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It was believed that the Bongeun-sa Temple(奉恩寺) was established by monk Yoenhoi(緣會國師) at the reign of King Wonseong-wang in the unified Shilla and the first name of it was Gyeoseng-sa(見性寺), ever since the Historical records on the Bongeun-sa Temple and other temples belonged it(奉恩寺本末事蹟) was written in 1940’s. But that kind of Shilla origin was not true. The aim of this research lies in surveying the historical status and role of Gyeonseng-am(見性庵), i.e. Gyeonseong-sa(見性寺) and correcting the pre-history of Bongeun-sa Temple(奉恩寺), Mt. Soodosan修道山(present-day Samsung-dong, Kangnam-gu, Seoul, Korea). Although Joseon sustained anti-Buddhist policy, the royal family still kept Bud-dhist faith and found so-called royal Buddhist temples(王室願堂, 願刹) and sponsored them. Most of such royal temples were founded close to royal tombs and they were center of Buddhism in early Joeson period. Gyeonseong-am was the forerunner of Bongeun-sa Temple. It was built to pray for the repose of the late prince Gwangpyong(廣平大君), who was the 5th son of the King Sejong and a brother of the King Sejo, by his widow Lady Shin(申氏) close to his tomb. Buddhist rituals held in Gyeonseog-am was sponsored by not only the Lady Shin but also other royal family members especially Sejo’s Queen and his sister and brothers. In addition, famous monks such as Shinmee(信眉), Hakyoul(學悅) were also participate in the Buddhist ritual in Gyeonseng-am. These royal ladies also printed sturas with wood-block print in the Gyeonseng-am. These printed sutras were very significant that there were lots of re-printed version of these Gyeonseng-am’s printing ver-sion sutras in the late Joseon dynasty. In 1495, the King Seongjong died, and the prince Gwangpyong’s tomb was moved oth-er province, Seongjong’s tomb (i.e. Seon-neung 宣陵)was built at the very site. From then, the role of Gyeonseng-am was changed. It became royal memorial Temple for praying for Seongjong. Finally, in 1499, the Temple was moved to nearby area and the name of it was officially changed as Bongeun-sa Temple.

Hee-Won Lee(李熙元, 1857~1924) was an illegitimate descendant(庶子) of the JungIn(中人) family(家門). It was a famous lineage in JungIn society. After he passed YugGua(譯科, foreign language examination), he was appointed GunSu(郡守, district administrative management), and after he retired the official post, he actively engaged in the patriotic enlightenment movement(愛國啓蒙運動). Also in his family, he vigorously participated in working for his clan as the representative together with other legitimate descendants. The discrimination of the illegitimate descendants in JungIn society nearly disappeared in the society, and notably mitigated in the family by the acivities such as Hee-Won Lee’s during the modern age. One of the main causes to have a decisive effect on the collapse of status system in the JoSun(朝鮮) dynasty was the devotional and posi-tive activities of the status lower than YangBan(兩班) for their society. I calculated on the period that the discrimination of the illegitimate descendants in the Jung In society were perfectly resolved. It was the time that the marks of illegitimate descendants disappeared in JogBos(族譜, family records), and that JungIn descendants performed marriage freely.

This article presumed spatial characteristics of Bukchon(北村) in Seoul was related to the people’s networks and traced the aspect. The previous studies, with cases and analysis on metric statistics, just demonstrated Bukchon in Seoul was space for elite class(兩班) in the Joseon era. The article reviewed relationship between space and humand with the case of Bukchon in Seoul and Kim Yunsik(金允植). As factor to define characteristics of space, a family doest not a specific group in blood-line only. It includes social intercourses and friendships by members of a clan. And this net-work was formed by academic relations and marriages. A culture formed by a family and its social associates was reflected to form a cultural space, and characteristics of this space functioned to absorb people in turn. Social intercourses and friendship may be different according to social changes. And changes of social relationship are directly reflected to space. The ruling elites of Joseon dur-ing the late 19th Century and the early 20th Century had social activities with business-men and local men of influence. They responded to social changes based on the sense of circumstances and then had relationship with businessmen and local men of influence. In elite’s space in the Joseon era, businessmen and local men of influence became to own their lands. Among new landowners around Bukchon in Seoul, who had social activities with the existing elites who had power in the Joseon era were included. In spite of change around Bukchon in Seoul in the early 20th Century, the previous characteristics were also maintained. At that time, the area became cultural space of Joseon, escaping from just residential area for elite. Social and cultural facilities for people includ-ing libraries and schools were installed around Bukchon in Seoul. These new facilities kept characteristics of the previous space. Meeting and studying places for some family in the Joseon era became libraries, parks or schools. The reason to keep characteristics of the space was changes of the space were led by the ruling elites of Joseon. They kept their lives and ideas and accepted new things at the same time. Space is not only where human beings live but also historical element to be changed by them or to influence their activities. Locality of Bukchon in Seoul can be defined by its residents, work to review them is important to understand characteristics of the space. This article has a historical significance in trying to study changes of Bukchon from the ‘Joseon era’ to the ‘colonial time’ with the ruling elites of Joseon between the late 19th Century and the early 20th Century.

