Earticle

이 글은 조선후기 서울과 근기지방을 중심으로 하는 사상사와 문화적 지형을전통성과 창조성의 균형점으로서 한양과 근기지방의 문화지리학적 의미를 화서학파와 북학파의 활동과 사상적 지향을 중심으로 해명하였다. 특히 전통성을 강조하는 화서학파와 창조성을 강조하는 북학파가 지향한 사상적 태도가 ‘한양’이라는 문화공간에서 어떻게 형성되고 작동하였는가에 대한 상관적 특성을 고찰하는 데 중점을 두었다. 북학파는 인간과 동식물이 동등한 가치를 가지고 리와 영명함, 인(仁)을 내재해 가지고 있다는 사고와 사물[物]을 객관적인 대상으로 인식하고 이를 이용대상물로 삼는 새로운 물론에까지 나아감으로써 새로운 문물을받아들이는 창의적 사고로 나아갈 수 있었다. 북학파 사상의 특색은 그 연원으로서 낙론(洛論) 또는 낙학(洛學) 속에 이미 실용적 경세학적 요소가 농후하게 내포되어 있었다는 점에서 이론이 환경에 우선하는 환경가능론(또는 문화결정론)적의미를 가지고 있다. 북학파에 있어서 ‘한양’이라는 문화지리적 공간은 자신들의경험주의적 세계관에 기초하여 외부세계의 새로운 사상을 수용하면서 외부 문물에 대하여 적극적으로 대응하는 창조성이 발현되는 공간이었다고 할 수 있다. 반면 화서학파는 도덕적 가치가 물질적 가치보다 비교 우위에 두는 철학체계를 견지하고 있기 때문에 서양의 수단적이고 도구적인 문물이 백성들의 기욕(嗜慾)을자극하는 폐해를 가지는 것이라고 극력 비판하였다. 여기에서 이미 그들의 철학체계 속에 서양 문질문명을 배격할 수 있는 비판적 이론적 구조가 내포되어 있다. 화서학파에 있어서 ‘한양’의 문화지리적 의미는 자신들의 도덕적 이상론을 실현하기 위하여 유기적으로 소통해야 하는 정치권력의 정점이 소재하는 문화지리적 상징 공간이 된다. 북학파와 화서학파를 종합하는 관점에서 문화 지리적 공간이자 실용적 경제 지리적 공간으로서 ‘한양’은 동도서기론적 입장에서 전통적 도덕과 인륜적 세계를 유지시키고자 하는 보수적 아성으로서 전통성의 고수와 함께 새로운 사상의 수용을 통한 변화와 개혁, 발전이라는 창조성을 실현하는 중층적 공간이다. 또한 한양은 위의 두 가지 대립적 가치 사이의 균형을 유지하는 데그 문화지리적 공간으로서 상징적 의미가 있다. ‘한양’이 이러한 양면적 대립 요소의 균형을 유지하고자 한 것은 이러한 균형의 유지가 국가 전체의 정치적 권력의 중심지이자, 경제적 문화적 권력의 근원으로 ‘한양’의 정체성의 본질이기 때문이다.

