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The aim of this paper is to explore the meanings of the Japanese perceptual verb “kiku” focusing on correlations with nouns as complements. A word does not exist alone apart from the sentence, so when we consider the meaning of vocabulary, even though relationships with other factors should be considered, little attention has been given to the point. The fact that certain perception verbs could refer to non-perception meanings has been established in many Cognitive linguistics studies such as Lakoff & Johnson(1980,1999). In Japanese, as opposed to intransitive perception verb “kikoeru”, transitive perception verb “kiku” has been considered to express the meanings of active perception. But, it was found that “kiku” which takes a noun such as ‘sound’ or ‘voice’ as a complement represents a passive and spontaneous meaning. And “kiku” which takes a noun such as ‘music’ as a complement expresses the meaning of APPRECIATION, which takes a noun representing a thought or speech act as a complement, expresses the meaning of COGNITION based on PERCEPTION. As a result of analyzing the examples, the PHYSICAL PERCEPTION, meaning of verb “kiku” is expanded to the meanings of COGNITION, INTERNAL RECEPTIVITY, OBEDIENCE etc.. This results lead to the conclusion that the meaning of words has to do with the type of complements and the syntactic features. And we also arrive at the conclusion that in the case of not only English but also Japanese, the metaphorical mappings take place between two domains of experience: the vocabulary of physical perception as the source domain and the vocabulary of the internal self and sensations as the target domain.

In this study, the sentence-end expressions of the headlines of news articles in Korea and Japan were examined, focusing on the speech level which reflects the attitude toward the reader. The results are summarized as follows. First of all, the ratio of incomplete sentences was overwhelmingly high both in Korea and Japan, and the ratio was high in the order of non-polite form and polite form both in Korea and Japan. Although the overall ratio was low, polite forms was mostly used when citing the remarks of the news articles in common both in Korea and Japan. On the other hand, the ratio of non-polite form used is relatively higher in the headlines of Korean news articles than in that of Japanese news articles. And the ratio of incomplete sentences was higher in the headlines of Japanese news articles than in that of Korean news articles, and it was found that the Japanese preferred incomplete sentences more than the Korean in the daily news as well as in the daily conversation. For the end-form of incomplete sentences, the ratio of noun forms was over whelmingly high both in Korea and Japan, and this tendency was more strong in Korean news articles compared to Korean news articles. On the other hand, in the headlines of Korean news articles, the ratio of the connective particle form was relatively high in the politics and society categories, whereas in the headlines of Japanese news articles, the ratio of the connective particle form was relatively high in entertainment and sports categories. From this, it could be said that there are some differences preferred forms between Korean and Japanese according to the features of the news article category.

This paper examines the use of humble expression II of “Oru” in the public situations, especially in the official speeches at the Budget Review Committee of the National Assembly of Japan, where polite expression is frequently used. When “Oru” is compared with “Iru” in its usage frequency, it shows that they are interdependent. In particular, “Ori·Orazu” is used, however, “I, Izu” is not used at all, not even in the National Assembly. In addition, “Oru” is used as “Orareru” to show respect, and also as “Orimasu” to express politeness. In other situations, “Iru” is more prevalent. The analysis of “Oru” usage as honorifics in the National Assembly shows that 51% of it is used as humble expression II, which is its original usage, and 40% of it as polite expression, and 8% of as “Orareru” in a exclusive way of showing respect. When “Oru” is examined in the context of the position relation (authority and subordinated relation) between the members of the National Assembly, who can exercise authority in reviewing budget, and government officials, who submit the budget plan, it shows that the government officials use it as much as of 72%. In particular, government officials use “Oru” most frequently as a humble way of expressing oneself. On the other hand, the members of the National Assembly use “Oru” frequently in combination with honorific expression, and also as a exclusive way of showing respect.

In this paper, I observed the use of the discourse marker ‘eh’ in the first face-to-face conversation and analyzed what functions it played in the context before and after. The following summarizes the functions of the discourse marker ‘eh’ in each utterance. (1) ‘eh’ in the ‘content confirmation’ utterance performed the function of temporarily stopping the progress of the other party’s talk. In addition, ‘eh’ in the utterance of ‘information request’ performed the function of inducing more detailed information, going back to the utterance in front of the other party. (2) ‘eh’ in the ‘topic proffer’ utterance was used as a signal to change the direction of the story or action from the current story flow. (3) ‘eh’ in the ‘evaluation’ or ‘disagreement’ utterance performed the function to show attitudes and feelings that the new information content deviated from existing knowledge. (4) ‘eh’ in the ‘response to question’ utterance indicates the other person’s question was unexpected and shows the resistance to the question.