This study focused on U.S. Economic Aid Program, specially public housing aid pro-gram in Korea for 1950s. It is remarkable that architectural program of U.S. Economic Aid for South Korea focused not just on building construction but rather on the reconstruction of the system across the architectural industry. The architectural construction project had been followed by the invitation of professionals, engineers for the technological development and further more, it entailed the establishment of institutional education to train technocrat. The public housing program had been lasted for throughout the period of Economic Aid, unlike other construction program, which was terminated once it was completed. The Anam-dong Housing and Mia-ri Refugee Assimilation are the one of the largest projects in the 50’s Housing Project in Seoul. These two programs introduced the mortgage loan system and advanced construction technologies and also established the independent community system, in which the local community actively took part in the construction and management of their settlement. The autonomous community is the most characteristic in the Mia-ri Refugee Assimilation Project. In fact, the emphasis on the autonomous commu-nity allowed U.S.A to lower her own financial burden in Economic Aid. ‘The autonomous community’ in Housing Project represented Modernity in Korea by implication. In the 50’s, government encouraged the public to own their houses under the ‘autonomy’ slogan of modern life. This study has been limited access to the part of enormous data. Therefore, the conclu-sion of this study is very limited, and standing on an unstable base.

이 연구는 1980년대 도입된 택지개발사업과 첫 사례인 서울의 목동 신시가지의 도시 형태와 건축의 변화를 다루었다. 연구의 목적은 크게 두 가지다. 첫째, 근 현대 서울을 형성한 도시계획 수법과 공간사회적 변화를 거시적으로 조명하는 것이다. 둘째, 도시의 외인적 힘과 건축의 내적 원리의 상호 관계를 미시적으로 관찰하고 해석하는 것이다. 일제강점기인 1930년대 후반부터 1980년대 말까지 시행되었고, 1960~70년대에는 도시계획과 동의어로 불릴 만큼 주요한 도시계획 수법이었던 토지구획정리사업은 1980년대에 들어서 택지개발사업으로 대체되었다. 택지개발사업은 제5공화국과 제6공화국이 각각 추진했던 주택5백만호 건설과 주택2백만호 건설을 추진하기 위해 만들어졌다. 이 사업은 1981년 강남구의 개포 대치지구에서 부분적으로 시행된 이후 1983년부터 강서구 목동에 전면적으로 시행되었다. 그 후 상계 중계동을 거쳐 수도권의 신도시 건설의 주요 수단이 되었다. 택지개발사업으로 서울 안에 조성한 땅은 토지구획정리사업에 이어 두 번째로 넓다. 토지구획정리사업에서 택지개발사업으로의 전환은 도시의 최소 단위인 도시 조직과 건축물의 배치 및 공간구성 원리에 깊은 영향을 주었다고 할 수 있다. 최근 경제 사회적 변화에 따라 서울의 도시계획의 정책 방향이 대규모 개발에서 점진적인 재생으로 전환하고 있다. 이러한 배경에서 서울의 공간구조와 도시계획을 변화시킨 두 사업으로 조성된 지역과 건축물을 조명하는 것은 서울학의 지평을 확장하고, 새로운 도시 건축을 대안을 모색하기 위한 토대라고 할 수 있다. 연구는 두 가지의 관점과 방법론을 수반했다. 첫째, 서울시의 기록물, 보고서, 신문 기사, 관련 연구 및 문헌을 참조하여 택지개발사업과 목동 신시가지 개발을 정치, 경제, 사회적 관점에서 고찰했다. 둘째, 각종 통계자료, 도면, 현장조사를 통해 도시 조직과 건축물의 물리적 관계를 분석했다. 국내외 도시공간 및 형태 분석론(모폴로지)을 토대로 이론적, 방법론적 틀을 만들었고, 서울의 도시 형태 선행 연구를 참조하여 시간적 공간적 범위를 설정하였다. 분문은 크게 네 부분으로 구성했다. 첫째, 택지개발사업의 정치 사회적 배경, 관련 법과 절차, 주요 내용을 고찰했다. 둘째, 토지구획정리사업과 비교하여 택지개발사업의 토지이용계획, 획지계획, 주거와 상업지의 비율 등 건축물의 배치 및 설계에 영향을 주는 계획적 특징을 살펴보았다. 셋째, 목동의 상업 업무 중심축, 주거지의 구성과 단위 등 거시적 도시 구조를 다루었다. 넷째, 목동 상업 업무지구의 중앙 블록, 7단지 아파트, 이와 인접한 신정4동 800번지 등 세 지역의 단지, 블록, 필지, 건축물 평면의 기하학적 크기 및 위상학적 비율 등을 분석하였다. 목동의 기본계획은 현상설계를 바탕으로 만들어졌지만 경제적 변화와 시장의 요구에 따라 토지이용계획 및 획지계획은 여러 차례 변경되었다. 그 결과 목동의 주거지는 초대형화된 주거 ‘단지’와 집중화된 상업업무 ‘블록’으로 분화되었다. 반면, 1960년대 후반부터 경인토지구획사업으로 형성된 신정4동은 서울시의 산술적 평균치에 근접한 소규모의 필지를 단위로 조밀한 격자형 구조를 띄고 있다. 토지구획정리사업 지구였던 신정4동은 경제적 제도적 변화에 따라 약 40여년간 에 걸쳐 저층 주택이 중층 주거상업 복합건축으로 점진적으로 변화한 반면, 택지개발사업 지구인 목동신시가지는 아파트와 대형 상업업무 복합건축이 10~20년이내의 단 기간 동안 들어섰다. 신정4동의 건축물과 목동 상업지구 건축물은 규모, 용도, 구조, 재료, 내부 공간구성의 차이에도 불구하고, 전면도로를 향하는 가로 의존형 배치인 반면, 목동 아파트단지는 남향 중심의 배치 특성을 나타내고 있다. 또한 아파트는 ‘가늘고 긴’ 평면으로 상업업무 건축물은 ‘두터운’ 평면으로 분화되었다. 이 연구 결과만으로 서울의 다른 택지개발사업 지구와 건축물의 특징, 도시의 외적 요인과 건축의 내적 원리의 관계를 일반화하기는 어려울 것이다. 그러나 향후 연구의 공간적 범위를 넓히고 서울의 도시와 건축 이론을 정립하기 위한 기초 자료 및 토대가 될 수 있을 것이다.