This essay clarified the history of thought and cultural topography of Seoul and Geungi Province in late Joseon dynasty through the cultural and geographical meaning of Hanyang and Geungi Province as the equilibrium point of traditionality and creativity- with the action and ideological foundation of the Bukhak-school and the Hwaseo-school as the center. Especially this study investigated how the ideological foundation of traditional Hwaseo-school and creative Bukhak-school was built and operated in the cultural space of Hanyang. Hongdaeyong and Pakjiwon breaked from the idealogical orthodox theory founded on Lichi theory of neo-Confucianism and suggested the relativistic and empirical Lichi theory. They made this idea the foundation on which one could accepted the physical world and science pushfully and positively. Hongdaeyong deduced the thought of Inmulgyun(人 物均) of man and matter are equal from the thought of ‘equivalence of value between man and animals and plants’, the idea that they have involved principle[理], intelligence and benevolence[仁] equally. The Hwaseo-school such as Leehangro and Yujunggyo understood the thought of ‘Li and chi are distinctly separate things[理氣決是二物]’ of the Zhouhsi(朱熹) in the axiological point of view. Moreover they raised the moral values and contempted object of the material desire by constituting the system of theory of the value-hierarchical and vertical LichiSimseong[理氣心性論] of authentic Neo-Confucianism. According to this philosophy which postpone material value and private interests to moral value and public welfare, they opposed stubbornly that the Western material and instrumental culture stimulates people appetite. As seen as Hanyang at the center, while Bukhak-school forwards in the creative direction by accepting the products of civilization of the Ching and the West, The Hwaseoschool forwards in the direction protecting traditionality through emphasis of moral substance and conventional morality founding on distinction of Li from chi. To sum up the Bukhak-school and the Hwaseo-school, Hanyang has the meaning that moral and cultural geographical space and practical and economic one have been overlapped. On the one hand with perspective of ‘Eastern ways and Western frames theory[東道西器論]’, Hanyang sticks to traditionality as conservative stronghold in which traditional moral values are protected, on the other hand it tried to realize creativity of change, reformation and development through acceptance of new thought. Summing up, it is maintenance of balance between two conflictual values that Hanyang has the symbolic meaning as moral and culture-geographical space.

세시풍속은 ‘역법에 정해진 바의 절일에 습관적으로 행하는 일정한 행위들’이다. 좀 더 넓은 의미로 ‘세시에 행하는 일정한 행위를 포함한 옛부터 그 사회에전해내려 오는 생활 전반에 걸친 습관’이라고 정의할 수 있다. 이러한 세시풍속을 담은 책은 18세기 후반에서 19세기 전반에 이르러서야 나올 수 있었다. 이 시기 대표적인 세시풍속서는 유득공의 『경도잡지』, 김매순의『열양세시기』, 홍석모의 『동국세시기』이다. 그중 수도(Capital)의 뜻이 담겨 있는『경도잡지』와 『열양세시기』를 주요 텍스트로 삼았다. 『경도잡지』 「풍속」편을 보면, 당시 풍속은 예부터 내려오는 것도 있지만 대체로당대의 풍속[시풍(時風)]을 보여주고 있다. 그리고 일반 백성이나 여항인들의 풍속을 담고 있기도 하지만 전반적으로 18세기 후반 사대부가 문화의 다양한 면모에 초점이 두어져 있다. 저자인 유득공이 서얼 신분이지만 관직에 진출하고, 당대 최고의 학자들과 교유한 자신의 신분적 정체성에서 비롯되었다고 볼 수 있다. 『경도잡지』 「세시」편과 『열양세시기』를 보면, 두 기록은 한양인의 세시 행사를다루었기에 월별마다 행하는 절기가 전반적으로 큰 차이가 없다. 두 책에 실린절기가 모두 1월에 편중되어 있다는 점, 중국과 한국의 여러 문헌들을 널리 인용하고 있다는 점, 예전부터 내려오는 세시는 물론 당대의 세시 행사를 보여주고있다는 점, 편명과 서명을 통해 ‘세시’를 위주로 다루었다고 볼 수 있으나 그 안에는 ‘풍속’과 관련한 내용도 수록되어 있다는 점, 저자의 신분 이상에 있는 사람들의 세시에 관심이 두어져 있다는 점 등을 공통점으로 들 수 있다. 18세기부터 한양은 정치·경제·사회·문화적으로 집중화 현상을 보였다. 그에 따라 양반 사족을 비롯하여 서얼, 중인, 상인 등 다양한 계층의 사람들이 어울리면서 여러 층위의 사람들에 의해 한양의 모습이 매우 다층적으로 그려질 수 있었다. 그럼에도 세시풍속서에는 그러한 다양성이라는 면에서 자유롭지 못한 한계가 있었다. 두 텍스트의 저자가 한양에 거주하는 사대부 남성(유득공과 김매순) 의 눈에 비친, 그의 시선을 통해 한양인의 세시풍속을 바라보고 있기 때문이다.