This paper focuses on exploring formation and development of Japanese adverbs ‘TAKADAKA’ and ‘TAKAGA’ that can be mainly seen in the Late Middle and Early Modern Japanese. ‘TAKADAKA’ and ‘TAKAGA’ are synonymous on the basis of ‘TAKA(高, high)’ in terms of word structure. As a result, historically, compared to Takaga, adverbization of ‘TAKADAKA’ (initially (before the Middle Ages) was preceded by ‘ni’　and ‘to’, but like modern words ‘TAKAGA’ was used earlier in the example of negative evaluation such as “it is not a big deal (even if we estimate a lot)”. In the scope of this survey, ‘TAKAGA’　can be confirmed from the early modern materials (after the late 17C), and ‘TAKADAKA’ can be confirmed from the late modern materials (after 19C). Both were expressed by the noun ‘TAKA(高, high)’ from the Middle Ages, meaning estimate the total amount and its level. From the point of view of desirability, both have a negative evaluation. Based on present results, it is necessary to examine the case of adverbization that expresses the speaker’s value judgment and evaluation from a chronological perspective.

The purpose of this paper is to clarify the types of expression and functions of intonation using long note ‘-’, ‘∼’, ‘…’ in Japanese internet-based language. Internet-based language has a shortcoming which cannot transfer informations of prosody messages. But many internet-based language users in Japan are using and making the methods of expression of prosody messages, expecially intonation. Thus, we focus on the types of expression and function of intonation using long note ‘-’, ‘∼’, ‘…’ in Japanese internet-based language on a youth bulletin site is called Casphy.com. As a result of investigation, we clarified that the intonation in Japanese internet-based language has five types of expression, ‘short rise(↑)’, ‘long rise(↗)’, ‘rise-fall(⇅)’, ‘flat(→)’, ‘long fall(↘)’. And we clarified the intonation in Japanese in internet-based language has nineteen functions. Expecially three functions ‘affinity’, ‘lingering’, ‘rising of feelings’ are unique functions in Japanese internet- based language.

This paper focuses on the features of the Japanese adjective “tashika-da” and the differences between two types of adverb “tashika-ni”. The adjective “tashika-da” changes its form to “tashika-na” as an adnominal, “tashika-da” as a predicate, and “tashika-ni” and “tashika” as an adverb, according to the function used in the sentence. When acting as an adjective, “takashi-da/na” has the original and lexical meaning which means /sure, certain/. The adverb “tashika-ni”has two types of usage. The one is called adverb of manner and the other is modal adverb. An adverb of manner “tashika-ni” occurs in front of a verb phrase and describes an event of the sentence in more detail, maintaining its lexical meaning of “surely, certainly”. On the other hand, a modal adverb “tashika-ni” is placed in the beginning of the sentence modifying a speaker’s mood, whereas it loses the lexical meaning /surely, certainly/ and the function of agreement works stronger. And also, a modal adverb “tashika-ni”can be used as a one word, expressing speaker’s agreement on a listener’s judgement.

This paper analyzes modern novels tagged with the motif of Ono no Komachi to consider how they reflect the modern age. In the 1920s, the controversy about chastity had been actively discussed in women’s magazines such as Seito. Various opinions were expressed on this subject, and one of the most widely accepted opinions among women was that the idea of chastity is based on love for love’s sake. As part of that discussion, an iconic Japanese woman from an ancient era was re-evaluated. Ono no Komachi, a woman who fell in love with many men while refusing to marry a man, was praised as a woman who retained her chastity all her life.　Ryunosuke Akutagawa’s Futari Komachi, displaying the motif of Ono no Komachi, depicts women’s sexual independence, which was overlooked in the chastity controversy. On the other hand, Kanoko Okamoto’s Komachi no Shakuyaku depicted Komachi as a hero who is oriented toward spiritual romance and reminds us of the intellectuals of the Meiji period who were ruined. Thus, in modern times, Komachi is linked with a new sexual ideology, and serves as a symbol for various discourses around it.