The background, processes and characteristics of changing urban planning paradigms in Seoul can be seen as an essential constituent of Seoul’s urban studies. This paper discusses the transformation of urban form and architecture in Seoul in the 1980s brought on by the emergence of Housing Site Development(HSD), the last major urban planning tool introduced in Korea. Using Mok-dong in Seoul as a model, since it is the first development project based solely on HSD principles, this paper first reviews the socio-political back-ground and characteristics of the HSD project. Second, the macro-spatial structure and micro-urban fabric of Mok-dong are analyzed and compared with an adjacent area con-structed under the previous major urban planning tool—Land Readjustment(LR). This analysis combines an understanding of the programmatic architectural requirements with an awareness of the external urban circumstances in Seoul in order to arrive at a clearer un-derstanding of the character of Seoul’s urban architecture. While the Mok-dong plan was based on the winning scheme from a public design competition, the detailed land use plan and land subdivision plan saw significant divergence from the original scheme as a result of economic changes and market demand in the city. The geometric qualities of the land ‘grid’ found in LR development projects disappeared in the HSD layout of the apartment complex(danji), while the grid patterned blocks and plots in the business and commercial districts were significantly augmented. The increase in scale of the urban components yielded larger and higher building typologies. Consequently, the medium-rise buildings in the more compact LR areas of adjacent Sinjeong-4-dong stand in sharp contrast to—and perhaps even in the shadows of—the high-rise apartments and the business and commer-cial towers at Mok-dong. There, the relationship of the buildings to street orientation is linked to the divergence of ‘thin’ and ‘thick’ building plans, where narrowing and elongat-ing was favored in the apartment buildings, while squaring or ‘thickening’ was preferred for the commercial buildings. These morphological findings may not point directly to an alternative conceptualization of urban architecture, but they could be the foundation on which to build a theory about Seoul’s architecture and urbanism as it relates to the lived identity of the city.

Urban space of Hanyang was segregated by classes during the Chosun Period. There were exclusive quarters for noble persons, middle class professionals and commoners. The areas outside Three Gates, however, were mixed in residency. Residents of the areas outside Three Gates were mixed because the area was located outside of city wall[城底十里]. State power to control the way the people are different, depending on living space in the early Chosun Dynasty. Residents who live outside city wall had to pay the household tax belongs to Hanseongbu[漢城府]. On the other hand, lands which were located outside city wall had to devote land tax belongs to the local authorities. The residents who live outside city wall will received the dual control by the Hanseongbu and local authorities. However, since the late 17th century the areas outside Three Gates began to gradually dismantle these dual controls. The reason is because this areas has been progress in urbanization as a commercial and industrial center. The areas outside Three Gates was the point of convergence of major traffic arteries linking the Han River and the city of Hanyang. Nationwide collection and distribution of various goods and materials during the Chosun Period relied heavily on coastal navigation along the western coast of the Korean peninsula and the river route along the Han River into Hanyang. All the roads from these ports converged at the areas outside Three Gates. The areas outside Three Gates, therefore, was the gateway to Seoul in the national col-lection and distribution networks at the time. It was natural that the areas outside Three Gates accommodated huge market places like Chilpae Market[七牌市場] and Outside Seosomun Market[西小門外 市場]. Those markets became one of the top three market areas in Hanyang. The areas around the Three Gates also saw the development of craft industries: brassware foundry and smithy, publication of books, and carriage making. Also commercial agricultural activities like growing herbs, water crass and fruits developed out-side Three Gates. At the latter part of the 17th century, those people from countryside came to the capital and settled in the areas, adding diversity to the mixed population. The area outside Three Gates comprised the first district in what now is the city of Seoul to break away from the medieval order in Korea.