“Seasonal customs (‘Seshi pungsok, 歲時風俗’)” refer to specific actions customarily observed on predesignated days(“Jeolil,” 節日) as determined by the calendrical system of the time. It can also be defined as a larger set of time-honored traditional practices of a society, including the aforementioned seasonal customary practices. Manuals that documented such Seasonal customs were only published in the 18th century’s second half and the early half of the 19th. The most notable ones and representative manuals of this sort - would be Yu Deuk-gong(柳得恭)’s Gyeongdo Jabji(京都雜誌), Kim Mae-sun(金邁淳)’s Yeolyang Seshigi(洌陽歲時記) and Hong Seok-mo(洪錫謨)’s Dongguk Seshigi(東國歲時記). Examined in this article are the first two, as these two have the term “Capital” in their respective titles. Some of the “Customs(‘Pungsok, 風俗’)” described in these manuals were old, but most of them were contemporary, and reflected “customs of the time(‘Shipung, 時風’).” And while they also included practices of commoners or ordinary people(“Yeohang’in, 閭巷 人”), most of the customs selected in them were the ones observed by the “Sadaebu” Scholar/ Officials as well as their houses in the late 18th century. “Seasonal Customs” inserted in these manuals were essentially customs that were observed by the residents of the Han’yang Capital city. So, individual manuals never differed from one another that much in terms of their contents. And the customs selected by them lets us know what was the social status of the compiler, and what kind of customs were perceived as most important, not only by the compiler but also by other people with social positions same and above. Since the 18th century, the Han’yang capital began to show a variety of concentrations in terms of politics, economy, society and culture. As a result, the Yangban Sajok figures had to interact with Seo’eol(庶孼) figures, Middle figures[中人] and merchants with various social statuses. Such increased interactions only contributed to the ever increasing diversity of the Han’yang capital society, and how it was generally portrayed in books and pictures. The Seasonal customs manuals, however, lacked such quality, as the compilers of both texts were only viewing the seasonal customs of the Han’yang residents from a perspective of a male Sadaebu figure, living in the capital city.

Seoul has been the heart of Korea’s culture center of the country from Choseon Dynasty. Especially, during the pre-modern era, the aspect of Seoul as a culture circulating space remarkably increased. The cultural community in the pre-modern era showed totally different aspects in comparison with previous cultural situations. It was the area of Gwangtonggyo that most represented such a changing aspect. The major reason why the area of Gwangtonggyo played a central role in consuming and supporting culture was that most culture patrons resided in the area in the pre-modern era. Moreover, the aspects of commercial city in the area of Gwangtonggyo contributed to establishing a cultural tendency during the pre-modern era. The area of Gwangtonggyo in the pre-modern era was the center of producing, consuming and circulating culture. A space for circulating painting and calligraphy as a modern meaning based on Ji-Jun located around Gwangtonggyo was established and publishing and circulating books began increasing. Such an aspect in the area of Gwangtonggyo gradually expanded to the whole area of Jongro. 서울학연구 LI I I (2013. 11) 93Around Gwangtonggyo, various modern culture was produced and went on sale and a vital interaction among cultural personages, art sponsorship activities, and energetic art and literature activities of dominant figures of the time appeared. Therefore, the area of Gwangtonggyo in the pre-modern era is considered to build a status as ‘a space for circulating painting and calligraphy.’This study attempted to examine the track of a culture circulating space in Seoul during the pre-modern era, exclusively limiting to the area of Gwangtonggyo. The purpose of this study includes exploring the aspects of a culture circulating space and making an effort to reinterpret the history of Seoul as a center of culture.