The depictions of the old man in Japanese classical literary art vary from sacred to humorous. The former is a characteristic of the agricultural and economic society that values ​​the experience of the elder, and is a tradition that regards the weak as the incarnation of God. On the other hand, the latter is a result of playing with the behavior of an old man according to the deterioration of physical ability. These images are connected to the literary arts of the Middle Ages, but in Noh, the tendency to portray old age as a symbol of perpetuity began to emerge. Bunraku in modern times is typified by the image of the old man until then, being sacrificed for his son, solving problems, or living greedily. The sacrifice may have been due to the charity of the child. And the respect as a senior citizen of society may have led to the image of an old man who solves a difficult problem. Also, the position of the old man, who was not economically wealthy, seems to have formed a greedy image of the old man.

This paper discusses how students in the information age can improve the media literacy through their classes, the ability to critically understand it and become a wise media consumer in the flood of various information. As a concrete method, the Japanese culture was searched for high interest by students through the Internet, and discussion and presentation were conducted based on this. The discussion topics selected by the students were the World Heritage of Japan, the Tokyo Olympics in Japan, the average life expectancy in Japan, the My Number System, the Dokdo issue, the Korean Wave, and the economic policies and politics of Abe. Presented. Students were asked to discuss the differences in the contents of the articles depending on the subjects of the Internet portal articles. Rather than simply organizing and accepting the searched content, the discussions were based on critical interventions to cultivate insightful views and improve student communication and negotiation skills. As a result, the overall media literacy skills improved, as indicated by the survey conducted two times before and after class. In the first questionnaire, the scores of opportunity areas were high, whereas in the second questionnaire, the scores of the critical competence areas were able to understand the media’s attributes and influence and to accept them critically. The citizenship area showed low scores in both the first and second surveys. In the area of ​​citizenship, the level of participation is low, so that correct education should be carried out in the future so that active participation in social issues can be achieved. Nevertheless, the scores on the question of generosity in the area of ​​citizenship were markedly improved in the second round, and it was judged that it was effective to instruct students to actively express their opinions on their own and other opinions. In conclusion, the results of the instruction to critically accept the differences between Korea and Japan media in class are considered in the survey. Media education based on such critical thinking is essential to living the knowledge-based society of the 21st century and the era of the 4th Industrial Revolution, and is essential for students to go out and become wise media consumers and members of democratic society.

本稿は情報化時代をいきる学生達が多様な情報の中で、これを批判的に理解し賢明なメディア消費者になるためのメディアリテラシーを授業を通してどのように向上させていくかを論じたものである。その具体的な方案としてインターネットを通じて学生達の関心が高い日本文化を検索し、それをベースに討論と発表を進行させた。学生達が選択したトピックは日本世界遺産、東京オリンピック、平均寿命、マイナンバー、獨島、韓流、アベノミクスなどであり、本稿ではそのなかで獨島と韓流に関する討論内容を提示した。ポータルサイトによって同キーワードがどのような違いを見せるのか、そのような違いは何に起因するのかを検討した。検索した記事を単に整理し受容するのではなく、批判的な介入をベースとした討論を通じて通察的な視野を培養し学生間の疏通能力を向上させるよう指導したのである。その結果、授業の前半と後半に実施した二回のアンケート調査から分かるように、全般的なメディアリテラシー能力が向上している。アンケート調査はメディアに対する接近能力を測定した機会領域とメディアに対する批判的理解と活用力などを測定した批判的能力領域、寬容性･參與性･公共性を測定した市民性の領域で構成されている。一次アンケート調査では機会領域の点が高かったのに対し、二次アンケート調査ではメディアの影響を正しく理解し批判的な視野で受容する批判的能力領域が高い点をみせた。市民性の領域は1,2次すべての調査で点数が低かった。これから社会的な論点に対し積極的な姿勢で取り組むよう指導していく必要がある。それでも市民性領域の中で他人に対する寛容性を示す点数が大きく向上した。これは他人の意見にも耳を傾け、自分の意見を明確に伝えるよう指導した結果だと判断される。このような批判的思考を根幹とするメディア教育は学生達が21世紀の4次産業革命時代を生き抜くためには必ず必要な能力であり、社会に出る前に教育を通じて備えさせる必要がある。

