer the informal expression ‘mitiaida’ over the more formal expression ‘yoda’ . On the other hand, it was observed that ‘mitiaida’ is used as a hedging expression in over 50% of both high school and university conversations, which is higher than the combined frequency of the main usages presented in Japanese language textbooks, such as metaphor, exemplification, and supposition. In conversations of university students, the frequency of ‘yoda’ used as a hedging expression is higher than that of high school students. ‘yoda’ used as a hedging expression is primarily used in the middle of sentences, but ‘mitiaida’ is mainly used at the end of sentences for hedging purposes. This indicates that the hedging usage of ‘mitiaida’ in conversations of both high school students and university students is predominantly used in the form of ‘mitiaida’ at the end of sentences. By using a modifier form like ‘mitiaida’ at the end of a sentence, it not only conveys the original meaning of supposition but also implies that the sentence is not complete grammatically, thereby avoiding the definiteness of utterance. It can be interpreted that the desire of young people to avoid making definitive statements is reflected in expression ‘mitiaida’.

This study empirically examines how the linguistic and non-linguistic behaviors of live-streaming hosts shape interactions with viewers and their effects. The analysis identified the following key interactions: (A) Hosts’ framing statements enhance viewers’ anticipation and engagement, fostering a shared live-streaming experience. (B) Detailed information from hosts captures interest, encourages participation, and facilitates opinion-sharing. (C) Emotional expressions and evaluations elicit empathy, promote personal storytelling, and strengthen emotional bonds. (D) Prompts for specific actions deepen solidarity between hosts and viewers while reinforcing viewer-to-viewer connections. (E) Visual and auditory effects evoke reactions, enhancing presence and a sense of unity. (F) Hosts’ feedback on viewer comments increases engagement and reduces psychological distance. These findings confirm that interactions in live-streaming platforms occur in diverse forms and have various effects on both the host and viewers.

The following four works are examined to see how the Kusazoshi of the unusual dog marriage and the Kusazoshi of the popular rat marriage stories generate ideas. They are ②“Sensyuraku　Nezumino Yomeiri”, ③“Chinno Yomeiri”, ⑧“Kotobuki Nezumino Yomeiri” and ⑬“Iroage Nezumino Yomeiri”. For a Gesaku to be enjoyed for a long time, it must be written by idea that keeps up with the times. However, in ③, 1.the obstruction of the marriage procession, 2. the mother-in-law who loves her daughter-in-law, and 3.the movement from the human world to the other world were unique for a “marriage story”. For example, in the case of a marriage talk, an arranged marriage, or a marriage preparation scene, the picture depicts the marriage customs, but the text is written in a way that has nothing to do with the marriage customs. In other words, a unique topic set up to move the world from the human world to the other world develops with illustrations depicting marriage customs. Kiyonaga, who painted ③ of the above Tsusho’s works, also painted ②. Therefore, I considered the interrelationship between ② and ⑧, which is also a mouse marriage story.As a result, I presumed the process by which ⑧ was published under the title of ⑬ as the name of Ikku. The reason why the old work was able to be marketed as a new work in this way is probably because, unlike ③, which exhibits a unique idea, the content was easily accepted by general readers as a universal mouse marriage stories.

This study focuses on the relationship between divine compositions (神詠) and human compositions (人詠) in Shinto poetry (神祇歌) in Japanese imperial anthologies. The research primarily analyzes and compares the structure and characteristics of the Shinto poetry sections in the “Senzai Wakashū” and “Shin Kokin Wakashū”. The study revealed the following points: Divine compositions are poems believed to be composed by deities themselves, mainly in the form of oracles (託宣) or dream revelations (夢告). In contrast, human compositions are Shinto poems written by humans involved in Shinto rituals and ceremonies. The “Senzai Wakashū” contains no divine compositions and focuses on human compositions. However, it includes left-side notes indicating the efficacy of dedicatory poems, demonstrating that waka were tools for prayer to the gods. The “Shin Kokin Wakashū” places 13 divine compositions at the beginning, clearly distinguishing them from human compositions. This arrangement is said to reflect the intentions of Emperor Go-Toba. Waka functioned as a medium connecting gods and humans, deeply intertwined with religious rituals and politics. By being included in imperial anthologies, individual poems became sources for generating tales and narratives.

Yoko Mure’s novel Bread and Soup, and Cat Weather(2012) revolves around the experiences of Akiko, a woman in her early fifties, who starts running a restaurant on her own. Akiko renovates and reopens the restaurant once operated by her late mother, creating her own version of the eatery. An interesting aspect of the novel is the contrast between her mother’s restaurant, which symbolizes the Shōwa era, and Akiko’s restaurant, which operates in the Heisei era. This contrast illustrates how Japan’s rapid economic growth from the 1960s to the 1980s influenced Japanese food culture. However, Akiko’s approach to food is different from the fast-paced world around her. She values slow food, which uses organic and natural ingredients, and prioritizes the health of the human body. Additionally, she strives to avoid using meat in her dishes, a sentiment reinforced by the presence of her cat, Taro, who is also considered family. This emphasis on ethical considerations regarding animals connects to the Buddhist values of non-harm, a theme that resonates throughout the work. Bread and Soup, and Cat Weather encourages reflection on the value of life itself through the act of cooking and eating. The narrative begins with an appreciation for the food consumed by humans and expands to raise awareness about the rights of animals and the existence of plants, ultimately fostering a broader sense of love and respect for all living beings.