Although it was impossible, Japanese colonialists tried to establish westernized medicalsystem in colonial Korea. There were no substitutions for medical labor force, and Koeransare not accustomed to it. Japanese colonialists cheapened Korean tradiotional doctor, butthey had to educate some of them about preventing cholera. They even made a suggestionto them to build Pibyongwon, which is Korean style isolation hospital. Strictly speaking,encouraging and inducing to discuss about korean friendly agenda in korean society is atrick to shift burdens of health care onto themselves, justified using public interest. But Koreantradiotional doctors and entrepreneurs responded actively on this proposal. Becauseprevention and treatment of cholera were a critical issue to Korean society. There were some logical arguments required to Park, Younghyo to speak out about Pibyongwoncampaign toward Korean society in Seoul, although it was induced. In the processof motion the first man on the initiator list was Kim, Yunsik. Park tried to use symbolicfeatures of Kim, who was a representative of Confucian scholars. Kim treated people whomake a huge effort to solve local problems by themselves as iconic figure. From the perspectiveof autonomist Park, ‘traditional literati’s way of solving problems by leading in autonomic area’ is the strongest logical argument to support his stance as the one of the leadersof Pibyongwon campaign. Although critical mind about leader’s autonomic role had beensucceeded to literati of late Chosun period, those Chosun style inertia was spoiled by Kimand spoiled inertia was reused by Park. The inertia and the condition of reinterpreting can be identified in the discussion aboutthe location. The designation to construct public hospital in the center of the city wascompletely different from perspectives in Chosun period, which was to build an isolationhospital in the outside of the city wall. Koreans’ disharmony to the public hospital was becauseof not only hygiene police system and western medical system, but also the locationof it which invaded Korean citizens’ life-world. As the campaign went into orbit, the locationof it became an issue again. Leaders of the campaign tried to find some suitable placesbased on the traditional perspective, they encounter opposition every time. Oppositionswere severe from outer city wall. As demands about improving residential environment increaseddramatically in Korean society, old locational inertia disappeared from the sights ofurban citizens.

1889년에 창건된 서울 종로 창신동 안양암의 연혁은 급변하는 근대기 불교계의 변화와 행보를 같이 한다. 도성에서 승려들의 신앙 활동이 금지되었던 19세기말, 서울에서 불교에 의탁하여 사회적 정체성을 찾고자 하였던 武任집단들의 儒 佛道 삼교융합적 불교사상이 안양암 창건의 사상적 배경이 되고 있었다. 안양암 치성광여래와 칠원성군 조상들은 도교 성수신앙과 강한 친연성을 나타내었던 근대기 서울의 치성광여래 신앙의 다양한 특징을 가지고 있다. 안양암 금륜전의 칠원성군 소상들은 서울의 사찰에서 칠성의례가 도교 성수초례로 이해되고 있는 신앙의 지역적 특징을 반영하는 유물이다. 사료를 통해서만 검증되었던성신조상을 실증하는 작품이라는 사실과 더불어 소격서에서 성신을 조상으로 만들어 모셨던 전통을 확인할 수 있다는 점에서 안양암 칠원성군소상들의 가치는크다. 관우가 모셔져 있는 동묘와 지척의 거리에 위치한 안양암 금륜전에 소장된 20 세기 초반 치성광여래 강림도 2점은 신앙의 변화에 따라 도상이 만들어지는 신앙과 도상의 유기적 관계를 보여준다. 이 그림을 그린 고산 축연은 설법회도라는시대적 양식을 벗어나 근대기 민중적 호응을 얻었던 관성신앙을 적극적으로 수용하여 강림도 형식으로 그림을 그렸다. 근대기 서울지역에서 삼교융합적 사상을배경으로 창건되어진 사찰에 녹아든 관성교의 흔적을 실증적인 예로 보이고 있다는 사실에서 안양암 치성광여래 강림도의 가치는 높게 평가될 수 있을 것이다

