Earticle

This paper discusses the recent use of the foreign origin adverb “wan-chan”. The origin of “wan-chan” is assumed to be the English “one chance”. The adverb “wan-chan” roughly　means “unlikely, but possible”. Although “wan-chan” has a similar meaning to “hyotto-shitara”, “hyotto-shite”　 perhaps, etc., it tends to co-occur less frequently with interrogative forms and marked modality forms such as “kamo-shirenai” and shows relatively free behavior compared to these adverbial phrases. In Japanese, it is rare for a foreign origin word (“gairaigo”)to become an adverb, and in particular, it is extremely rare for a foreign word to appear as an adverb of probability.　The reason for this special situation is the lexical situation of presentday Japanese, in which there is no other adverbial of an inherent word that expresses low probability and is within four mora of an easily usable word.

The data involved the interrupting utterances of male and female hosts in Chinese and Japanese talk shows were collected in the study, which intend to clarify the actual use of interrupting utterances acts between the male and female hosts. Specifically, taken male and female hosts from talk shows in above two countries as the subjects of the study, 80 conversational data on conversations with guests were collected for analysis. The results of the analysis demonstrated that male and female hosts frequently used the interjection function of “prompting for new information”, while the proportion of “making a common conversation appealing discourse” was higher in Japan. On the consideration for the characteristics on the location of interrupting utterances, it was found that Chinese hosts used the interrupting utterances in the “question” part. The interrupting utterances were often used by Japanese female hosts at the ”preoccu-pation”, except for at the “supplementation” and “comment”. In the conversation after the interrupting utterances, “the right to speak received by the interrupter” was often observed in the Chinese male hosts while the Japanese hosts is often seen to “continue the conversation of the interrupted person. In particular, Japanese male moderators often interjected in the form of complementing the speaker’s speech to ensure the smooth communication of each other.

This paper compared and analyzed the results of a questionnaire about online lessons, focusing on Japanese class. The results obtained in this study are summarized as follows. First of all, regarding online class in general, students are (1) emphasize three factors largely technical, interacting,Physical aspects. Next (2) Real-time online class are recorded lessons It is possible that it cannot be solved with, but in the case of writing class (J3), Real-time online class. However, there is not much problem in the progress of the lesson, and the efficiency of the lesson is improved to make up for the weaknesses in the class. There is also a point to be gained. In the case of the last conversation class (J1, J2), (3) Recorded class will be launched. It is possible to repeat the practice of pronunciation and listening, but feel uneasy about practicing alone. It was seen that it could be supplemented by online lessons. Therefore, the conversation class will be recorded on the grammar side,and can be conversation practice easier. But on the other hand, feel anxious about pronunciation and practice. In online lessons, the interaction with students and professors depended on the quality of the lessons.

This paper focuses on ‘Principle of Economy’ and phonological variation in Japanese and Korean Internet-based language. And the purpose of this paper is to clarify the occurrence rate of ‘Principle of Economy’, types and user’s intention of phonological variation. Thus we aggregated data to target Twitter realtime trend in Korean and Japan and big Internet bulletin boards is called Casphy and DC-inside gallery in Korean and Japan. As a result, we clarified the occurrence rate of Principle of Economy is 6.4% in Japanese Internet-based language, 39.4% in Korean Internet-based language. And the types of phonological variation are ‘contraction(77.4%)’, ‘elision(16.9%)’, ‘mixed type(3.8%)’, ‘deletion of character(1.9%)’in Japanese Internet-based language, and ‘mixed type(39.2%)’, ‘alternation(23.5%)’, ‘elision(14.8%)’, ‘liaison(9.8%)’, ‘aggregation of characters(3.9%)’ in Korean Internet-based language. And we clarified the user’s intention of phonological changes is mostly ‘convenience(JP: 98.1%, Kor: 84.3%)’. In conclusion, ‘Principle of Economy’ hardly can function in Japanese Internetbased language, comparatively functions in Korean Internet-based language. And Korean Internet-based language has more various types of phonological variation than Japanese Internet-based language.