In Japan, there is a continuos increase in the specific gravity of subcultures including the internet as well as the media, as the ground for formation of the discourse to deny the existence of Japanese Military Sexual Slavery. Especially, the emergence of subcultures regarding Japanese Military Sexual Slavery was triggered after Yoshinori Kobayashi started to draw a cartoon about the Japanese Military Sexual Slavery issue in the 1990s. Kobayashi is a Japanese famous cartoonist and a social practitioner that works for the ‘circle for making new historical textbooks’. Therefore, for Kobayashi, as a social practitioner and a cartoonist, cartoon was the ground for a knowledge discourse produced by an intellectual. Also, New Gomanism Declaration triggered the formation of ‘reader participatory discourses’. During the period of transition from this participatory culture to the ‘convergence culture’ to create discourses mutually via diverse media platforms in the 1990s, Kobayashi’s discourse on Japanese Military Sexual Slavery became a best seller and so far, this has been extensively established, as a knowledge discourse. Then why has the Japanese Military Sexual Slavery discourse formed in the 1990s been continued so far? For Kobayashi, Japanese Military Sexual Slavery from colonized countries have to be voluntary prostitutes not to make the Japanese army in the Pacific War rapists. When Japanese Military Sexual Slavery are prostitutes, the Japanese army’s sexual violence, rape and forced mobilization are not validated. He considers that in so doing, Japan can regain its honor. It is significant that the distorted patriotism and the arguments stressing epic poetry for boosting pride of Japanese people in Kobayashi’s works have been sharing the same tone of arguments with right-wing literature which emerged along with the conservative swing of Japanese political circles in the 2000s.

日本では、日本軍性奴隷の存在を否定する言説形成の場としてメディアだけでなく、インターネットなどのサブカルチャーの割合が増え続けている。特に、日本軍性奴隷に関連するサブカルチャーの発端を、小林よしのりが日本軍性奴隷問題を漫画で描き始めた1990年代以降だと分析することができる。小林は、日本の有名な漫画家であり、｢新しい歴史教科書を作る会｣で活動するなど、社会的な実践家でもある。したがって、社会的な実践家であり、漫画家である小林が利用した｢漫画｣という媒体は、一人の知識人が提供する知識談話の場として活用されたものである。また、󰡔新･ゴーマニズム宣言󰡕は、｢読者参加型の談話形成｣の出発点となった作品である。これらの談話が、参加型の文化から複数のメディアプラットフォームを経て、相互的に生成される｢コンバージェンス文化｣への過渡期が1990年代にかけて行われ、ベストセラーとなった小林の日本軍性奴隷の談話は、一つの知識談話として、現在まで広範囲に固着されてきたものである。それでは、1990年代に形成された日本軍性奴隷言説が、現在までも続いているその理由はなぜだろう。小林にとっては、太平洋戦争に参加していた日本軍を強姦に作らないため、被植民地出身の日本軍性奴隷が、自発的な売春女性にされるべきものである。日本軍性奴隷が売春女性になってこそ、日本軍の性暴力と強姦、そして強制連行が成立しないからである。そうなれば、日本国の名誉も回復可能だと強く考えているのだ。このように、小林の作品の中で見られる歪曲された愛国精神と日本人の誇り鼓吹のために日本の偉大さを強調する主張が、2000年代、日本政治の右傾現象と共に登場した右傾文学作品と、その流れを一緒にして来たのが特徴である。

This study aims to analyze how the psychology of characters and their changes are described through ‘food’ in the dramas ‘Winter Sunflower’ and ‘Asian Sweets’ by the playwright Chong Wishing. For example, in ‘Winter Sunflower’, the main story is based on the host family of Galmegi-jang, and the conflict between the mother and son, and their lovers. The suppressed feelings of the characters in the play are expressed all the time as only beer and cola appear on the empty table at the end of the year. In the scene where they seek reconciliation, everyone sits around eating osechi, a holiday food. ‘Asian Sweets’, on the other hand, depicts a family’s long-term hustle and bustle as a cold food taken from the refrigerator or a dessert that has been sown in a convenience store. The scene of alleviating their conflict is not a conversation or another event, but a warm hot pot. As such, these two works suggest a new feature of Chong’s play in that he actively uses the image of food in showing relationships between characters whose dialogues in drama are not explained enough.