Tejaprabha Buddha, Constellational Faith of Buddhist came to actively reflect the taste of the general people along with the stream of time since its transmission to the Korean Peninsula from China. In Korea, the identity of Tejaprabha Buddha faith as Constellational Faith of Buddhist, as it was mixed with Constellational Faith of Taoism along with Bhaisajyaraja and the multiple divine guardians of the Dharma faith(神衆信仰) along with the stream of time, accordingly, it is consistently perceived by the general people so far as Big Dipper faith, misunderstood as a belief to wish fortune revealed among people. Since Buddhist art, as a religious art, differs the iconology along with the change of faith, Tejaprabha Buddha iconology also showed a process of several changes in appearance along with change of faith. History of Changshin-dong Anyang-am of Jongno, Seoul, built in 1889, shows a similar stream to rapidly changing modern Buddhism. During the late 19th century, when Buddhist monks’ religious activity was prohibited in the capital city, the Buddhist idea with strong characteristic of Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism(儒佛道) three religions’ fusion(三敎融合的) of military (naval) officer groups(武任), who searched for their social role in Seoul relying on Buddhism became the background of foundation of Anyangam. The iconologies of Tejaprabha Buddha and the Big Dipper displayed in Anyang-am Geumryunjeon, are significnat in respect of showing various characteristics of Tejaprabha Buddha of modern period Seoul, which displayed intensive affinity with Taoist Constellational Faith, compared to the province. Enshrinement of Bhaisajyaraja in Chilseongjeon along with Bhaisajyaraja while building a small Buddhist temple indicates transmission of the characteristic of Tejaprabha Buddha faith, identified with early Joseon Yaksayeorae, to the modern period. Also, putting Chilseongwongun made of clay(塑像) in temple building shows the tradition of picture each part of the Big Dipper(七星各部圖), which rapidly emerged as the characteristic of Sinjung of mid Joseon. Also, 2 pieces of The Descent of Tejaprabha Buddha, which show the aspect of Gwanu faith(關聖信仰), gained popularity of the publid during the modern times, are enshrined in Anyang-am Geumryunjeon along with Tejaprabha Buddha and Chilwonseonggun(七元星君). Accordingly, iconology of Tejaprabha Buddha of Anyang-am is significant in respect of showing the change process of Tejaprabha Buddha faith of Joseon with art work. Gosandang Chugyeon, who painted Anyang-am Tejaprabha Buddha painting, bravely painted works reflecting the social atmosphere of modern times, without following the mode of the period when the painting style was handed down. He created differentiated Tejaprabha Buddha painting, reflected with the existing Tejaprabha Buddha iconology of Seoul area and Gwanu faith, which gained popularity by the people, through the Descent of Tejaprabha Buddha of Anyang-am, located nearby Dongmyo(東廟), where Gwanu is enshrined. The researcher considers that the value of the Descent of Tejaprabha Buddha can be highly estimated, in respect that it shows the trace of Gwanseong-gyo(關聖敎), melted into the temple, founded based on the idea of three religions’ fusion in Seoul as an empirical case.