This study set out to investigate how threatening aggressive utterances could be to the social values of counterparts by analyzing high school students’ displeasure and reactions to aggressive utterances in South Korea and Japan. A conflict of interest in social power relations is manifested in an advantage or disadvantage between conversation participants. In this study, aggressive utterances stemming from a conflict of interest were converted according to the responsibilities of counterparts and divided into those accountable by the listener and those unaccountable by the listener. The objects of aggressive utterances were classified for their social values according to personality, competence, appearance, and affiliation to conduct a contrastive study between South Korea and Japan.

This study attempted a comparative study of two female poets, Kazue Morisaki and Noriko Ibaragi, who were born in the same period and continued to write poetry in post-war Japan. The two poets are not only of the same generation, but also share a number of similarities. Attention was also drawn to the fact that both had experience of contact with Korea. Their common understanding of poetry is that “poetry is dialogue”. However, the characteristics of their poems were very different. Morisaki’s poems avoid direct expression and leave it to the reader’s imagination. Ibaragi’s poems, on the other hand, are written about ‘the right things’ and are depicted in plain language that is easily understood by the reader. Comparing the two poets’ attitudes towards poetry and their works themselves, it can be said that Morisaki is more poet-like, while Ibaragi is a poet who writes prose-like poetry.

This paper is an addendum to the previous manuscript, “A study on the manuscripts of Jippensya-ikkuⅡ who escaped Edo,” which looks over the writing activities of Itoi’s later years after leaving Edo in 1837, and discusses the situation up to the situation where his name is stripped. Itoi published a number of Gesaku works in Edo that signed “Jippensha Ikku” until January 1837, but even during his stay in the countryside after he went missing due to a writing incident, he wrote letters and annotations, Gokan and Ninzyobon manuscripts. He kept having a will to create, and in 1840 and 1841 he wrote a manuscript full of local colors while being a nomadic body. Especially in the Gokan, he wanted to publish with Kunisada and Kuniyoshi as the painters and Sengakudo and Kinrindo as the publishers, but it didn’t come true. The Gokan “Ikkyuzenzisenchyanokuchitori”, drawn by Utagawanaochuna and published by Kinkoudo, containing the story of children’s wisdom, was published in 1842. However, it was no longer possible to return to official writing activities. In this way, Itoi was able to get a glimpse of his later years, which can be traced as “Ikku,” that he lived in his hometown and Owari with assistance. While staying in a rural area away from Edo in this way, from writings including Itoi’s drafts that he wrote down, to those that aimed to be published until 1842 and private ones, despite the bad situation, I was able to confirm that it was known as “Jippensha Ikku”.Then, while the situation of being unable to return to Edo continued, Santai-syunba took over the Ikku’s name in place of Itoi in November 1844 by the Jippensya disciples, who had been waiting for eight years.

Tamenaga shunsui’s ninjobon 『hanameisyo kaichu goyomi』 has been found to have a manuscript and several editions. Therefore, the process of revision and editing from the manuscript to the edition is clarified. Through this, the problems of the writing process were confirmed, and the bad points of shunsui’s novel writing method are mainly pointed out. The fact that he wrote the same main character as Chikamatsu Monzaemon’s joruri 『daikeisi mukasi goyomi』 but did not follow the story of joruri has also been understood as evidence of a change in the direction of the original writing. But ｢osan mohei｣ is the name of the main character of ｢daikeisi mukasi goyomi｣ and also the common name of the popular song kiyomotobusi ｢yukarino goyomiuta｣. In 『hanameisyo kaichu goyomi』 , a variety of ongyokus are inserted, including popular songs such as kiyomotobusi ｢kosan kingoro｣, ｢yuugiri｣, and ｢kurumabiki｣, as well as advertisements for the latest songs, thereby enhancing the mood of the novel. In particular, kiyomotobusi ｢osan mohei｣, which matches the overall mood of the work called a happy ending, is inserted at the beginning and end of the novel, and it has the same effect as the theme song of modern dramas and movies. Therefore, it can be said that the intention of the author is clearly revealed when we understand “osan mohei” used in tsunogaki as the theme song of the work rather than the name of the main character.