本論文は、劇作家の鄭義信の戯曲｢冬のひまわり｣と｢アジアンスイーツ｣において、人物の心理とその変化が｢食べ物｣を通してどのように描写されているかを分析することを目標としている。例えば、｢冬のひまわり｣では、海辺を舞台に、民宿を運営している息子と彼の母、そして彼らの恋人の間で起こる葛藤を中心に物語が展開する。劇中の人物たちの抑圧されている感情は、年末年始なのに何も置かれていない食卓として表象されている。ビールとコーラしか登場しない風景が描かれ、最後に彼らが和解しようとする場面でやっとみんなが食卓に集まってお節料理を食べる。一方、｢アジアンスイーツ｣では、久しぶりに出会う家族の様子が、冷蔵庫から取ってきた冷たい食べ物やコンビニで買ってきたデザートを通して描写されている。彼らの葛藤を和らげる道具として使われるのは、セリフや事件などではなく、鍋料理が重要な役割を果たす。このように二つの作品は、戯曲の中のセリフだけで説明できない人物の間の関係を、代わりに｢食べ物｣が語っている共通の特徴を持っている。つまり、ほかの作品では小道具で過ぎない食べ物が、この二つの作品では、最も大事なテーマを語る機能をしている。これは鄭義信の劇作術として、彼の作品を解釈する新しい観点を提示してくれると言える。

In this study, it was argued that the reason for acceptance of the works of Murakami Haruki by global readers was because his novels had been consumed as global cultural contents, and to substantiate this, the commonalities between the characteristics of subculture at each era and his novels before the year 2000 were elucidated. Of course, this study does not assert that Murakami Haruki has become a world-class novelist only with such subcultural elements, ignoring the subjects and quality of his novels. He has covered diverse subjects since his early works. Particularly, since 1995, Murakami has opened his eyes to social problems, even discussing the responsibility of Japan for the history of war, and he has been fulfilling his responsibility as a global novelist. It cannot be denied that these diverse elements have been a crucial prop for the universality of Murakami’s literature. However, behind his universality, Murakami himself notably perceived subculture, the culture of young generations, and it appears that he could attract young readers successfully by adopting this in his work. Even as he is becoming older, he still writes novels with young protagonists. This is possible due to his efforts and challenging spirit not to lose the sense of young generations. Such maintenance of the fresh sense must be the origin of vital energy of his work that enables his creative activities to continue for over 40 years constantly without stagnation.

本稿は村上春樹の作品が全世界の読者に受容される理由として、氏の作品がグローカル文化コンテンツとして消費されていると把握し、これに対する論証方法として、2000年以前の作品を対象として、各時代別のサブカルチャーの特徴と春樹作品の共通点について調べてみた。 例えば、春樹が10代の時、流行っていた漫画は、氏の初期3部作に登場する様々なイラストに影響を及ぼしたと思う。具体的には󰡔風の歌を聴け󰡕のTシャツや、󰡔羊をめぐる冒険󰡕の羊男のイラストなどがそれである。1990年から2000年まではサブカルチャーの全盛期であり、春樹も󰡔ねじまき鳥クロニクル󰡕において、映画のような視覚的イメージと、ゲームのような仮想世界を導入し、読者の興味を呼び起こした。 勿論、本稿は春樹作品の主題や作品性を無視して、もっぱらこのようなサブカルチャー的な要素だけで、氏が世界的作家になったというのではない。氏は初期から多様な主題をテーマにしており、特に1995年からは社会問題までも視野に入れ、ひいては日本の戦争責任を問うなど、世界的作家としての責務を果しているし、このような色々な要素が春樹文学の世界性を支えているのは確かなことである。 それに加えて、春樹がサブカルチャーを相当意識し、これを作品に積極的に取り入れることによって、若い読者を引き込むに成功したのではないかと思う。年をとっても若い主人公を登場させられるのは、そのような若い感覚を忘れまいとする作家の努力があったからこそできたと思う。このような感覚の維持こそ40年にわたる氏の創作活動が、滞りなく、繋げられる生命力の根源であるといえるだろう。