조선시대 장악기관은 봉상시, 아악서, 악학, 관습도감, 전악서 이 다섯 개의 기관으로 출발했고, 통폐합을 거듭하며 대한제국기와 일제강점기까지 유지되었다. 조선시대가 끝났어도 조선왕실은 일제강점기까지 유지되었고, 장악기관도 유지되었기 때문에 장악기관 청사 연구의 범위를 조선 건국이후부터 일제강점기까지로 정하여 살펴보았다. 이 연구는 장악기관 청사의 위치, 변천, 특징 등을 살펴 장악기관의 성격을 더욱 분명히 밝히고, 그 음악 문화사적 가치를 공고히 하는데 목적이 있다. 장악기관 청사는 필요에 따라 혹은 전란 등의 요인에 따라 변천을 거듭했다. 조선 건국후부터 조선왕실이 끝난 일제강점기까지의 장악기관 청사는 서부 여경방의 봉상시 청사, 중부 경행방의 관습도감 청사, 서부 여경방 장악원 청사, 남부 명례방 장악원 청사, 당주동 봉상소 이왕직아악대 청사, 운니동 이왕직아악부 청사의 여섯 개다. 장악기관 청사가 여러 개인 이유는 첫째 건국초기 여러 개의 장악기관이 있었고, 둘째 장악기관의 통폐합 등에 따른 공간의 부족과 그로 인한 새로운 청사의 건립, 셋째, 전란으로 인한 청사의 소실, 넷째, 전쟁의 발발에 따른 청사 징발, 다섯째 독립된 청사의 필요 등이다. 장악기관 청사의 사용 기간 혹은 건립 및 이전 시기는 다음과 같다. 서부 여경방 봉상시 청사는 1392년(태조 1)부터 1478년(성종 9) 이후 1480년(성종 11)까지 사용되었다. 중부 경행방 관습도감 청사는 1423년(세종 5)년 혹은 1424년(세종 6)부터 1458년(세조 4) 혹은 1464년(세조 10)까지 사용되었다. 서부 여경방 장악원 청사는 1478년(성종 9) 이후 1480년(성종 11)부터 임진왜란까지 사용되었다. 남부 명례방 청사는 1619년(광해군 11)부터 1904년까지 사용되었다. 당주동 이왕직아악대 청사는 1911년부터 1926년까지 사용되었고, 운니동 이왕직아악부 청사는 1926년부터 1945년까지 사용되었다. 장악기관 청사와 그 위치가 지닌 특징은 첫째 제례와 불가분의 관계를 가진 점에서 봉상시와 관계가 깊었던 점, 둘째 음악이 가진 속성으로 드센 땅의 기운을 눌러야 할 필요가 있는 곳, 셋째 장악기관 업무의 특성상 큰 건물을 수용할 수 있는 공간이 넓은 곳, 넷째 궁궐과의 관계가 고려된 점 등을 들 수 있다. 장악기관이 독립된 청사에서 비교적 오랜 기간동안 안정적으로 지냈던 곳은 조선전기 서부 여경방 청사와 조선 후기 남부 명례방 청사이다. 남부 명례방 청사는 음악문화사에서 조선시대 대표적 장악기관 청사로 여겨지는 반면 서부 여경방 청사는 그 존재가 드러나 있지 않다. 관습도감 청사는 사찰과 관계가 깊은 특징이 있는 것과 동시에 음악과도 지속적으로 관련있었던 특징이 있고, 봉상시는 그 자체가 장악기능을 수행한 적이 있을 뿐 아니라 장악기관이 청사가 없는 시기에는 이곳이 장악기관 청사를 대신하는 곳으로 이용되기는 밀접한 관계를 가졌다. 장악기관은 국력의 강성 혹은 쇠퇴 여부에 영향을 많이 받아 국력이 강성하던 시기에는 장악기관도 번창하여 서부 여경방의 청사와 남부 명례방의 청사처럼 독립된 청사를 가졌지만, 국력의 쇠퇴로 말미암은 장악기관이 축소된 시기에는 그 청사도 온전히 유지하지 못하는 형편이었다. 이 연구는 지금까지 국악학계에서 주목하지 않았던 장악기관의 청사에 대해 본격적으로 연구하는 점과, 국악학을 장소학과 연계하여 연구 영역을 확장하는데 의의가 있다.

Jangak Institutions in the Joseon Dynasty started with five institutions such as Bong-sangsi, Aakseo, Akhak, Gwanseupdogam and Jeonakseo before going through a series of integrations and abolitions to be maintained during the Korean empire era and the Japa-nese colonial era. Even after the Joseon Dynasty was concluded, the royal family and Jan-gak institutions were maintained during the Japanese colonial era, so the study designated the scope of research on Jangak office buildings from the time of foundation of the Joseon Dynasty to the Japanese colonial rule. It was focused on examining location, transition and characteristics of Jangak office buildings to clearly define the nature of Jangak institutions and solidify their value in terms of history of music culture. Jangak office buildings experienced a series of changes as occasion arises and according to such factors as wars. Jangak office buildings from the time of foundation of the Joseon Dynasty to the Japanese colonial rule after conclusion of the Joseon Dynasty numbered six, and they included Seobu Yeogyeongbang Bongsangsi Building, Jungbu Gyeonghaengbang Gwanseupdogam Building, Seobu Yeogyeongbang Jangakwon Building, Nambu Myeon-gryebang Jangakwon Building, Dangjudong Bongsangso Iwangjikaakdae Building and Un-nidong Iwangjikaakbu Building. There are many reasons why there are several Jangak office buildings. First, there were various Jangak buildings in the early days of the national foundation. Second, there was a shortage of space as a result of a series of integrations and abolitions of Jangak institutions, which led to establishment of new buildings. Third, a series of wars resulted in destruction of Jangak building. Fourth, Jangak office buildings were