This study discusses how Admiral Yi Sun-sin is recognized in modern Japan by examining the articles of Admiral Yi recorded in literature published in Japan after 1945, and what kind of thinking lies behind such recognition. In the post-war Japanese literature, Yi is recorded as an outstanding soldier and personality in various genres such as travelogues, novels, and essays as well as history books and historical treatises. In particular, in modern Japan’s discourse on Yi, the content that ‘Heihachiro Togo respected Yi’ appears frequently, because it is a easy way to explain the greatness of Admiral Yi through a naval hero they are familiar with. The background to the formation of this discourse may be that the biography of Admiral Yi itself was easy to be accepted by the Japanese, but it can be said that the change in Japan’s view of the Imjin War and the Korea-Japan friendship movement had an influence after the war. In this environment, the discourse of Yi Sun-sin in modern Japan was formed.

本研究は、1945年以降、日本で発行された文献に記録されている李舜臣の記事を 調べることで現代日本で李舜臣をどのように認識しているか、そしてそのような認識 の基盤にはどのような考え方が潜在しているかについて論じる。戦後日本の文献の中 で、李舜臣は歴史書･歴史論文だけでなく、紀行文･小説･エッセイなど多様なジャン ルに優れた武将･人格者として記録されている。特に現代日本の李舜臣談論には｢東郷 平八郎が李舜臣を尊敬した｣という内容が頻繁に登場し、これは李舜臣の偉大さを自 分たちの馴染んだ海軍の英雄を通じて簡単に説明しようとしたためと見られる。 このような現代日本の李舜臣談論が形成された背景には、李舜臣の生涯が日本人 に受け入れやすいものであったという点もあるが、現代日本の壬辰倭乱觀が変わった 点と韓･日友好運動が影響を及ぼしたといえる。現代日本で壬辰倭乱は｢侵略戦争｣と 規定され、これにより被侵略国である朝鮮と李舜臣に対するより好意的な見地が生じ た。これに、韓日友好関係を改善するためには韓国人について理解する必要があり、 韓国人が最も尊敬する偉人である李舜臣を知らなければならないという主張も活発に なった。このような環境の中で現代日本の李舜臣談論は形成されてきた。

During Japan’s modern era, there were many disasters such as famine, earthquakes, fires and epidemics. The Edo Shogunate was active in helping the victims of disasters. He built a rescue hut and provided food and money to the poor to support their health and livelihood. However, the shogunate’s relief of the poor was only for ordinary people in Edo who were registered in the family register. People who were discriminated against, such as Eta(穢多), Hinin(非人), and entertainers, were not subject to the shogunate’s system of relief for the poor. It can be thought that Tanzaemon, who ruled the discriminated population, managed them even in the event of a disaster. However, it is considered that the impure people who were in charge of leather processing and armour production and the begging Hinin(非人) had relatively more room to live in the event of a disaster than ordinary people. It seems that the effects of the disaster were small because celebrities were able to live by wandering away from the disaster area using their performances.Kabuki, which was absolutely popular in the Edo period, continued to perform during famine and plague disasters.Even if the Kabuki theater was destroyed by fire or earthquake or collapsed due to financial difficulties, Kabuki actors were able to perform in other theaters.Even in the event of a disaster, the impact on life was small.

日本の近世時代には、飢饉、地震、火災、疫病などの災害が多かった。江戸幕府 は、災害による罹災民の救護に積極的であった。御救小屋を建て貧民に食料や金を給 付し、健康と生活を支援した。しかし幕府による貧民救済は、戸籍に登録された江戸 の平民だけが対象であった。穢多、非人、芸能人のような被差別民は、幕府の貧民救 済システムの対象にならなかった。被差別民を支配していた穢多頭の弾左衛門が災害 時にも彼らを管理していたことが考えられる。ただ皮革加工、武具生産の担当をして いた穢多や物貰いをする非人は、平民と比べて比較的に災害時にも生活の余裕があっ たと考えられる。芸能人も、芸を利用して災害地から離れて流浪しながら生活を営む ことができたので、災害の影響は少なかったと思われる。江戸時代に絶対的な人気を 博していた歌舞伎は、飢饉や疫病の災害の時にも公演を続けていた。歌舞伎劇場が火 災や地震により壊れたり資金難により潰れたりしても、歌舞伎俳優は他の劇場に出演 することができた。災害時にも生活の面では影響が少なかったのである。