placed under requisition due to outbreak of wars. Fifth, new independent Jangak buildings were required. As for the Jangak buildings, the period of use and the time of foundation and reloca-tion are as follows. Seobu Yeogyeongbang Bongsangsi Building was used from 1392 (The 1st year of King Taejo) to 1480 (The 11th year of King Seongjong) going through 1478 (The 9th year of King Seongjong). Jungbu Gyeonghaengbang Gwanseupdogam Building was used from 1423 (The 5th year of King Sejong) or 1424 (The 6th year of King Sejong) to 1458 (The 4th year of King Sejo) or 1464 (The 10th year of King Sejo). Seobu Yeogy-eongbang Jangakwon Building was used from 1478 (The 9th year of King Seongjong) to Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592 going through 1480 to (The 11th year of King Seong-jong). Nambu Myeongryebang Jangakwon Building was used from 1619 (The 11th year of Gwanghaegun) to 1904. Dangjudong Bongsangso Iwangjikaakdae Building was used from 1911 to 1926, and Unnidong Iwangjikaakbu Building was used from 1926 to 1945. Characteristics of Jangak buildings and their location are as follows. First, they were closely related to Bongsangsi as they had inseparable relations with ancestral ritual formali-ties. Second, it was necessary to put pressure on the wild spirit of land in consideration of the nature of music. Third, they required a large space that can house a large structure due to the nature of obligation of Jangak institutions. Fourth, relations with the royal palace needed to be taken into account. Seobu Yeogyeongbang Building during the early days of the Joseon Dynasty and Nambu Myeongryebang Building during the late Joseon Dynasty maintained independent stabilized Jangak building for a relatively long time. Nambu Myeongryebang Building is considered as a representative Jangak institution building in the Joseon Dynasty in terms of history of music culture whereas Seobu Yeogyeongbang Building has yet to stand out in terms of presence. Gwanseupdogam Building is closely related to Buddhist temples and has continuous correlations with music. Bongsangsi not only played a part as a Jangak institution, but it was also replaced with a Jangak institution building during the time when a Jangak institu-tion did not have a building. As Jangak institutions were heavily influenced by growth and decline of national power, they prospered when the national power was strong, and it led to independent buildings as seen in Seobu Yeogyeongbang Building and Nambu Myeongryebang Building. However, when the national power was weak, Jangak institutions were reduced to the extent that they could not afford to maintain independent buildings. The study carries significance in that it delved into Jangak institution buildings that have yet to draw much attention of the Korean classical music circles in earnest and that it contributes to expanding the area of research by connecting Korean classical music to loca-tional studies.

고려의 간선도로망과 역참제도는 12목 제도와 더불어 성종 시기(재위 981- 997)에 정립되었으며 개경과 남경 사이를 오가던 간선도로는 ‘청교도(靑郊道)’에 속하는 대로였다. 고려시대 남경에 궁궐이 조성되면서 수도 개경에서 남경으로 향하는 청교도 상의 노정에 변화가 생기고 이전에 양주로 접근하는 두 갈래 길이 대로로 정비되면서 동대로와 서대로가 조성되었다. 왕실의 순행 목적에 따라서 노정은 선택적으로 이용되었는데 피난 등 급하게 움직일 일 때에는 직로(直路)가 불렸던 서대로가 이용되었다. 개경을 출발하여 청교역을 거쳐 임진강을 건너고 도솔원, 광탄원, 분수원, 혜음원, 벽지역, 덕수원, 영서역을 지나 장의문을 통과하여 홍제원에 이르는 노선이다. 반면 개경에서 남경으로 왕실의 의전 행차가 있을 때에는 비교적 평탄한 길로 이어진 동대로가 주로 이용되었다. 마산역에서 동쪽으로 향해서 차유령을 넘어서 견주 치소, 녹양역, 해촌을 지나 노원역, 남경역, 남경으로 이어지는 노정이었다. 고려의 간선도로망과 역참제도는 조선이 개국하면서 변했다. 고려 남경 시기의 역원들이 재편되어 일부 역은 양주목 관할하에 배치되면서 그 위상이 격상되기도 하고 낮아지기도 했으며 한양부 관할 하에 역 이름 개가 새로 나타나기도 했다. 중국 사신을 위하여 직로(서대로) 상의 사신들 노정에 있던 절을 원으로 고쳐 홍제원이 조성되었으며 흥인문 동쪽 5리 되는 곳에 기로와 재추들을 위하여 보제원이 설치되었다. 결과적으로 고려시대의 청교도는 와해되었으며 이때 남경역은 그 명칭이 사라졌다. 더불어 고려시대 의전으로 이용되던 동대로는 그 기능과 역할이 크게 바뀌었다. 조선시대 후기-인조대부터 왕실의 능들이 많이 조성되었으며 그에 따라 능행로가 조성되었다. 파주에 장릉이 조성되면서 이전 서대로 구간 일부에 능행을 위한 갈래길이 새로 조성되었으며 영조대에는 장릉을 파주에서 교하로 천장하면서 고려시대 서대로와는 별개로 완전히 새로운 능행로가 조성되었다. 새로 조성된 노선들이 서로 만나는 결절 지점에 있는 원(院), 신원(新院)이 수시로 이용되었다. 고려시대 남경유수관 양주 관할 하에 설치되었던 견주는, 조선시대에 들어와 하나의 현으로 양주에 속했다가 이후 해체·흡수되면서 사라졌다. 견주는 충숙왕 때에 덕비(德妃) 홍씨로 인해 고려사에 나타나고 조선 태종실록에도 등장하는 중요한 역사적 장소이다. 발해가 멸망하면서 거란족을 비롯하여 여진족, 몽고족, 한족이 고려에 귀화해왔는데 그들의 일부가 견주에 정착해 살았다.

This studies is on the (re)forming and change of paths(roads) and stations between Gaegyung(開京-the capital city of Corea dynasty) and Namkyeong(南京) from Corea dynasty to Joseon dynasty. Many stations had accomodations of staying and eating on the road of Cheonggyodo(靑郊道) which was the main path between Gaegyung and the other southern areas. Seoul was called Namkyeong where royal palace was built in Corea dynasty. Many famous buddhist temples had been constructed in the Mountain of Samgaksan near Namkyeong. The two roads(East and West road) were made to go to Namkyeong from Gaegyung for many kings to visit the royal palace or buddhist temples in Corea dynasty. West road was made to move the royal shrine of the first king of Corea dynasty to the Mountain of Samgaksan(三角山) urgently during the war and was called straight course. East road was constructed for the king’s ceremonial visit to Namkyeong since the royal palace was built there. At the beginning of Joseon dynasty, the station system of Corea was changed and Cheonggyodo was deconstructed. West road was used for royal envoy to go to Ming dynasty from the new capital city, Seoul and the status of East road was changed. The name of Namkyeong station in East road disappeared and the names of some stations in West road were changed. In the late Joseon dynasty, new paths were made in the some part of West road when many royal tombs were constructed in the north of Seoul.

The purpose of this study is to demonstrate that the colonial duality of Kyungsung(Keijō) was a constructed reality. To achieve this purpose, two kinds of analyses were executed. In the first analysis, how and why the Japanese colonizer constructed the imaginative colonial duality of Kyungsung(Keijō) was revealed. Japanese imperial Othering was the epistemological origin of the colonial dual city and the Government General of Korea's ethnic discrimination policies were the materialization of the colonial dual city discourse. Among the GGK's policies, dual place naming was the most powerful spatial policy of the duality construction. As the second analysis, the population census was analyzed and the diversity and variability of inner structure of colonial Seoul were revealed. Newly designed inner city model of Kyungsung(Keijō) could detect the diversity of the city structure. Mixed area of Korean and Japanese and Chinese ghetto in Kyungsung(Keijō) could be revaluated by the new model.